What's New
What's New
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-26
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.44 MB
Local URL:
KM26.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-26
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.09 MB
Local URL:
mal 26.4.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-26
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.9 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-26-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-04-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-25
Description:
"The MAU tracks market prices in southern Sagaing Region. Data are collected from three vendors per product per market at the end of each month. The data include prices from Monywa (main market), Myaung (village), Shwebo (main market), Ye-U (village), and Yinmarbin (village). Data and product specs are available at www.themimu.info/market-analysis-unit.
KEY FINDINGS
Prices were very stable across the region in March with fewer price changes than in past months;
Rice prices were stable or rising just 2-3%, and cooking oil prices stabilized after last month's increases;
Vegetable prices drifted slightly lower, but vegetable price trends differed somewhat by market;
Meat and fish prices fell slightly in Monywa, but meat/ fish prices were stable elsewhere;
Prices for hygiene NFIs were very stable, continuing a multi-month trend for these products;
NFI prices were generally very stable, although Monywa and Shwebo saw some price movement;
Prices were most stable in Yinmarbin, locking in February's price increases there..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights and international relations, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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pdf
Size:
1023.6 KB
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-25
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.87 MB
Local URL:
KM25.4.2024.pdf
KM25.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-25
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.14 MB
Local URL:
mal 25.4.24.pdf
mal 25.4.24.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-25
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.27 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-25-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
East Asia Forum
Date of publication:
2024-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-24
Description:
"IN BRIEF.....In Myanmar, despite the government's efforts to block Facebook, continued access to the platform has been integral to maintaining freedom of speech among the population. Nonetheless, Facebook is criticised for facilitating the spread of harmful content and misinformation. There is an urgent need for an improved, responsible design on Facebook, including more proactive verification of political accounts, revisions to content management and compensation for harm resulting from its past policies.
In Myanmar, Facebook is the window to reality. In the early days of the 2021 coup, the Ministry of Transport and Communications imposed blocking orders on Facebook and WhatsApp. Most independent media have been extinguished amid financial and physical threats. Any disruption to Facebook access, relied upon by over half of Myanmar’s population as the country’s Internet, could be fatal to their freedom of speech.
But Facebook has also attracted criticism for facilitating the spread of information that violates human rights in the country. Despite their attempts to ban Facebook, the junta weaponizes it by propagating divisive rhetoric to attract military recruits and funding. In the wake of the February 2024 forced conscription law, a user reported that ‘all the information on Facebook right now is about how to escape [the] country’. In times of crisis, people may be especially susceptible to misinformation disseminated by military supporters.
The need for reliable news is as urgent as ever. This could be achieved if Facebook was more willing to embrace the principles of responsible platform design and remediation.
In 2021, a video of the detained former Yangon region chief minister, Phyo Min Thein, accusing opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of corruption went viral. The video has been accused of being a deepfake or being filmed under duress. In an under-resourced nation with a limited public understanding of technological manipulation, algorithms should not be optimised only for engagement. In cases where timely fact-checking may be challenging, Facebook should ensure the availability of counter-narratives to combat bias and misinformation.
Information diversity requires an understanding of how algorithms prioritise and de-prioritise content. Notwithstanding internal misinformation policies and a promise to remove ‘advocacy of violence by Myanmar security forces’, Facebook’s page-recommendation algorithm has been accused of promoting pro-military content. As articulated in the Christchurch Call, algorithms should redirect users away from extremist content or promote credible counter-narratives.
To better recognise and encourage credible content, Facebook could develop a more specific version of its universal Community Standards in the form of ethical guidelines for political content in Myanmar. This requires actively engaging the myriad stakeholders — ethnic communities, experts, youth and diaspora — to develop a nuanced understanding of what is newsworthy, credible or harmful.
With a more tailored framework to bump up desirable — albeit less engaging — news, algorithms might be able to better prioritise diverse content and provenance over pure sensationalism. This goes a long way in helping people see the platform as a mere provider of information, rather than the peddler of truth.
Facebook should step up efforts to proactively verify the accounts of political parties and affiliated entities. Despite Facebook’s takedown policy against recidivists who post harmful content, detection may not be effective because the junta has thousands of soldiers spreading misinformation via fake accounts. Facebook should invest more resources in working at a grassroots level, such as with defectors already privy to the military’s information warfare tactics, to improve its detection mechanisms.
Due process mechanisms also contribute to transparency. Content takedowns are a double-edged sword that can chill extremist speech as well as lead to the over-removal of non-harmful posts.
All users deserve the right to appeal restricted content and access mechanisms that reverse erroneous decisions. In light of the limited digital literacy rate of certain user populations and over a hundred spoken languages in Myanmar, Facebook should devote more resources to training both human and automated moderators that are sensitive to linguistic and cultural nuances.
Platforms should be held accountable when improper content management leads to grave consequences. The Rohingya conflict exposed this need in 2021 when Facebook rejected a proposal for victim remediation on the basis that ‘Facebook does not directly engage in “philanthropic activities”’. In response, Ireland’s National Contact Point for Responsible Business Conduct called for Facebook to amend its human rights policy and an Oversight Board mandate to provide rehabilitation or compensation when Facebook is found to have contributed to human rights violations.
Given the gravity of misinformation amidst an ongoing civil war, social media platforms have no reason to shirk from providing rehabilitation after the fact or even resources to educate and empower its users.
One suggestion is for Facebook to divest some profits, particularly those obtained from military-affiliated extremist content over the years, to fund urgent humanitarian efforts that provide digital services and education. Additionally, in response to complaints from victims of doxing, especially women under threat of violence, Facebook could offer heightened account security and monitor disclosures of victims’ personal information across the platform for a period of time. Beyond philanthropy, these gestures could represent Facebook taking accountability for entrenching strife and recognising its power to mitigate harms.
Despite Facebook’s missteps in Myanmar, it is an essential tool in keeping the people in touch with one another and the outside world. This only serves to underline its responsibility to protect the safety of its users..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
"The New Humanitarian" (Geneva)
Date of publication:
2024-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-24
Sub-title:
‘I think at least the UN agencies should sit down and listen to what it is.’
Description:
"On 16 March 2023, Noeleen Heyzer, then-special envoy of the UN secretary-general on Myanmar addressed the UN General Assembly. She gave a grim but routine update on the country’s civil war, outlining rising humanitarian needs and calling for international action to prevent further bloodshed. Then Heyzer said something more unusual.
“At the request of Myanmar actors, including key ethnic armed organisations, the [exiled government] NUG and humanitarian civil society organisations, I have supported their efforts to establish and convene an Inclusive Humanitarian Forum (IHF), which aims to open up operational space to deliver humanitarian aid through all available channels,” she told the Assembly.
But over a year on from that speech, Heyzer is no longer in the job and the IHF project has ground to a halt, even as the resistance groups that invented it gain more territory – providing more aid delivery possibilities for the UN and others.
In a frank and wide-ranging interview, her first since leaving the special envoy role in June 2023, Heyzer describes how she was first approached for help with the IHF by resistance groups after they were rejected by the UN’s emergency aid coordination body, OCHA; how she tried to drive it forward; and how the project eventually fell foul of UN territorialism.
The UN Myanmar country team is “orphaned… a structure that is left without overall direction and political cover”
After being vacant for 10 months, her special envoy position was finally filled a few weeks ago, on 5 April, by Julie Bishop, a former Australian foreign minister. But according to former UN assistant secretary general for Myanmar Charles Petrie, she joins a UN Myanmar team that has been “orphaned… a structure that is left without overall direction and political cover”. There is no in-country UN resident coordinator to lead the 20 UN organisations in Myanmar with various mandates. That role is shared among other staff.
Big ideas for aid delivery to Myanmar are needed now more than ever. An estimated 2.8 million people displaced and 18.6 million overall are in need of help this year, according to UN estimates.
Existing conflicts were deepened by a February 2021 military coup that has pitted the junta – known as the State Administration Council (SAC) – against an alliance of resistance groups that have been winning substantial territory in recent months. While resistance supporters are pleased to see the junta losing ground, some experts fear an increasingly desperate regime could become even more violent, worsening the humanitarian crisis.
Helping the people caught up in the war has been riddled with complexity, as many of its victims are in areas controlled by the resistance. The big humanitarian actors – particularly the UN – work with the permission of the junta, mainly delivering aid only within the territory it controls.
Critics of this policy told The New Humanitarian the best way to help those worst affected is through the sprawling network of civil society groups and administrative wings of the ethnic armed groups controlling much of the country, across international borders – efforts the IHF aimed to support. The approach of the UN, meanwhile, has been heavily criticised by Myanmar-watchers as, at best ineffective, and at worst supine and exacerbating the suffering of those caught up in the conflict.
Championing the IHF was Heyzer’s attempt to solve that riddle.
So in an era of UN promises to put affected communities at the centre of humanitarian responses – how did the IHF go from an outsider idea, to being championed by the UN’s most senior official in Myanmar, and back again? What does its failure to be accepted say about the shortcomings of the UN in addressing one of the world’s biggest humanitarian crises? And more pressingly, given the changing dynamics of the conflict, is it time to look again at the IHF, or at least at making aid more available to all parts of Myanmar?
A controversial proposal
The IHF was proposed by the Karenni National Progressive Party, the Karen National Union, and the Chin National Front – all longstanding ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) – and by the NUG’s Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management. Other EAOs and civil society groups also supported the plan in a less official capacity and did not sign associated documentation, according to Heyzer.
Read more: What was in the IHF plan?
Born out of a frustration these groups had with the approach taken by the big humanitarian actors, particularly OCHA and ASEAN – the regional bloc tasked with leading diplomatic efforts – the IHF planned to put aid directly in the hands of the EAOs, and simultaneously heighten their political clout against the junta.
Many Myanmar observers saw the IHF as an imperfect but pragmatic step towards improving the humanitarian response. “It was basically the only game in town even trying to push a new direction on access or create a forum where [the] NUG had any real role,” said a well-placed source who requested anonymity to protect their career and contacts.
“I think at least the UN agencies should sit down and listen to what it is, and to understand what the… [resistance] groups are wanting to say,” said Dr Thinn Thinn Hlaing, Myanmar country director at the Tropical Health and Education Trust, an NGO. “I don't think it has even gone on to that listening mode because they think that it's an obstructive attempt to counter AHA Centre (ASEAN’s humanitarian arm) proposals. In fact, it's not like that at all…. It is meant to be complementing.”
Some ASEAN officials felt the IHF was being positioned as a competitor to their own process under the bloc's plan for Myanmar, known as the Five Point Consensus, according to a former adviser to the IHF, who was not authorised to speak to the media. This meant the bloc did not provide the “game-changing” support it could have, they added. The fourth point of the Consensus says ASEAN “shall provide humanitarian assistance through the AHA Centre”, which works with the junta.
“It was basically the only game in town even trying to push a new direction on access or create a forum where [the] NUG had any real role.”
Despite Heyzer’s high-level advocacy and claims to include civil society, the IHF could not find universal support among campaigners.
For instance, Khin Ohmar, founder of the Progressive Voice civil society group, was critical of Heyzer and called the IHF a “misguided proposal”. In written responses to The New Humanitarian in February, Ohmar said the IHF did not recognise the junta as the root cause of violence, that the junta was included in the project's set-up, and that it “left out and neglected the participation and role of Myanmar's frontline humanitarian responders” in its development.
The former adviser, however, said the perception that the IHF collaborated with the SAC was a misunderstanding stemming from clauses in some of the proposals that envisioned two tracks of aid for Myanmar: the IHF and, separately, the junta-approved UN operations.
Ohmar also said the IHF aimed “to use humanitarian assistance to induce political results”, putting lives at risk “for the sake of a potential dialogue” by calling for humanitarian pauses that could be exploited militarily by the junta. This ignored “do no harm” principles of humanitarian aid, she added.
But the former adviser said the IHF suffered from not being widely understood, and that most observers didn’t realise it was a “genuinely localised initiative, developed and proposed by EROs (ethnic resistance organisations), NUG, and CSOs (civil society organisations)”.
“Some audiences misinterpreted it as a pet project of Heyzer and assumed that local actors were being organised to cooperate from the top down,” the former adviser added, defending it as a “rare example of a local request being taken by the special envoy to the UNSC, UNGA, secretariat and powerful states in the region” – actions “really valued by local actors as no other senior diplomats have been willing to do so”.
UN opposition
But even as the communications and coordination of the IHF was said by the former adviser to have been improving, Heyzer’s perceived ownership of it was causing tension with other arms of the UN.
OCHA – an agency that has made grand promises around prioritising the wishes of affected communities – is viewed as having been particularly hostile to the plan, and four sources flagged the suspicion that the agency had pushed for her dismissal.
“No one was going to run with [the IHF] once she was gone, which was the intention of her going,” said the well-placed source above who spoke on condition of anonymity.
The UN secretary-general’s office has denied any interference from OCHA. “The appointment of the special envoy is handled by the Office of the Secretary-General. It is not an issue in which OCHA is involved,” Guterres’ spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric told The New Humanitarian in response to written questions. “Furthermore, in no way did OCHA work against or try to undermine Ms. Heyzer.”
Heyzer refused to name a specific agency but did say: “People were very turf conscious – [saying], ‘if she’s not doing her mediation on the national scale and then she takes on these things… does it mean she is moving into our territory?’”
Pressed further, Heyzer said: “There was fear I was moving into an operational space. I will stop there.” But she insisted this fear was not justified. “We were so small – there was no way in which I could be operational,” she told The New Humanitarian.
‘The bigger picture’
Whatever the cause of Heyzer leaving her position, it points, for some, to larger problems surrounding the UN’s Myanmar operations.
“There’s a broader picture of an invidious position that she was in, that the mandate itself wasn’t working, and clearly it was an indication she didn't have support from the Secretary-General’s office – that's the bigger picture,” said David Mathieson, a Myanmar analyst based in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand.
That Heyzer was not allowed “a certain latitude to try to figure some things out” as special envoy was indicative of “systemic dysfunction at a high level” in Guterres’s office, Mathieson said, adding: “It’s the natural product of empire-building within the UN, which should come absolutely no surprise to anyone who’s been involved in international humanitarian and development issues over the years.”
Heyzer said she “needed the UN to be behind me”. Asked if the institution was not supporting her, she replied: “It's hard, because the UN has so many conflicts… the secretary-general’s attention, the UN’s attention, is not focused on Myanmar, especially since ASEAN is asked to take the main role. That’s why... when I was doing… other initiatives, I found was that the UN couldn’t think out of the box.”
The UN disputes this narrative. “The secretary-general did provide full support to the former special envoy. He is grateful to Ms. Heyzer for her dedicated service to the United Nations and her tireless efforts to advance a peaceful and sustainable solution for the people of Myanmar,” said Dujarric.
Looking more broadly, The New Humanitarian’s interviews with over a dozen Myanmar analysts and aid workers suggest the UN has undergone a major crisis of confidence in Myanmar. Many sources blamed a lack of attention from Guterres, who, prior to Bishop’s appointment as the new envoy, was said to have outsourced diplomacy to ASEAN.
The perception of Myanmar as a low priority for Gutterres has been heightened by the absence of a resident coordinator. “The secretary-general doesn’t want an incoming resident coordinator to present credentials to [junta capital] Naypyidaw because the optics wouldn't be good,” said one aid worker at an NGO working near the Myanmar border.
Dujarric said an official was appointed as resident coordinator in 2023 but had not been deployed to Myanmar, and country team officials were doing the job “on a rotating basis”.
But without leadership, the country team is “lost on how to engage on what is an intrinsically complicated political environment”, said Petrie. Fixing the UN’s structures in Myanmar, starting with the “essential” appointment of the resident coordinator, is critical, he added.
Dujarric said Guterres “continues to focus on the situation in Myanmar” and “draws attention to the severe humanitarian, socio-economic, and human rights crisis”. The UN has “undertaken initiatives focused on improving visibility and fundraising efforts to relieve suffering in Myanmar”, including responding to civilian protection concerns and facilitating the safe delivery of humanitarian aid, he said.
“The UN response in Myanmar is well coordinated and guided by senior level leadership,” added Dujarric. “Furthermore, the close cooperation between the UN Country Team in Myanmar and the Office of the Special Envoy helps to contextualise operational considerations in line with ground realities, geopolitical sensitivities, and regional dynamics.”
Time for another look at the IHF idea?
If the IHF itself is dead, the idea that gave it life still has much support.
As the war is turning against the junta and the NUG and EAOs control more territory, Myanmar campaigners say the UN has less reason not to engage with the resistance groups for humanitarian purposes – the reason the IHF was launched in the first place.
Aid to Myanmar requires a “completely different approach” from the international community, said Petrie. “The UN can do it under a humanitarian mandate, [which] provides the cover to engage with all groups,” he said, adding that an asserted campaign to gain more understanding of “how civil society and different actors are dealing with the challenges in SAC and non-SAC areas, and [finding] modalities to provide support to the most vulnerable in all of these areas” could go a long way to restoring the UN’s relevance in the country.
To counter the “military’s manipulation” of the relief efforts, “we have been working for the establishment of a supplementary parallel mechanism to ensure the effective delivery of humanitarian aid through safe passages”, the NUG’s top humanitarian official, Dr Win Myat Aye, told The New Humanitarian. “The approach and ideas and the concept is the same” as the IHF, he added.
In public at least, the UN doesn’t appear to disagree.
“A mixture of response approaches by humanitarian organisations is required to expand reach,” said Dujarric. “No single entity can reach every part of the country due to the different areas of control and varying access constraints, and so there is a complex mosaic of different approaches by different actors in different areas of control and access.”
The IHF is not the only controversial aid initiative being proposed for Myanmar.
In late March, Thailand began deliveries under its own ASEAN-supported humanitarian corridor scheme, sending aid from Thailand to the Myanmar Red Cross.
Critics, including Tom Andrews, the UN’s special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, say these efforts are being controlled and manipulated by the junta.
“We know that the junta takes these resources, including humanitarian, and weaponises them – uses them for their own military strategic advantage,” Andrews told AP.
Thailand’s project “smacks of desperation”, and because of its alleged associations with the junta will likely struggle to attract funding beyond ASEAN, making it “hard to sustain”, Phil Robertson, deputy director of the Asia division at Human Rights Watch, told The New Humanitarian.
If the IHF is used to rebrand these efforts, “then it’s not worth the paper it's written on,” Robertson added. “However, on the other hand, if the Forum becomes a way to support humanitarian assistance cross-border from Thailand and India via local communities and organisations who have been active on the borders for years, then the whole concept becomes more interesting and important.”
It remains to be seen what changes, if any, the newly installed Bishop intends to pursue, but observers say a major push will be needed if Heyser’s vision of broadening aid access in Myanmar to rebel held areas is to become a reality.
As Robertson put it: “Without a UN special envoy to work on this, and help sort out the differing visions, players, and plans, the Forum will remain a moribund concept.”..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
"Fortify Rights"
Date of publication:
2024-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-24
Description:
"The Infliction of Mental Harm as Genocide Against Rohingya
Read the Report
အစီရင်ခံစာ ဖတ်ရန်
The popular imagination associates genocide with mass killing. But the Genocide Convention lists four other prohibited genocidal acts, including “causing serious bodily or mental harm.” International tribunals prosecuting genocide have focused more on serious bodily harm and have found serious mental harm difficult to define precisely. This study, “My Tears Could Make a Sea”: The Infliction of Mental Harm as Genocide Against Rohingya by Fortify Rights and the Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School, draws on quantitative data, eyewitness and survivor testimonies, and tools of social science to assess how inflicting mental harm can destroy a group of people in whole or in part. More specifically, by applying the law of genocide to this account of mental harm, it addresses an urgent question: Is the Myanmar military responsible for inflicting serious mental harm on the Rohingya people as an act of genocide to destroy them as a group?
“My Tears Could Make a Sea” will help governments, prosecutors, investigators, scholars, human rights groups, and aid workers better understand, and act against, mental harm as genocide generally and against Rohingya people. It includes more than 35 recommendations to relevant parties, including the Myanmar military junta, the National Unity Government of Myanmar, U.N. member states, the International Criminal Court, and humanitarian organizations providing aid to Rohingya genocide survivors..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), Discrimination against the Rohingya, Genocide
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
18.9 MB 17.91 MB
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-24
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.25 MB
Local URL:
KM24.4.2024.pdf
KM24.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-24
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.28 MB
Local URL:
mal 24.4.24.pdf
mal 24.4.24.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-24
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-24
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.03 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-24-red.pdf
GNLM2024-04-24-red.pdf more
Source/publisher:
Qatar Charity (Qatar) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-23
Description:
"Qatar Charity (QC) continues to implement the agricultural ‘Livelihood’ project, launched in June 2023, aiming to alleviate the plight of Rohingya refugees residing on the Bhasan Char Island of Bangladesh. The project is benefiting 200 refugees.
The project has enabled the refugees to grow various vegetables at no expense, helping them fulfill their food needs. Additionally, it also allows them to sell the surplus produce to meet their other requirements. As part of the project, Qatar Charity covers all expenses related to agricultural production. Currently, 40 refugee families benefit from this project, cultivating an area of 2.86 acres of land.
Throughout the year, refugee families are able to produce a diverse range of vegetables that they consume in their meals.
The refugees expressed their admiration for the project. Jamila Khatun, one of the farmers involved in the project, said, "Accessing fresh vegetables was challenging in our camp due to limited supply and high prices. However, we have now overcome this obstacle and can meet our family's nutritional needs, enhancing our food security."
Another beneficiary, Mohammad Rafiq, stated, "We're delighted to be able to sell our surplus produce to fellow refugees and NGO workers on the Bhasan Char Island, generating income to purchase essential items for our families."
Rahima Khatun expressed gratitude towards Qatar Charity for providing them with land, agricultural resources, and technical assistance. She hopes that its support will extend to other refugees in need.
The local authorities also expressed their appreciation for the project benefiting the refugees. Mr. Mahfuzur Rahman, a high official of the Rohingya camp in Bhasanchar, said, "It is a very good initiative of Qatar Charity. The refugees have been producing fresh vegetables which meet their food needs. The project ensures the food security of the beneficiaries."
It is worth mentioning that Qatar Charity has carried out various interventions for Rohingya refugees. Its relief interventions in Bhasan Char benefitted 550,000 individuals in the last 3 years. It provided food and non-food aid to meet their essential needs..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
Jesuit Refugee Service (Rome)
Date of publication:
2024-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-23
Description:
"“Echoes of displacement” is a video series about the daily life, dreams, and hopes of school-age girls displaced in Myanmar.
In February 2021, a military Coup and the resulting conflicts plunged Myanmar into a severe humanitarian crisis. More than 2.6 million people have been internally displaced (IDPs), including 2.3 million since the Coup d’État. Intensified fighting at the end of October 2023 forced over 600,000 people to flee their homes.
Life in Myanmar has changed ever since. Human rights and basic freedoms struggle to be guaranteed.
Education is suffering. Due to the ongoing conflict, schools are being attacked and many have been closed.
Being forced to flee from one place to another in search of safety prevents children from going to school regularly. Also, focusing on studying is hard because they work to help support their families.
In these contexts, providing access to humanitarian assistance including safe, inclusive, uninterrupted, and quality education not only fosters hope but also equips children with the necessary tools to build the future they wish for.
Fleeing to hope
When she was forced to leave school, she started working to help her family.
Now that she is back in class, she wants to have fun with her friends and make as many memories as possible.
(14-year-old girl, living in an IDP camp in Myanmar)
Unbroken spirits
Before leaving school because of COVID-19 and the war, she always participated in running contests organised by her school. She always won first or second prize.
She wishes that life will return the way it was before, and encourages young people of her age to keep going, no matter how difficult it may seem.
(16-year-old girl, living in an IDP camp in Myanmar)
Hope in the shadows
At the age of 26, she wanted to work as a nurse. After the Coup d’état, her life changed. Fear disrupted the peaceful life she knew.
Now she is committed to cultivating a culture of peace by calling for education to become a priority..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-23
Description:
"This Rapid Market Assessment (RMA) is a suppliment to the MAU Market Price Report in South Sagaing Region. It provides township-level data on market functionality, activity, supply, and logistics. Data were collected through observation and KIIs with retailers during Feb. 21-27, 2024. Reports available at www.themimu.info/market-analysis-unit.
KEY FINDINGS
Security was poor in Myaung and Shwebo markets in March, but it improved slightly in Yinmarbin;
Activity grew in Yinmarbin, Monywa, and Ye-U, but the rise in customers and retailers was modest;
Supply remained generally good across the region, although it was poorest by far in Yinmarbin;
Fuel, medicine, and shelter NFIs were needed most, and supply was better for foods than for NFIs;
Shipping conditions and costs were largely stable, except for some small improvements in lead times;
Security took precedence over other challenges, but retailers generally reported facing few challenges.
Regional Overview
Market Functionality - Markets operated as usual, but security remained poor in some locations. Markets monitored were open and there were no reports of new damage/closures; however, markets in Myaung and Shwebo were still described as relatively unsafe.
Market Activity - Market activity grew slightly in several markets monitored in March. Customer and retailer activity increased in the Yinmarbin market in March, and Monywa and Ye-U markets also saw small increases in traffic. Market activity was unchanged in Myaung and Shwebo, where retailers mostly served nearby villages.
Availability of Goods - Goods remained available in markets, but fuel and medicines were still needed. Supply was good in most markets, but it continued to be poorer for NFIs than for foods. Supply of fuel, medicines, and shelter items was most lacking. Supply improved at the Yinmarbin village market, although it remained worse than other markets monitored. Availability of shelter NFIs worsened somewhat in March.
Transport & Logistics - Shipping conditions and costs were largely unchanged in March. Supply lead-times improved in Yinmarbin and Ye-U, but there were few other changes. Shipping costs in the region were stable.
Retailer Challenges - Safety and security took precedence over other challenges in March. Challenges related to transportation receded somewhat in March, but retailers continued to worry about cash access and especially security conditions. Monywa retailers reported more challenges than retailers elsewhere, while Myaung retailers reported fewer challenges.
Possible Interventions - Retailer interest in recieving support increased in March. Retailers across markets showed growing interest in recieving support to increase supply, possibly because retail opportunities increased as market activity grew. Ye-U retailers continued to show the greatest interest. That said, unlikely last month when there was more interest in fuel subsidies and peace cooridoors, in March retailers scarcely favored any one mode of support over another..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Format :
pdf
Size:
9.37 MB
Local URL:
2024-04-23-MIMU_Snapshot-MAU-Sagaing-en.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-23
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.32 MB
Local URL:
KM23.4.2024.pdf
KM23.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-23
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.24 MB
Local URL:
mal 23.4.2024.pdf
mal 23.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-23
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.56 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-23-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
Date of publication:
2024-04-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-22
Description:
"Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from April 15 to 21, 2024
Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in the Sagaing Region, Magway Region, Kayin State, Kayah State, and Shan State from April 15th to 21st. Military Junta Troop used chemical toxic bombs in Kayin State. Military Junta and police were shot in Myitkyina Prison in Kachin State and 4 people including 2 political prisoners died. Military Junta Troop also opened cases for the youths who did not want to attend the Military Service and also arrested the mother as a hostage in Paungde, Bago Region.
Almost 20 civilians died, and over 10 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. 3 underaged children died, and 2 were injured when the Military Junta committed abuses. 5 civilians from Sittwe died in the land mines of the Military Junta Troop in Rakhine State..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Human Rights and international relations
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303.18 KB 307.5 KB 122.2 KB
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
News - Daily newspapers produced by the Government of Burma/Myanmar (archive from June 2003)
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.77 MB
Local URL:
KM22.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.27 MB
Local URL:
mal 22.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-22
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-22
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.45 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-22-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.78 MB
Local URL:
KM21.4.2024.pdf
KM21.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-21
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.04 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-21-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-20
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.08 MB
Local URL:
KM20.4.2024.pdf
KM20.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-20
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-20
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.3 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-20-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-19
Description:
"GENEVA (19 April 2024) – UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk today warned that intensified fighting in Rakhine State between the military and the Arakan Army, alongside tensions being fuelled between the Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine communities, pose a grave threat to the civilian population. He warned of a grave risk that past atrocities will be repeated.
Since the year-long informal ceasefire between the two sides broke down last November, 15 of Rakhine’s 17 townships have been affected by fighting, resulting in hundreds of deaths and injuries, and taking the number of displaced to well over 300,000.
“Rakhine State has once again become a battleground involving multiple actors, and civilians are paying a heavy price, with Rohingya at particular risk,” the High Commissioner said. “What is particularly disturbing is that whereas in 2017, the Rohingya were targeted by one group, they are now trapped between two armed factions who have a track record of killing them. We must not allow the Rohingya to be targeted again.”
The military has been fast losing ground to the Arakan Army (AA) throughout northern and central Rakhine. This has led to intensified fighting in the townships of Buthidaung and Maungdaw, ahead of an expected battle for the Rakhine State capital, Sittwe. The two townships are home to large Rohingya populations, putting them at grave risk.
“Facing defeat, the military has outrageously started to forcibly conscript, bribe and coerce Rohingya into joining their ranks. It is unconscionable that they should be targeted in this way, given the appalling events of six years ago, and the ongoing extreme discrimination against the Rohingya including the denial of citizenship,” Türk said.
Some reports say the military is forcing the Rohingya recruits or villagers to burn ethnic Rakhine homes, buildings or villages. Ethnic Rakhine villagers have allegedly responded in kind by burning Rohingya villages. The UN Human Rights Office is trying to verify all reports received, a task complicated by a communications blackout throughout the State.
Türk said disinformation and propaganda are also rife, pointing to claims that “Islamic terrorists” have taken Hindus and Buddhists hostage. “This was the same kind of hateful narrative that fuelled communal violence in 2012 and the horrendous attacks against the Rohingya in 2017,” he said.
Since the start of the year, the AA has positioned itself in and around Rohingya villages effectively inviting military attacks on Rohingya civilians.
On 15 April, the Médecins Sans Frontières office and pharmacy were torched in Buthidaung, along with some 200 homes. Hundreds have fled and are reported to be taking refuge in a high school, the grounds of the former hospital, and along roads in Buthidaung town. With both the Maungdaw and Buthidaung hospitals having been shut by the military in March and with the conflict intensifying, there is effectively no medical treatment in northern Rakhine.
“The alarm bells are ringing, and we must not allow there to be a repeat of the past,” Türk said. “Countries with influence on the Myanmar military and armed groups involved must act now to protect all civilians in Rakhine State and prevent another episode of horrendous persecution of the Rohingya.”..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.11 MB
Local URL:
KM19.4.2024.pdf
KM19.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-19
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-19
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.52 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-19-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-18
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
8.18 MB
Local URL:
KM18.4.2024.pdf
KM18.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-18
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.68 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-18-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
MA-UK Myanmar via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-17
Description:
"Nearly half country below poverty line In the past six years the est. percentage of population living below the national poverty line, set at 1,590 MMK/Day (approx. 0.75 USD/Day), almost doubled, from the 24.8% of 2017 to the 49.7% of 2023, nearly half of Myanmar’s population (UNDP, 2024). In the same period, reduced labor productivity, lack of labor demand and high inflation, caused workers' earnings to decline by 15 percent in real terms (World Bank Myanmar Economic Monitor). As result of the combination of these factors, the estimated national median income per capita in 2023 was only 75,000 MMK per month (approx. 35 USD), which in rural areas is further reduced of an average 24%..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
Médecins Sans Frontières
Date of publication:
2024-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-17
Description:
"MSF’s outgoing project coordinator outlines the dire needs of the Rohingya in Rakhine state amid escalating violence.
The intensification of conflict in Myanmar since October 2023 has led to a lack of humanitarian access to areas where people need urgent assistance, as well as a decimation of the health care system and increasing fears of military conscription or forced recruitment by other armed groups.
The normalization of the prohibition of humanitarian access is alarming. Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) teams in Myanmar have witnessed a near-total absence of humanitarian assistance for communities who rely on it, including the Rohingya people, a persecuted minority trapped by movement restrictions and lack of legal status, which is particularly affected by the conflict.
Since November 2023, all organizations delivering health care in Rakhine state have been denied authorization to operate, while movement across the entire country is heavily restricted and unsafe. In northern Rakhine state, two township hospitals have been forced to close, and there is now virtually no secondary health care available for vulnerable communities.
MSF has been forced to suspend or reduce regular activities, including running 25 mobile clinics in Rakhine state where staff typically provide 1,500 patient consultations per week. During March 2024, MSF provided only 81 consultations. This severe disruption to the emergency referral process has caused numerous fatalities, particularly among pregnant mothers and babies.
Nimrat Kaur began working as a project coordinator for MSF in Maungdaw, Myanmar in mid-April 2023, just before Cyclone Mocha hit last year. She has seen firsthand the challenges faced by people living there. Upon leaving Myanmar, Nimrat shared her experience and that of her colleagues, reflecting on the events she witnessed and the impact the project has had on people's lives.
What did you witness in northern Rakhine state?
Since November 13, 2023, we have seen an escalation of conflict in Rakhine state and the townships of Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung have been cut off from the rest of the state. People were locked out and blocked in. Communities were not able to move across the state, and supplies could not [pass]. I don't just mean health care supplies, but basic life-supporting supplies like food, fuel, and water. These kinds of things have been restricted, which led to whatever supplies were available becoming inflated in price. There were some fearful days, and we had to move the team to the safe room almost three or four times one day.
How has MSF been supporting communities in this area?
Usually, in northern Rakhine, we provide [care through] mobile clinics. This is where a mobile team of doctors, nurses, and other staff go to rural areas far off from the main town. Since the conflict started, we haven't been able to run these clinics. This is because of the increased insecurity and because we did not receive authorization. People in the areas we usually visit already have very limited access to health care. We're extremely concerned about the impact of having no access to essential health care for people who usually rely on our mobile clinics for medical services.
How has the conscription law affected people in northern Rakhine?
Three months into the latest eruption of conflict, the conscription law was announced in the country. The law states citizens are expected to serve in the armed forces for anything from two to five years. I've seen how this has affected everyone. Rakhine communities have been trying to leave the state and go to Sittwe or Yangon and find refuge somewhere. Unfortunately, my Rohingya colleagues and the wider Rohingya community do not have the paperwork to move outside of their own village, so I really wonder what is going to happen to them and I am really worried about their safety. I could see the change in the staff's understanding of what is happening in the country---that the conflict is now at another level.
Why is the Rohingya community particularly vulnerable?
In Rakhine state, it's a mix of ethnicities. There are Rakhine, Rohingya, and Hindis. Arakanese are citizens of Rakhine, but the Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship in 1982.
Generations of Rohingya people have really struggled for what they have now. You cannot understand how challenging and limited life is for them.
In our team, we have Rohingya staff, some of whom have been able to get a citizenship card, but this is an exception and not the case for most. Other Rohingya staff [from the] same team, same age group, and same village, do not even have a national identification card or a basic yellow card, which is needed to move even just within their own village.
For Rohingya staff working in Maungdaw, it takes months to be authorized to travel from Maungdaw to Sittwe, where the other MSF project is based. It is even longer for the authorization to travel to Yangon because of the paperwork required. For Rohingya staff to travel they need to receive a village administration verification, ward administration verification, police administration verification, and then often other authorizations from other authorities. And then of course, on top of this, you must pay fees, and these fees are not the standard fees people with citizenship cards pay.
Many Rohingya staff in Maungdaw have not seen the other township that they're working for. The whole time they have been in Maungdaw because they are not permitted to travel. This gave me a sense that these circumstances are very different compared to the circumstances in other states we work in.
What are the current health care options for communities in northern Rakhine?
We haven't been able to run mobile clinics since the conflict started, and already these communities were vulnerable because of the lack of access to safe health care. We tried to provide a few months' worth of medications to our patients who are taking diabetes or hypertension drugs. We have also supported [them] with teleconsultations, which we have tried to maintain for people who need mental health care. But this also unfortunately could not last for more than a few weeks because since January 10, Buthidaung and Maungdaw have not had any electricity, and with no electricity, there hasn't been any cell coverage.
The latest blow for people has been the closing of Maungdaw and Buthidaung township hospitals. We're unsure why Maungdaw [closed], but admitted patients had to leave with no alternative option to go to. Buthidaung closed because it ran out of human resources and supplies. These two township hospitals were our only health care stakeholder left with whom we could work and refer emergency patients to. This has a huge impact on communities here. If the township hospitals are closed, where do people go?
With hospitals shut down, people reach out to MSF and other health care organizations on the ground to support them, but we have had limited capacity in terms of resources. We usually stock up for a minimum of four to five months, but those stocks have not lasted very long. We still don't have any way to bring in our supplies. Staff have not felt safe working in Maungdaw, Buthidaung, or Rathedaung.
Day-to-day activities are becoming more difficult. We need fuel to run an office so we can have internet and be connected to the rest of our team. It has really affected us to not be able to serve the community we are there for.
I am fortunate I've had the opportunity to leave the violence, but there are many who don't have the opportunity to even move. I really feel for that. That thought really consumes me..."
Type:
Individual Documents
more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
8.11 MB
Local URL:
KM17.4.2024.pdf
KM17.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-17
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.08 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-17-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-16
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-16
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.54 MB
Local URL:
mal 16.4.2024.pdf
mal 16.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-15
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-15
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.88 MB
Local URL:
mal 15.4.2024.pdf
mal 15.4.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-14
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-14
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.74 MB
Local URL:
mal 14.4.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-13
Description:
"The MAU tracks market prices in in Southeast Myanmar. Data are collected from three vendors per product per market in the last week of each month. The data include prices from Demoso (village), Hpapun (Kamamaung), Hsihseng (main), Kawkareik (main), Loikaw (main), Pekon (main), and Taungoo (Nat Htet). Data are available online at www.themimu.info/market-analysis-unit.
KEY FINDINGS
Rice prices rose 11-14% in March, although other essential food prices were mostly stable;
Vegetable prices were unusually stable, particularly in Taungoo and Hpapun (Kamarmaung) where supply was good and prices remained flat;
Meat/fish prices were stable or rising 3-5% in March, reversing the fairly modest price reductions observed in February;
Prices for hygiene products were stable in March, except in Taungoo where prices retreated;
NFI prices fluctuated in Demoso and Pinlaung, but NFI prices were otherwise mostly stable across markets in March;
Prices for monsoon-related NFIs are likely to rise in the months ahead, including items like mosquito nets and plastic tarps.
Product-Level Price Changes
Essential Foods – Rice prices rose 11-14% in March, while other essential food prices were mostly stable. Rice prices were stable in Demoso and Taungoo, but they rose in other markets monitored. Prices for pulses and cooking oil were stable, except in Demoso where they fell 7-11%.
Vegetables – Vegetable prices were unusually stable in March as supply was steady. Garlic prices fell 17-40% in some markets, while long bean and watercress prices rose 14-50% in some markets but otherwise held steady. Taungoo and Hpapun saw particularly stable vegetable prices in March.
Meat and Fish – Meat and fish prices were stable or 3-5% higher in March. Prices for fresh fish, dried fish, and chicken drifted 3-5% higher in March. Pork, fish paste, and shrimp prices were mostly stable notwithstanding several instances of rising or falling prices.
Hygiene Products – Prices for hygiene products were stable or falling in March. Prices for hygiene products fell 20-33% in Taungoo in March, while other markets saw price stability or the occasional rising price. Detergent prices fell 8% or more in three of five markets monitored in March.
Other NFIs – NFI prices were stable in March, although Demoso and Pinlaung saw more price fluctuation. Prices for plastic tarps rose 5% across markets as the monsoon season approached, and charcoal prices spiked in Pekon and Pinlaung. NFI prices otherwise did not shift much in March. At a township-level, NFI prices were falling in Pinlaung, but they were generally stable elsewhere. NFI prices were most stable in Taungoo and Hpapun, while Demoso saw a few rising and falling prices..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.07 MB
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-13
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-13
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
3.03 MB
Local URL:
mal 13.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
UN Children's Fund (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-12
Description:
"Highlights
• Internal displacement continues to rise with more than 2.8 million people displaced country-wide, who are in need of humanitarian assistance amid access challenges.
• The heightened conflict in Rakhine is driving displacement, raising protection concerns and exacerbating pre-existing vulnerabilities.
• Over the past month, UNICEF and its partners provided 39,815 people with primary health care services.
• UNICEF also supported 67,661 internally displaced children (including 34,451 girls) with access to formal and non-formal education, including early learning.
• At the end of Q1 of 2024, UNICEF’s HAC is only 11 per cent funded, limiting UNICEF’s ability to scale up and address the lifesaving needs of the most vulnerable people.
Situation Overview & Humanitarian Needs
Armed conflict has been spreading in many parts of the country especially in Rakhine state, the northwest, Kachin and the southeast. Displacement continues to increase, and more than 2.8 million people have been internally displaced.
About 18.6 million people across Myanmar will need humanitarian assistance in 20242 and rising inflation affects people’s ability to meet their basic needs, further exacerbating vulnerabilities. People, especially children, are struggling to survive because of threats to their security and protection. Enforcement of conscription across the country and forced recruitment by different armed groups are increasing people’s anxiety and insecurity. The ongoing clashes and the restrictions imposed by all parties still pose the main obstacles in accessing affected people and in providing lifesaving support and social services.
The conflict in northern Shan State has been stable since the ceasefire was agreed in January, despite continuing tensions between the Myanmar Armed Forces and armed groups in Kayukme and Hsipaw. United Nations staff, who had been temporarily relocated from Lashio, returned as the security situation improved. Most of the internally displaced population have returned to their places of origin, with only approximately 20,000 people still temporarily displaced.
However, landmine incidents have significantly increased in northern Shan, and travel restrictions remain in place for civilians. Transportation costs have also significantly risen due to road accessibility issues and checkpoints set up by both parties.
In southern Shan, the armed conflict has escalated in Hopong, Loilen (Mongpawn), Hsihseng, Mawkmai, Pinlaung,
Pekon, Ywarngan and near Taunggyi. More than 10,000 people flee from 17 villages in Pinlaung Township since early March. Approximately 80 per cent of Hsihseng town has been destroyed by airstrikes, bombings, and heavy artillery fire. This has caused the number of internally displaced persons to rise in conflict-affected areas and neighbouring townships. In Kayah state, armed conflict escalated mainly in Hpasaung and Loikaw and the number of internally displaced is increasing due to the conflicts, and because of the relocation of people from southern Shan.
In Kachin state, intense gunfire, artillery shelling and aerial attacks have been reported in Bhamo, Mansi, Sumprabum townships since 3 March. Consequently, 27 civilians, including 6 children, were allegedly killed and 7 people including a child, were injured. 3 More than 18,000 people have been displaced in 10 townships since the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) launched a new offensive on 7 March4 . Roads from Myitkyina-Bhamo and Myitkyina-Sumprabum remain blocked and hindering access to the displaced people for humanitarian aid. Electricity was cut off in Bhamo, Mansi and Sumprabum townships due to the destruction of power lines during the fighting. Mobile communication and internet services remain severely limited in Mansi and Sumprabum townships. Roadblocks and restrictions on telecommunications hamper the further assessment of emerging needs to inform humanitarian responses.
In Rakhine State, fighting intensified in March with artillery fire and deadly aerial bombardment, particularly in Kyaukpyu, Maungdaw, Ponnagyun, Ramree and Rathedaung townships, 15 townships have been affected out of 17 townships.
Artillery shelling incidents impacted civilian areas in Sittwe, killing a total of at least 29 civilians and injuring 42 others, while also damaging buildings, including a school5 . Waterways and road closures are causing shortages of food and other commodities, as well as a rise in the prices of essential goods. Refusal of travel authorisations have impeded accessing to affected communities for the provision of humanitarian assistance and poor internet and telephone network connectivity also hampers the gathering of information on the needs of the displaced population. More than 157,000 people are estimated to have been displaced in Rakhine and Paletwa in Chin since the ceasefire failed and most townships have travel restrictions. Most health services facilities are badly affected with very limited numbers of health workers and health supplies are running out. The displacements and restrictions are also affecting learning facilities.
Landmines are a major issue across Rakhine state with communities, including children, being injured by landmines with regular incidents. In the northwest, clashes in Kale township resulted in civilian casualties, the destruction of houses and people’s displacement. Approximately 28,000 people from Kale town fled to safer locations6 , about 25,000 people from Monywa and more than 6,400 people have been displaced in Katha district. Reportedly, there are civilian casualties in, or surrounding, Kale town due to continuous clashes. As fighting intensified there, all major roads in and out of the town were blocked, as well as the road to Chin state, with the price of goods rising by between three to five times. Reportedly, landmines have been planted; some close to civilian areas. Those people remaining in Kale are in serious danger from shelling and airstrikes, as well as landmines. Some 7,000 people were reported as newly displaced as of 19 March and this number is expected to increase. In Sagaing, intensifying clashes in Kani Township have displaced more than 12,000 people since 1 March. The conflict reportedly killed more than 30 civilians, injured many more, and damaged or destroyed more than 500 houses in Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Mandalay between 7 and 17 March..."
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Individual Documents
Category:
Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations, UNICEF (United Nations Children's Fund)
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438.44 KB
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.91 MB
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KM12.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.33 MB
Local URL:
mal 12.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-12
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.1 MB
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Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-04-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-11
Sub-title:
Decision Not to Deport 19 Children Should be Expanded to All Refugees
Description:
"(Bangkok) – The Thai government’s decision not to forcibly return 19 children to Myanmar should be expanded to include all refugees from Myanmar, Human Rights Watch said today.
On March 12, 2024, officials from Thai immigration and the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security took 19 Myanmar children, ages 5 to 17, from Wat Sawang Arom School in Lopburi province in central Thailand and brought them without their parents to the border in Chiang Rai province prior to repatriating them to Myanmar. Thai members of parliament, human rights groups, and the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand strongly criticized the planned return. On March 26, Social Development and Human Security Minister Varawut Silpa-archa said in a media interview that his agency would not return the 19 children to Myanmar, and that they could remain in Thailand.
“Thai authorities showed sympathy and support by allowing 19 children from Myanmar to remain in Thailand,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The government’s next step should be to assure all those fleeing Myanmar that they can seek protection in Thailand.”
Prior to Varawut’s announcement, Thai officials had said that the 19 children were “undocumented” and were irregularly living in Thailand. The previous government in July 2023 had used a similar argument to justify sending back 126 “undocumented” Myanmar children from a school in Ang Thong province, despite concerns raised by the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand and human rights groups.
Varawut’s assurances that these 19 children could remain in Thailand should become Thai government policy for all Myanmar refugees, as long as the human rights situation in Myanmar remains dire, Human Rights Watch said. Fighting since early April around the Myanmar border town of Myawaddy, opposite Mae Sot in Thailand’s Tak province, has raised concerns about future influxes of refugees.
Thai Foreign Minister Parnpree Bahiddha-Nukara said on April 9 that the government has prepared to receive up to 100,000 refugees temporarily.
Not everyone fleeing conflict and rights abuses in Myanmar has been able to seek protection in Thailand. In late October, the Thai military forcibly returned thousands of refugees who had been sheltering in border areas next to Myanmar’s Karenni State.
Any forced returns to Myanmar may violate Thailand’s obligations as a party to the Convention Against Torture and the customary international law principle prohibiting refoulement, the forcible return of anyone to a place where they would face a genuine risk of persecution, torture or other ill-treatment, or a threat to their life.
Since the February 2021 coup, Myanmar’s military junta has carried out a nationwide campaign of mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. More than two million people have been internally displaced and more than 109,000 refugees have fled to neighboring countries.
The Thai government should promptly fulfill its pledge at the Global Refugee Forum in December 2023 to withdraw its reservation to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Article 22 guarantees the rights of refugee children, but Thailand’s reservation calls for refugee children to be treated “subject to the national laws, regulations and prevailing practices in Thailand.” The convention also contains protections for children from being forcibly separated from their parents.
Thailand should also provide protection and support to all refugees, including by permitting the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, to undertake refugee status determinations.
“The deteriorating human rights situation in Myanmar could mean that Thailand receives many more refugees in the near future,” Pearson said. “While the Thai government should be assuring refugees that they will not be returned into harm’s way, concerned governments should be prepared to support Thailand to provide protection.”..."
Type:
Individual Documents
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
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8.31 MB
Local URL:
KM11.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.9 MB
Local URL:
mal 11.4.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-11
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-11
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.34 MB
Local URL:
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.02 MB
Local URL:
KM10.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.61 MB
Local URL:
mal 10.4.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-10
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-10
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.23 MB
Local URL:
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Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-04-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-09
Sub-title:
Over 1,000 Abducted in Violation of Conscription Law, Prohibition on Child Soldiers
Description:
"(Bangkok) – The Myanmar military has abducted and forcibly recruited more than 1,000 Rohingya Muslim men and boys from across Rakhine State since February 2024, Human Rights Watch said today. The junta is using a conscription law that only applies to Myanmar citizens, although the Rohingya have long been denied citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law.
Rohingya described being picked up in nighttime raids, coerced with false promises of citizenship, and threatened with arrest, abduction, and beatings. The military has been sending Rohingya to abusive training for two weeks, then deploying them. Many have been sent to the front lines in the surging fighting between the junta and the Arakan Army armed group, which broke out in Rakhine State in November 2023, and a number have been killed and injured.
“It’s appalling to see Myanmar’s military, which has committed atrocities against the Rohingya for decades while denying them citizenship, now forcing them to fight on its behalf,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The junta should immediately end this forced recruitment and permit Rohingya unlawfully conscripted to return home.”
Human Rights Watch documented 11 cases of forced recruitment, drawing on interviews with 25 Rohingya from Sittwe, Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Pauktaw, and Kyauktaw townships in Rakhine State and in Bangladesh.
On February 10, the military activated the 2010 People’s Military Service Law, enabling the conscription of men ages 18 to 35 and women ages 18 to 27 for up to five years during the current state of emergency. The announcement followed months of increased fighting with ethnic armed groups and resistance forces.
The junta announced that conscription would start in April, with a monthly quota of 5,000, but the authorities in Rakhine State began forcibly recruiting Rohingya in early February.
In late February, the military abducted over 150 Rohingya in raids on villages in Buthidaung township, according to people interviewed, Rohingya activists, and media reports. A 22-year-old Rohingya man said that light infantry battalion soldiers abducted him and 30 other young men and boys at gunpoint at about 11 p.m. on February 25 in Buthidaung town.
“The youngest boy taken away with us was 15 years old,” he said. “There were three recruits under 18 among us. After we were apprehended and taken to the military battalion, we saw the list of Rohingya who were going to be recruited. All the Rohingya youths in the region were included.”
Further raids took place in Maungdaw township in March. A 24-year-old Rohingya man who was abducted with about two dozen others from Ka Nyin Tan village said the officers told them, “Protecting Maungdaw is upon you.”
An estimated 630,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State under a system of apartheid and persecution, including about 150,000 held in open-air detention camps. Since the February 2021 military coup, the junta has imposed severe movement restrictions and aid blockages on the Rohingya, increasing their vulnerability to forced recruitment.
Rohingya camp management committee members said that junta authorities have been tallying “eligible” Rohingya or compelling the committees to make lists. Two members said when they tried to refuse, junta authorities further restricted movement in the camps and threatened mass arrests and ration cuts. “We had no other option,” one committee member said.
At meetings in camps in Sittwe and Kyaukpyu, junta officials promised to issue all forced recruits pink citizenship cards, reserved for “full” citizens. “In the meetings, officers picked up their citizenship cards and told people, ‘We will give you this type of ID card if you join the military service,’” a camp management committee member in Thet Kae Pyin camp said. “People believed them.” Authorities also promised 4,800 kyat (US$2.30) a day and two sacks of rice.
About 300 Rohingya from the Sittwe camps were sent to two weeks of military training in late February. Upon completion, the military gave the forced recruits 50,000 kyats ($24) but no citizenship cards. “When the junta broke their promise to issue citizenship cards to the first 300 Rohingya recruits, people stopped believing them and started avoiding the recruitment campaigns,” a camp management committee member said. Rohingya in the Sittwe camps said that for the second round of forced recruitment, the few hundred Rohingya were taken at gunpoint in raids.
Officials have also threatened to beat Rohingya to death if they refuse to join or to punish their families if they fled.
Many young Rohingya men have tried to escape Rakhine State or gone into hiding in the jungle to escape forced recruitment. The authorities rounded up and beat about 40 Rohingya from Kyauk Ta Lone camp when their family members ran away, according to Radio Free Asia.
The 22-year-old man described the military training as a brutal two-week period under constant harassment, with trainees forced to dig bunkers and split wood, with limited food and water. “We became weak within a few days,” he said. “Some recruits fell unconscious. Three of us were bleeding from our mouths and noses. The military officers used abusive language, called us ‘kalar’ [a slur for Muslims], and degraded our mothers and sisters. Those 12 days felt like 12 years of our lives.”
He witnessed numerous groups of forcibly recruited Rohingya arriving at the cantonment. He was ultimately able to escape, the only one from his ward to do so: “Of us 31, no one else has been released to this day.”
The forcible recruitment campaign has already resulted in casualties. After their training, 100 Rohingya from the Sittwe camps were sent to fight on the front lines in Rathedaung. Five were killed in fighting and 10 were seriously injured, one of whom later died, according to family members and camp leaders. The military authorities promised the families compensation of a million kyat ($476) and two sacks of rice. The five bodies have not been returned.
While 43 forced recruits later returned to the camps, there has been no news from the remainder. “We still don’t know their whereabouts,” a camp leader said. “We don’t know if they’re still alive.”
“They tricked my son into the military,” said the mother of a man who was killed. She said:
They took him to do electrical work, then forced him into the training. Now he’s dead because he was sent to war. They didn’t let us see the bodies. I couldn’t touch my son one last time. When he was taken away, his wife and I followed. He was held at a nearby cantonment for a few hours and we were able to talk to him from outside the fence. Then they were brought to a car. That was the last talk. He was crying.
Conscription without previous legal authorization is a form of arbitrary detention in violation of international human rights law, and the treatment of those forcibly recruited may amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which Myanmar ratified in September 2019, prohibits the forced recruitment, conscription, or use of anyone under 18 in armed conflict.
On March 18, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres expressed his concern about “reports of forcible detention and recruitment of youths, including Rohingya, and the potential impact of forced conscription on human rights and on the social fabric of communities in Myanmar.”
“The Myanmar military’s forced recruitment of Rohingya men and boys is its latest exploitation of a community made vulnerable to abuse by design, over decades of oppression,” Bauchner said. “Concerned governments should be strengthening avenues to justice to hold junta leaders accountable for their abuses, past and present.”..."
Type:
Individual Documents
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-09
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
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8.4 MB
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KM9.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-09
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.8 MB
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mal 9.4.2024.pdf
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The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-09
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-09
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.81 MB
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-08
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.11 MB
Local URL:
KM8.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-08
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.74 MB
Local URL:
mal 8.4.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-08
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.3 MB
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-07
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.29 MB
Local URL:
KM7.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-07
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
2.28 MB
Local URL:
mal 7.4.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-07
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.52 MB
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GNLM2024-04-07-red.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-06
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-06
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.56 MB
Local URL:
KM6.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-06
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-06
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.86 MB
Local URL:
mal 6.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-06
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-06
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.38 MB
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-05
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-05
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.73 MB
Local URL:
KM5.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-05
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-05
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.63 MB
Local URL:
mal 5.4.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-05
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-05
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.51 MB
Local URL:
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Source/publisher:
"Amnesty International" (UK)
Date of publication:
2024-04-04
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-04
Description:
"Responding to a decision by the United Nations Human Rights Council to adopt a resolution on Myanmar that for the first time calls on UN member states to refrain from the export, sale or transfer of jet fuel to the Myanmar military, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for Research, Montse Ferrer, said:
“This resolution is a step in the right direction to combat the deadly supply chain that enables the Myanmar military to continue its barrage of air strikes in which schools, clinics, religious buildings and other civilian infrastructure have all been targeted. It highlights the urgent need to suspend shipments of aviation fuel to Myanmar, where it is used by the military to carry out war crimes.
“In a violent, worsening trend that continues up to this very week, air strikes have pulverized homes, devastated communities and caused mass internal displacement. More than three years after the coup, escalating conflict in Myanmar puts even greater urgency on the need to stop the flow of aviation fuel to the military, which increasingly relies on airpower to carry out strikes that are in violation of international humanitarian and international human rights laws.
“The threat aviation fuel poses to civilians in Myanmar should be well known by now, yet Amnesty International’s research shows the military continues to be able to bypass international restrictions and source the aviation fuel needed for these deadly air strikes. Today’s vote should build momentum to disrupt this supply chain before the human rights situation deteriorates even further. It is imperative that states and companies act now to end the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military.
“It is critical that member states, many of whom have national companies that have played – or continue to play – a role in the aviation fuel supply chain, stand by the commitment expressed through the resolution. All Human Rights Council members must take all necessary steps to prevent business entities from using their jurisdictions to supply aviation fuel to the Myanmar military.”
Background:
On 4 April 2024 the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on Myanmar by consensus. The resolution includes a call for all states to “refrain, in accordance with applicable national procedures and international norms and standards, from the export, sale or transfer of jet fuel, surveillance goods and technologies and less-lethal weapons, including ‘dual-use’ items, when they assess that there are reasonable grounds to suspect that such goods, technologies or weapons might be used to violate or abuse human rights, including in the context of assemblies.”
While China was the only state that chose to disassociate itself from the consensus, it did not contest the resolution by calling for a vote.
In November 2022, Amnesty International published Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmar, in collaboration with Justice for Myanmar.
The report revealed how aviation fuel ended up with the Myanmar military and how it reached bases from which air attacks that constituted war crimes were conducted. In March 2023, Amnesty published updated findings on new shipments.
Following evidence linking foreign and domestic companies to the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, the UK, the USA, Canada, the EU and Switzerland imposed sanctions on companies and individuals in Myanmar and Singapore involved in the procurement and distribution of aviation fuel into Myanmar.
In August, the USA extended the reach of potential sanctions, stating that anyone involved in this industry was at risk.
Earlier this year Amnesty published new research based on data that suggested that despite sanctions, aviation fuel was still being shipped into Myanmar, primarily through a port in, and companies from, Viet Nam..."
Type:
Individual Documents
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Source/publisher:
Human Rights Watch (USA)
Date of publication:
2024-04-04
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-04
Sub-title:
Security Council Inaction Highlighted at Rare Open Meeting
Description:
"Myanmar’s already abysmal human rights situation is getting worse.
That’s what senior United Nations officials told the UN Security Council on April 4, during a rare open meeting on Myanmar, its first since February 2019.
The council heard of a spiraling human rights and humanitarian catastrophe, with particularly worrisome abuses in Rakhine State. Conflict has “weakened transnational security” and instability has led to a crisis with “global implications,” officials said.
In December 2022, the council adopted Resolution 2669, condemning the Myanmar military’s abuses and attacks on civilians since its February 2021 coup. The resolution called on the military to release political prisoners, restore democratic institutions, and engage in dialogue.
Since then, however, the Security Council has been largely silent on the situation.
Meanwhile, Myanmar’s junta has ramped up attacks on civilians, including airstrikes, and increasingly blocked humanitarian aid. Refugees are fleeing to Bangladesh, China, India, and Thailand. Thousands of Rohingya are making dangerous journeys by sea to find refuge in Indonesia, Malaysia, and elsewhere.
The open meeting occurred the same day as the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva adopted a new resolution on Myanmar, which urged the UN secretary-general and General Assembly to renew attention to Myanmar at the Security Council.
The Security Council should take more meaningful steps to address rights concerns, including instituting an arms embargo, referring the situation to the International Criminal Court, and imposing targeted sanctions on military-owned companies. Regional efforts by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been utterly inadequate.
The Human Rights Council’s April 4 resolution calls for restricting the Myanmar military’s access to jet fuel, a call echoed by the United States at the Security Council meeting.
But at the Security Council, China and Russia continue to block consideration of an embargo or any other measures, and now oppose even holding debates. At the Security Council meeting, both disputed that the situation in Myanmar was within the council’s mandate.
Almost every other member government raised serious concerns about the crisis, and many bemoaned the body’s inaction.
The Security Council needs to act. Even countries usually not in favor of strong UN action on human rights in Myanmar should recognize the dangers of continued inaction.
As a Japanese delegate put it, the Security Council’s inaction is not what the people of Myanmar “expect from this august body.” ..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Human Rights pages on Myanmar
more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-04
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-04
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
8.43 MB
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KM4.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-04
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2024-04-04
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.75 MB
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mal 4.4.2024.pdf
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The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-04
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-04
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.33 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-04-red.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-03
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-03
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.43 MB
Local URL:
KM3.4.2024.pdf
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News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-03
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-03
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.47 MB
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mal 3.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-03
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-03
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.58 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-03-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-02
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.31 MB
Local URL:
KM2.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-02
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.77 MB
Local URL:
mal 2.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-02
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-02
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.97 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-02-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.53 MB
Local URL:
KM1.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.8 MB
Local URL:
mal 1.4.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-04-01
Date of entry/update:
2024-04-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.34 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-04-01-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
6.34 MB
Local URL:
KM31.3.2024.pdf
KM31.3.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.86 MB
Local URL:
mal 31.3.2024.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.55 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-03-31-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-30
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.79 MB
Local URL:
KM30.3.2024.pdf
KM30.3.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-30
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.83 MB
Local URL:
mal 30.3.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-03-30
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.23 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-03-30-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-29
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.06 MB
Local URL:
KM29.3.2024.pdf
KM29.3.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-29
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.71 MB
Local URL:
mal 29.3.24.pdf
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Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-29
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
38.91 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-03-29-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-28
Description:
"Publication of IIMM Analytical Reports
Reports on Myanmar military’s anti-Rohingya hate speech campaign and Myanmar authorities’ failure to investigate and punish sexual violence committed against Rohingya
Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Geneva, 27 March 2024 – Today the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is publicly releasing two analytical reports. One report details the Myanmar military’s covert Facebook network that systematically distributed hate speech against the Rohingya at the time of the 2017 clearance operations. The second report examines the response of Myanmar state authorities to allegations of sexual and gender-based crimes committed by security forces against the Rohingya. This report concludes that the authorities failed in their duty under international law to investigate and punish these acts.
These reports form a small part of the evidence and analysis that the Mechanism has shared with authorities working on ongoing cases concerning the Rohingya at the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice and in Argentina.
These two reports have been made public on an exceptional basis. The vast majority of the material the Mechanism has collected and analyzed must remain confidential. Confidentiality protects the security and privacy of witnesses and sources. It is also standard procedure to maintain the confidentiality of ongoing criminal investigations before evidence is presented at trial to prevent efforts to hide or destroy evidence, to protect the integrity of witness testimony, and to avoid alerting suspects who could evade arrest or detection.
However, the Mechanism recognizes that there is a significant public interest in our work, and we aim to be transparent whenever possible. Perhaps some of our analysis can be used by others to advance the purpose of creating the Mechanism: ensuring accountability for the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar and contributing to ending the very worst violence inflicted upon Myanmar’s people.
After careful evaluation we have decided to publish these reports. Some redactions have been made in the versions of the reports released today in order to preserve future investigative opportunities, avoid disclosing information that could assist perpetrators’ efforts to destroy or conceal evidence, and protect the safety and privacy of witnesses, sources and other persons. The material that has been redacted includes several annexes to the hate speech report.
Report on hate speech
The hate speech report provides a rigorous analysis of content posted on 43 Facebook Pages between July and December 2017. All of these Pages were removed by Facebook in 2018. Six Pages were removed because they were connected to individuals or organizations that Facebook banned from the platform as international experts had found evidence that they had “committed or enabled serious human rights abuses (in Myanmar)”. The other 37 Pages were removed for engaging in “coordinated inauthentic behaviour” in violation of the company’s misrepresentation policies.1
The Mechanism’s analysis concluded that these seemingly unrelated Pages, some of which were devoted to celebrity news and popular culture, were part of a network with clear ties to the Myanmar military. These Pages often shared creators, administrators, and editors and regularly posted material using the same IP addresses used by the Myanmar military. Identical material was often posted on multiple Pages in this network, sometimes within minutes. The report identifies more than 10,000 posts on these Pages that the Mechanism considered hate speech. One such post received more than 200 comments calling for Rohingya to be shot, killed, or permanently removed from Myanmar.
The report concludes that at the very time of mass violence against the Rohingya, the Myanmar military was carrying out a coordinated hate speech campaign against the group.
Report on failure to investigate and punish sexual and gender-based crimes
The report analyzes how state authorities in Myanmar responded to multiple allegations of sexual and gender-based crimes against the Rohingya during the 2016 and 2017 clearance operations.
Under international law, military and civilian leaders are obliged to investigate and, where appropriate, punish acts of those under their command that could amount to serious international crimes, including acts of sexual violence. Furthermore, rape can constitute an underlying act of genocide if committed with the intent to destroy a group. Therefore, the failure to investigate and punish these crimes could amount to a violation of Myanmar’s obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
The report summarizes a variety of material that was publicly available about sexual and gender-based crimes against the Rohingya during the clearance operations, including information published by the media, NGOs and various UN bodies, as well as discussions in the UN Security Council and findings of the International Criminal Court Pre-Trial Chamber and demonstrates that Myanmar state authorities would have been aware of these very serious allegations. The report then examines the response of Myanmar state authorities, including several investigations and inquiries, and explains why these were grossly inadequate both in the process and the results. The report notes that there is no evidence that any soldier or police officer was charged or prosecuted for sexual and gender-based crimes, nor any commander dismissed, demoted, or sanctioned for failing to stop or punish those committing these crimes.
The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyze evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files that can be used by authorities to prosecute individuals in national, regional, and international courts..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
The UN and Burma - news and commentary, Statements on Myanmar by governments to regular sessionss of the Human Rights Counci, Human Rights and international relations
Format :
pdf
Size:
18.96 MB
Local URL:
2024-03-27-UNHRC_SGBC-Report-en.pdf
2024-03-27-UNHRC_SGBC-Report-en.pdf more
Source/publisher:
UN Human Rights Council (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-28
Description:
"Publication of IIMM Analytical Reports
Reports on Myanmar military’s anti-Rohingya hate speech campaign and Myanmar authorities’ failure to investigate and punish sexual violence committed against Rohingya
Statement by Nicholas Koumjian, Head of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar
Geneva, 27 March 2024 – Today the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar is publicly releasing two analytical reports. One report details the Myanmar military’s covert Facebook network that systematically distributed hate speech against the Rohingya at the time of the 2017 clearance operations. The second report examines the response of Myanmar state authorities to allegations of sexual and gender-based crimes committed by security forces against the Rohingya. This report concludes that the authorities failed in their duty under international law to investigate and punish these acts.
These reports form a small part of the evidence and analysis that the Mechanism has shared with authorities working on ongoing cases concerning the Rohingya at the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice and in Argentina.
These two reports have been made public on an exceptional basis. The vast majority of the material the Mechanism has collected and analyzed must remain confidential. Confidentiality protects the security and privacy of witnesses and sources. It is also standard procedure to maintain the confidentiality of ongoing criminal investigations before evidence is presented at trial to prevent efforts to hide or destroy evidence, to protect the integrity of witness testimony, and to avoid alerting suspects who could evade arrest or detection.
However, the Mechanism recognizes that there is a significant public interest in our work, and we aim to be transparent whenever possible. Perhaps some of our analysis can be used by others to advance the purpose of creating the Mechanism: ensuring accountability for the most serious international crimes committed in Myanmar and contributing to ending the very worst violence inflicted upon Myanmar’s people.
After careful evaluation we have decided to publish these reports. Some redactions have been made in the versions of the reports released today in order to preserve future investigative opportunities, avoid disclosing information that could assist perpetrators’ efforts to destroy or conceal evidence, and protect the safety and privacy of witnesses, sources and other persons. The material that has been redacted includes several annexes to the hate speech report.
Report on hate speech
The hate speech report provides a rigorous analysis of content posted on 43 Facebook Pages between July and December 2017. All of these Pages were removed by Facebook in 2018. Six Pages were removed because they were connected to individuals or organizations that Facebook banned from the platform as international experts had found evidence that they had “committed or enabled serious human rights abuses (in Myanmar)”. The other 37 Pages were removed for engaging in “coordinated inauthentic behaviour” in violation of the company’s misrepresentation policies.1
The Mechanism’s analysis concluded that these seemingly unrelated Pages, some of which were devoted to celebrity news and popular culture, were part of a network with clear ties to the Myanmar military. These Pages often shared creators, administrators, and editors and regularly posted material using the same IP addresses used by the Myanmar military. Identical material was often posted on multiple Pages in this network, sometimes within minutes. The report identifies more than 10,000 posts on these Pages that the Mechanism considered hate speech. One such post received more than 200 comments calling for Rohingya to be shot, killed, or permanently removed from Myanmar.
The report concludes that at the very time of mass violence against the Rohingya, the Myanmar military was carrying out a coordinated hate speech campaign against the group.
Report on failure to investigate and punish sexual and gender-based crimes
The report analyzes how state authorities in Myanmar responded to multiple allegations of sexual and gender-based crimes against the Rohingya during the 2016 and 2017 clearance operations.
Under international law, military and civilian leaders are obliged to investigate and, where appropriate, punish acts of those under their command that could amount to serious international crimes, including acts of sexual violence. Furthermore, rape can constitute an underlying act of genocide if committed with the intent to destroy a group. Therefore, the failure to investigate and punish these crimes could amount to a violation of Myanmar’s obligations under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
The report summarizes a variety of material that was publicly available about sexual and gender-based crimes against the Rohingya during the clearance operations, including information published by the media, NGOs and various UN bodies, as well as discussions in the UN Security Council and findings of the International Criminal Court Pre-Trial Chamber and demonstrates that Myanmar state authorities would have been aware of these very serious allegations. The report then examines the response of Myanmar state authorities, including several investigations and inquiries, and explains why these were grossly inadequate both in the process and the results. The report notes that there is no evidence that any soldier or police officer was charged or prosecuted for sexual and gender-based crimes, nor any commander dismissed, demoted, or sanctioned for failing to stop or punish those committing these crimes.
The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM or Mechanism) was created by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2018 to collect and analyze evidence of the most serious international crimes and other violations of international law committed in Myanmar since 2011. It aims to facilitate justice and accountability by preserving and organizing this evidence and preparing case files that can be used by authorities to prosecute individuals in national, regional, and international courts..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UN Human Rights pages on Myanmar, Discrimination against the Rohingya, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.)
Format :
pdf
Size:
16.89 MB
Local URL:
2024-03-27-UNHR_Hate-Speech-Report-en.pdf
2024-03-27-UNHR_Hate-Speech-Report-en.pdf more
Source/publisher:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
Date of publication:
2024-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-28
Description:
"OVERVIEW:
Three years after the events of 1 February 2021, widespread conflict continues to drive displacement and exacerbate needs across multiple states and regions in Myanmar. Intensified airstrikes, artillery shelling, drone attacks as well as the use of antipersonnel landmines and cluster bombs are impacting forcibly displaced people and host communities, particularly in Rakhine State and the North-West Region. Humanitarian access constraints continued to expose people to various protection risks and restrict the delivery of critical assistance and protection. Coping capacities have been stretched to the limit, with food, emergency shelter and core relief items (CRIs) identified as the most urgent needs. The recent announcement of mandatory conscription by the de facto authorities has sparked fear among young men and women and an uptick in the number of people fleeing Myanmar into neighbouring countries, including Bangladesh. UNHCR continues to call for states to respect the principle of non-refoulement and advocate for access to safety and asylum as well as lifesaving and emergency services for Rohingya arrivals from Myanmar.
In Thailand, no new arrivals were recorded by the Royal Thai Government in February. Nevertheless, to support preparedness efforts, the Inter-Sector Working Group launched the 2024 Refugee Preparedness and Response Plan, an inter-agency document based on agreed scenarios and contingency planning discussions to support Thai authorities' response. In view of the current situation in Myanmar, 15 humanitarian agencies are planning for up to 40,000 arrivals from Myanmar by year-end.
The response focuses on seven sectors – education, food, health, CRIs, protection, shelter and water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) – with a total ask of some $17 million.
In India, approximately 59,300 individuals from Myanmar’s North-West region have sought protection since February 2021.
Out of this population, 5,682 individuals are in New Delhi and have registered with UNHCR. During the reporting period, the Union Home Minister of India announced plans to fence the India-Myanmar border and discontinue the Free Movement Regime (FMR), citing rising insecurity. India and Myanmar currently share a largely unfenced border giving people from both countries residing close to the border the right to move into each other's territory without travel documents. On 17 February, the Mizoram Chief Minister expressed the state government’s opposition to these plans and on 28 February, the Mizoram assembly passed a resolution urging the Government of India to reconsider its decision. A five-member non-governmental organization (NGO) coordination committee in Mizoram also submitted a memorandum to the Union Home Minister opposing the proposal. In Manipur, the Chief Minister announced plans to identify and deport individuals who arrived and established residence in the state after 1961 due to the current instability and insecurity. The security situation in Manipur remains sensitive with incidents of violence and gunfights being reported from across the state. Despite the mounting humanitarian needs Myanmar arrivals in Mizoram and Manipur face, state governments and humanitarian agencies do not have sufficient resources to sustain the food, shelter, and WASH response. Access challenges due to the security situation and mobility restrictions in some locations in Manipur have also compounded the situation..."
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
UNHCR (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), Food Security and nutrition in Burma/Myanmar, Education in Burma/Myanmar - general, Public Health, Human Rights and international relations
Format :
pdf
Size:
9.53 MB
more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-28
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
8.06 MB
Local URL:
KM28.3.2024.pdf
KM28.3.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-28
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.74 MB
Local URL:
mal 28.3.24.pdf
mal 28.3.24.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-28
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.99 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-03-28-red.pdf
GNLM2024-03-28-red.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-27
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Mirror" ("Kyemon") 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
9.06 MB
Local URL:
KM27.3.2024.pdf
KM27.3.2024.pdf more
Source/publisher:
News and Periodicals Enterprise, Ministry of Information, Union of Myanmar
Date of publication:
2024-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-27
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"Myanmar Alin" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.99 MB
Local URL:
mal 27.3.24.pdf
mal 27.3.24.pdf more
Source/publisher:
The Global New Light of Myanmar, 2024
Date of publication:
2024-03-27
Date of entry/update:
2024-03-27
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
"The Global New Light of Myanmar" 2024
Format :
pdf
Size:
7.71 MB
Local URL:
GNLM2024-03-27-red.pdf
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