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BurmaNet News: 8 April 1995 [#142]



**************************BurmaNet***************************
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News:8 APRIL 1995
Issue #142
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Contents:                                                    

*************************INSIDE BURMA************************
THE NATION: FOREIGNERS STILL WARY OF INVESTING IN BURMA,
               DESPITE JUNTA'S NEW IMAGE

***********************THAILAND*******************************
THE NATION: 'SATISFACTORY'BURMA REPORT ON CITIZEN'S DEATH
               SOUGHT
THE NATION: THE SLORC MUST APOLOGIZE FOR KILLING A THAI
               VILLAGER
BKK POST: A MODERN FROM SLAVERY?
THE NATION: TWO MISSING AS MON GUERRILLAS AMBUSH 21-MAN BORDER
               PATROL

****************************ARTICLES**************************
THE NATION: SLORC BUYS TIME WITH RELEASES
THE NATION: A FORCEFUL ARMY-LED TOURISM CAMPAIGN MAY EXACT A
               HEAVY PRICE FROM BURMESE CULTURE, THE LANDSCAPE
               AND PEOPLE,

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TWO MISSING AS MON GUERRILLAS AMBUSH 21-MAN BORDER PATROL
7 April 1995

Two border policemen from Kanchanaburi were injured and two
more disappeared when they were ambushed buy Mon guerrillas on
Wednesday evening, a border policemen said yesterday.
The policeman said that 21 men from the 135th Border Patrol
Unit were ambushed in Kanchanaburi's Thong Pha Phum district.
The two injured were identified as Pol Sgt Bunloet Khaetakhu
and Pol Pte Somchok Mahden. The missing rangers Chaikongthong
and Pol L-Cpt Srithep Phetkaew, the source said.
The 9th Infantry division sent two companies to look for the
missing policemen. Police said the mon guerrillas probably
mistook the border patrol for Burmese rangers.
Thai authorities found blood near the border which indicated
the armed insurgents had suffered casualties, officials said.
Thai authorities are trying to determine if the intruders be-
long to the Mon State army, the armed wing of the New mon
State Party (NMSP), which has been fighting the Rangoon mili-
tary regime for decades.
However, a radio report said a commander of the NMSP contacted
by the Thai military denied they were under his command.
The Independent News Network said the intruders were part of a
250-member armed force which has set up camp near the border
on the Burmese side.
The NMSP recently offered to enter into peace talks with the
Burmese junta. (TN)

A FORCEFUL ARMY-LED TOURISM CAMPAIGN MAY EXACT A HEAVY PRICE
FROM BURMESE CULTURE, THE LANDSCAPE AND PEOPLE, THE AWSJ'S
MIRIUM JORDAN WRITES.
7 April 1995

A few weeks ago, an army officer marched up to the doorstep of
a teacher's home in a picturesque hill town in northern Burma.
Scanning the flimsy wooden cottage, he gruffly commanded: 
"Fix the roof. Paint it. I'll be back in 15 days." Why the
urgency? "We have to prepare for tourism, he said, before
heading down the street to continue his mission, the teacher
recalls.
The teacher, who asked to be identified only as Catherine,
says she knew batter than to defy the order, even though she
can barely afford basic foods like rice and eggs for her
family. she scraped together some money from relatives and
friends and got the job done. "They're telling us to make the
town beautiful," Catherine complains. "But our stomachs are
empty."
After decades of self-imposed isolation and self-styled
socialism that reduced Burma from the rice bowl of Asia to one
of the world's poorest countries, this nation of 45 million is
desperate for hard cash to resuscitate its economy.
The ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council, or Slorc,
is betting that  foreigners' curiosity to see a country
practically untouched by modern tourism will overcome their
distaste for its military leadership.
"Tourism is the latest pot of gold they think they have
discovered," says a Western diplomat in Rangoon "They will try
to develop it, even if it is by force and fear. That is how
Slorc runs the country."
Slorc has been running the country since the army crushed a
pro-democracy uprising in 1988. The following year it renamed
the country Myanmar to obliterate a vestige of the British
colonial past and placed pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
under house arrest.
In 1990 her party won national elections; Slorc refused to
recognize the results. Bent on minimizing exposure to the out-
side world the junta briefly slammed Burma's doors completely
shut.
Now, cash-starved Slorc wants to woo 500.000 free-spending
travellers during a "Visit Myanmar year" that kicks off in
October 1996, to coincide with the peak tourist season.
Burmese government officials privately express doubts that the
newly opened country can lure 500,000 tourists. Burma drew
only 61,000 in the year ended March 31, 1994. Installed in his
plush air-conditioned office in downtown Rangoon, Tourism and
Hotel Minister Lt Gen kyaw ba states categorically what Visit
Myamar Year is all about: "We can earn a lot of foreign cur-
rency." Burma earned $22 million in foreign exchange from
tourism in the year ended march 31, 1994, and estimates it
earned $30 million in fiscal 1995, making the sector the
country's biggest foreign exchange earner.
To pursue tourism profits, Slorc last year formed the Tourism
Development Management Committee, chaired by Lt Gen Khin
Nyunt, a powerful state secretary and former security chief.
The committee is rolling out the red carpet for foreign hotel
developers and orchestrating the nationwide face-lift. It's
targeting everything from 11th century Buddhist pagodas of
former capital Pagan - Burma's top tourist draw - to the
charming, flower-dotted mountain resorts built during British
rule.
Bur there are signs that a heavy-handed army led tourism
campaign may exact a heavy price from Burmese culture,
relatively pristine landscape and impoverished people.
In eastern Shan state teenagers toil under the blistering sun
to widen roads that will give passage to big tour buses. In
Mandalay, hundreds of prisoners shovel clods of mud from the
huge moat surrounding the ancient palace, meant to ba a major
attraction. In the country side villagers are ordered to plant
gardens and improve the appearance of their houses - in the
name of tourism.
"Where there should be flowers there will be flowers. Where
there should trees, trees will be grown," declares Lt Gen Ba.
When asked about the uniformed convicts at Mandalay Palace.
They have good rest, good food. And, he volunteers, "We don't
torture them."
Ostracized by most lending institutions and aid agencies be-
cause of its human rights record and refusal to recognize
election results, Slorc first opened Burma's economy in 1990
by farming out oil concessions to foreign companies. A failure
to locate rich reserves hardened the generals resolve to find
another fountain of foreign exchange.
Enter tourism. Slorc is reversing decades of closed door
polices to just seven days in a country as vast as France and
Bratain combined, It extended stays to 14 days in 1990. now
the door is wide open: Burmese overseas missions issue 28-day
tourist visas overnight.

Anticipated surge

Slorc has eased a foreign currency exchange law that deterred
some would be visitors. To handle the anticipate surge in
arrivals. The junta has broken the monopoly of state-owned
Myanmar Travels and Tours and licensed more than 200 private
tour companies in the past two years.
In Rangoon, hotel are sprouting up everywhere, thank to speedy
government approval of proposal by Singaporean and other
southeast Asian developers. All told, Slorc has authorized
$565 million of tourism-related investment by foreigners,
second only to the amount committee to oil exploration.
But the development is haphazard and the basic infrastructure
can't support it, say critics. Within Slorc, there is little,
if any experience in international tourism.
"Look at it this way, the tourism minister has never been a
tourist in his life," says an overseas Burmese who's back to
built a hotel.
Luxury hotels that cater mainly to investors on expense
accounts are crowding Rangoon. meanwhile in tourist
destinations such as Pagan, hotels with hot running water are
still a rarity. Japanese tour guide K.Makimoto reports that
hotel staff sometimes lug buckets of hot water to her clients'
rooms. 
Electricity, transport and telecommunications are substandard
across the country. Hupin hotel in Nyaung Shwe, a town on
picturesque Inle Lake, boasts a TV satellite dish. But owner
Thein win suggests writing at least one month in advance to
reserve a room: It's almost impossible to place a telephone
call to the hotel, even from Rangoon.
To travel the 65 kilometres from Mandalay to Maymyo, a quaint
hill station where British colonial officials escaped the
heat, count on being tossed about in a vintage world War II
Jeep or rickety van fro three hours along a winding and
potholed road. At the Candacraig, a state owned, mock-Tudor
inn that's a favourite among foreigners, power failures are so
frequent that "we live by candlelight," says manager Maung
Maugn Linn.
"We known we are very poor in infrastructure," conccedes Lt
Gen Ba, the tourism minister. Citing some of the road and
airport expansion work under way, he expresses the hope that
most of this vital work will be completed by 1996. Anyway,
"we're not doing [a visit year] because we're ready,' says the
minister. The point is 'to tell the world that Myanmar
exists.'
In their own tourism "visit years" countries such as Thailand
and Malaysia spent millions of dollars on advertising and
marketing. Cash-starved Burma, on the other hand, doesn't seem
to be working toward Visit Myanmar Year with budget in mind.
In fact, tourism officials say they're relying on tour agents
and foreign journalists, whom Slorc now welcomes, to spread
the word.
What many benefit Burma, at least in the short term, is that
its mystique and long seclusion have created pent-up demand
among travellers, for whom the country evokes images from the
works of Rudyard Kipling and George Orwell.
Today, men and women still don Longyis instead of trousers and
skirts. At daybreak, red-robed Buddhist monks with shaven
heads and bare feet pour into the streets to collect alms.
Pony-drawn stage coaches ply the streets on Maymyo. Water
buffalo haul teak logs ashore in Mandalay.
"The beauty of Burma is that it's relatively primitive," says
Eric Meola, a fortyish studio photographer visiting from New
York. "You can wander around feeling like Indian Jones
exploring this place."
The prospect of an onslaught of rowdy, camera-toting tourists
has propelled some foreigners to visit Burma sooner rather
than later. "When I heard that 1996 was going to be Visit
Myanmar year, I though, "It's doomed. I better go now'." says
Parisian Danielle Hunebelle, a southeast Asia aficionada, who
was here 20 years ago.
Tour operators are reporting brisk business, particularly from
Germany, France and Italy. "In five years there will be a
floating McDonald's on Inle Lake," fears jeffrey Saunders, a
25-year-old American who works in Hong Kong. Inle lake is
famous for its floating vegetable gardens and "one-legged"
fishermen who row standing up with one leg wrapped around a
paddle.

Heritage under threat

In Rangoon, development for the greater cause of tourism is
threatening to obscure one of the city centres's landmarks.
Ahighrise hotel now under construction is likely to overshadow
the 48-metre-tall Sule Pagoda. Another foreign-owned hotel is
rising on the shore of romantic Royal Lake not far from the
glided Shwedagon Pagoda, Burma's national symbol.
There is no law to protect historic buildings from the wreck-
ing ball. some observers worry that a pro-investor law that
permits 100 per cent foreign ownership for hotels could
unleash developers who have little regard for Rangoon's
heritage and are only interested in quick returns.
Some crumbling relics have been saved. The legendary Strand
hotel, on the Rangoon river front, was gutted and completely
renovated. At a cost of US$350,00 a room, it's deemed the most
expensive renovation in the world by hotel-industry experts
familiar with the project. Another small low-rise hotel, The
Savoy, is being erected around a colonial mansion.
Tourism experts hope Burma willl earn form the mistakes of its
neighbours, such as Thailand, which allowed developers to
overbuild. Robertson Collins, a Singapore based travel-
industry consultant who has studied Burma extensively,
believes Slorc may be going in the same direction by stressing
mass "off-the-shelf" tourism. This is "doubly heavy-handed
when you drop it on a subtle quiet Buddhist country," he says.
"It's not working for the benefit of the people, the
preservation of the heritage of the conservation of
resources."
Despite their hardship, Burmese people offer visitors a ready
smile and graceful hospitality. "You come away profoundly
moved by the quality of the people," says Sheila Duncan, an
American who live sin France, at the end of a two-week tour.
But, she adds, "it's so predictable what will happen: the pu-
rity will be eroded."
Burmese leaders say they're seeing to it that Burma's culture
does not succumb to at least some evils of the outside world.
Last month, Religious Affairs minister Lt Gen Myo Nyunt sum-
moned owners of the budding restaurant and karaoke business in
Rangoon because "the skirts were getting too short, the neck-
lines were getting to deep," says Myo Lwin, deputy director-
general for tourism.
There are minor inconveniences compared with the plight of
thousands of poor Burmese who are expected to share the cost
of promoting tourism without receiving any immediate benefit.
"These people have hardly had enough to live hand to mouth,"
says a Christian leader in northern Burma. "now, they're being
told they can't live in huts with thatched roofs - they better
get zinc. Those who have single-storey houses are being told
to make two storeys ... If you can't do it, they evict you
from the house and the grounds,' says the clergyman, who asked
not to be identified. "They throw you in paddy fields without
electricity or running water."
Government officials maintain they compensate anyone who's
evicted from their home to make way fro roads, for example.
Those who are drafted for government constructiuon projects
are adequately paid, they say.
Both forced relocation and forced labour are frequent occur-
rences under Burma's military rulers, according to amnesty
International and other human rights groups that have
documented numerous cases. These days, however, the  motive is
not political. It's for the sake of tourism.
"Ten years from now, Burma won't be the same. It'll only for
the army and tourists," says Catherine. As she speaks, the
teacher spots an approaching soldier. Before scurrying off,
she adds: "foreigners don't know what we're going through for
this tourism year." (TN)


SLORC BUYS TIME WITH RELEASES
7 APRIL 1995
 
Pardons for Tin Oo and Kyi Maung show Rangoon
junta is confident its power is secure, Aung Zaw
writes



The recent release of veteran Burmese opposition
leaders Kyi Maung and Tin Oo has renewed specula-
tion the military government may be preparing to
ease up its suppression of dissidents.
But the just-freed political prisoners were keeping
a low profile. Along with their released-political
prisoner, Tin Oo and Kyi Maung declined to give
any erect answers about their future, and in
particular if they have any plans to re-enter
politics.
For now, Kyi Maung intends to be reunited with his
family and friends and to catch up with current
events. During his year in  isolation he had lit-
tle opportunity to read magazines and books or to
listen to the radio. His only reading material
was the New Light of Myanmar and religious books.
"I don't even know who is Bill Clinton!," Kyi Maung
is said to have told friends who visited him after
his release.
Sources close to Kyi Maung is said they had signed
documents before they had signed documents before
they were freed conceding they had broken Slorc laws.
" But they didn't have to sign any other documents or
make deals with Slorc," the sources said, adding that
they were warned "not to get involved in politic
again".
"They should be very careful, the situation is not
good for  them to move and talk freely" said our
friend. Another added, "I don't think they will make
any quick decision - If they do, the price is quite
high for them. They cannot just go back to stay in
prison for another four or five years".
Kyi Maung and Tin Oo's residences were said to be
under constant surveillance by soldiers as well as
undercover intelligence officers.
"They keep reporting and watching who cafes to visits
their houses," said the Rangoon source. " They are
also tapping their phone so it is unsafe to talk on
the phone," Despite the watchful eyes the sources
reported that "Many NLD members and Maps are visiting
their houses. They all seemed happy and excited."
But not far from everybody's minds was the fate of
Khin Maung Shwe, an elected NLD MP who arrested
last year for being too outspoken after he met with
journalists.
Tin U, 68, chairman of the National League for Democ-
racy, founded the NLD with Aung San Suu Kyi. He was
arrested on the same day as Suu Kyi was put under
house arrest. Aftermath, Kyi Maung, 78, led the NLD
throughout the general election in 1991 and won a
landslide victory. He was arrested in September of the
same year.
Tin U was not like other army officers who never has-
itate to heed their boss's command to shoot or bayo-
net peaceful demonstrators. As a result he was dis-
missed as a defense minister in 1976. One reason he
criticised Army's heartless crackdown on the student
protests. On the same year he was arrested and
imprisoned because of he failed to inform his knowl-
edge of a coup plot. He was freed under the 1980 am-
nesty. He re-emerged as one of the opposition figures
during the 1988 democracy uprising. 
In July , 1989, as the confrontation between the NLD
and Slorc reached it climax, Tin Oo was put under
house arrest. He was later sentenced to three year
imprisonment with hard labour and subsequent trans-
ferred to Insein prison.
In November 1994 UN's Special rapporteur, Professor
Yozo Yokota visited Burma. He met with some prominent
political prisoners including Tin U.
Tin U told Yokota that he was a "political prisoner"
despite the claim of the authorities that he was an
"ordinary criminal". Tin U stated that he had suf-
fered five months of effective house arrest before
being brought before a martial court on numerous cha-
rges. He said that he had been charged, in particu-
lar, with: (a) inciting the entire population for
democracy and human rights; (b) corresponding with
parliamentarians of the European Community, Japan and
the United States of America; and (c) meeting with
military personal and other in groups. 
The Yokota report continued:"U Tin U declared, I love
the army, but I love the people more than the army."
He stated that after the 1990 elections many people
had been detained for a long time without trial as
"ordinary criminals". he had sought their release and
remedies. So, he had come to this fate. 
Rangoon sources said Kyi Maung appeared more deter-
mined and stronger than Tin Oo.

In July, 1989 he and other remaining NLD members
organised a gathering at the Gandhi Hall of
distingushed Burmese personalities. Kyi Maung asked
Slorc leaders to speed up transfer of power to the
NLD. He was arrested in September. "Kyi Maung is
interested in a national cause," said Tint Zaw, a
former student activist in the 60's, who is now in
exile." He did the best he could."
A former army colonel, Kyi Maung opposed Ne Win's
coup in 1962 even though his name was included in
the Revolutionary Council, which stage the coup, Kyi
Maung was stationed in the countryside. Later, Kyi
Maung refused to meet with Gen Ne Win when the lat-
ter visited his region.(TN)

'SATISFACTORY'BURMA REPORT ON CITIZEN'S DEATH SOUGHT
7 April 1995


The Thai government expects a report from its Burmese
counterpart concerning the death of a Thai citizen to be
satisfactory, Foreign Minister Krasae Chanawongse said
yesterday.
Krasae was reffering to Thawee Khamtankaew, 38, who was shot
in the back by Burmese troops on Sunday while crossing the
border river in Mae Sai district in Chiang Rai Province.
Thawee was said to have been carrying a toy gun and suffering
from mental problems.
The minister said that the report would have an effect on the
whole region.
"I believe the reply will be satisfactory because any such
disturbances may have a negative affect on the social and
economic development in the region," he said.
His comments came a day before he is due to pay an official
two-day visit to Burma. He is to meet leaders of Burma's
military junta, including secretary-general Lt Gen Khin Nyunt.
Krasae said that it was more advantageous to meet with his
counterparts face-to-face when discussing such sensitive
issues. He also said that he believes the best way to handle
the situation is through diplomat means, where the validity of
the Thai government's position can be clearly stated.
However, the Thai authorities and military have stressed that
the Burmese troops over-reacted during the incident as Thawee
was crossing the river from Burma to Thailand.
"Pride and nationalism can get in the way when disagreements
arise but we must use fair diplomat means and keep in mind our
own country's interests when solving such matters," Krasae
said. (TN)

THE SLORC MUST APOLOGIZE FOR KILLING A THAI VILLAGER
7 April 1995
The brutal shooting of a Thai villager early  this month by
Burmese Army troops is indeed tragic. However, the  killing could
have been prevented.
Unconfirmed reports said Thawee Khamtankaew, a 38-year-old
resident of Chiang Rai, was carrying a toy gun, and this caused
the Burmese troops to believe he was armed, resulting in them
opening fire.
But the fact of the matter is that Thawee was shot in the back as
he was fleeing to Thailand at the Tachilek side of the border with
Burma. It seems the Thai villager illegally crossed the Mae Sai
River into Tachilek to do some shopping after  the Burmese town
had been abruptly closed by the Slorc troops.
This killing of an innocent, mentally deranged man, is an act that
contravenes every principle in international law and is
tantamount to criminal act. The indiscriminate use of force
against a civilian just shows the brutal mentality of the Burma's
State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) troops.
Their main mission to destroy and they have no compunction
whatsoever to kill. Slorc's nonchalant attitude towards the
killing of the Thai villager also deserves to be condemned.

What constructive engagement?
If this the Slorc's gratitude towards Thailand's role in promoting
and defending the so-called "constructive engagement" policy in
the international arena, then it is high time Bangkok rethinks its
relationship with Rangoon.
The slaying  last Sunday was not the first instance of Slorc
violence directed at the Thais. Over the past few months Slorc
forces and their newly formed allies, the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA), have been violating Thai territory in Tak
province at will.
At Tak, Burmese troops opened fire frightened Karen refugees
taking shelter on Thai soil and even had the cheek to threaten
Thai villagers with force if the refugees did not return back to
Burma. 
A number of Karen refugees were killed and several Karen
leaders were kidnapped. Unfortunately, a few Thais also were
victims of the brutal Burmese actions. As always, the Slorc
pretentiously remained silent while Thailand had to bear the
brunt of its illegal intrusions.
More disappointing was Gen Wimol Wongwanich's comments over
the Burmese offensive against the Karens and the shooting of
the Thai villager. As Army commander-in-chief, it is his duty to
protect the country and defend the Thais.
However, it seems that brotherly ties with fellow military
officers in Burma are more important than the interests of the
people, especially those living along the Thai-Burmese border.
Wimol's first blunder was when he defended the Burmese Army's
action against the Karens, saying the rebels should be crushed
so that peace will prevail along the Thai border and Thais there
could lead a trouble-free life.
Without realizing growing Thai public sentiment against the
Burmese regime, the army chief committed another big diplomatic
faux pas by saying that the Burmese troops were "right" to shoot
Thawee for "security reasons."
Wimol's callous statements backfired and drew strong protests
from both Thawee's relatives and local Mae Sai residents, who
feel that the army chief and the armed forces have a duty and
responsibility to protect the lives of Thais instead of speaking up
to defend the Burmese.
Defence Minister Vijit Sookmark and Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai
have shown more sympathy to Thawee's family, saying that the
Burmese troops had overreacted by shooting him in the back.
Both have ordered the military and government agencies
concerned to investigate the killing and launch official protests
at all levels to the Burmese authorities. They also demanded
that the Slorc show responsibility by compensating Thawee's
family and officially apologizing of the shooting.

Surin's frustration
Deputy Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan, who has been a strong
defender of Thailand's "constructive engagement" policy towards
Burma, was right when he said that although Thawee was
mentally ill, he was a human being who had the right to live.
Surin even voiced his frustration by saying: "Whenever an incident
takes place, the Burmese government normally claims that it is
the work of other groups which are not under its jurisdiction."
Thailand through the Thai-Burmese Regional Border Committee,
which is to meet later this month in Phitsanulok, has to raise
these issues with the Burmese, and remind them that the Thai
people will not tolerate such behaviour.
Like-wise, Foreign Minister Krasae Chanawongse, who will start a
two-day official visit to Burma today, has to demand an official
explanation and apology from his Burmese counterpart U Ohn
Gyaw and other Slorc leaders, in particular the powerful
intelligence chief, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt.
The Slorc must not be allowed to escape from its legal
obligations to a neighbour. They must take disciplinary action
against the culprits who killed Thawee. Thailand has tolerated
and shown enough goodwill to the Slorc.
If the Rangoon regime does not repent in its ways, the Thai
government has no choice but to reconsider its ties with Burma.
Thailand indeed has less to suffer if it severs ties with an
illegitimate government that does not respect its own people and
couldn't give two hoots about its neighbours. (TN)

FOREIGNERS STILL WARY OF INVESTING IN BURMA, DESPITE
JUNTA'S NEW IMAGE
7 April 1995
Overseas investors are still holding back in Burma because of
the lack of infrastructure, lack of a clear policy on exchange
rates and reservations about the incumbent government's
political record. Reuter's Deborah Charles reports from
Rangoon. 

Burma's military government is moving to liberalise its economy
but foreigners are still wary of making large investments
because of poor infrastructure, an overvalued official currency
and political uncertainty.
Although the military government has relaxed its foreign
investment laws and opened up on the amount of foreign owned
ventures it will allow, diplomats say investors remain cautious.
"There are many problems here... At this moment the situation is
not good enough to make new investments on a large scale in
Burma," one diplomat told Reuters.
"The potential for investment in the furture is not bad. But many
people are watching and waiting for conditions to improve."
Diplomats, who calmly sat through several power outages in the
course of an hour-long interview, said the lack of electricity was
just one of the problems the government needs to address.
There is also the issue of insufficient roads connecting major
cities with the rest of Burma, poor port facilities and an
underdeveloped telecommunications system.
A hugely over-valued official exchange rate also hampers
growth, because investors are forced to pay their expenses in
hard currency at the official exchange rate.
The local currency, the kyat, trades at about six to the dollar at
the official rate and at about 100 to the dollar on the black
market.
Although the government is attempting to narrow the huge gap in
exchange rates by issuing foreign exchange certificates which
can be converted on the black market, diplomats say there is
still a long way to go before the problems can actually work to
benefit investors.
Some foreign companies who have to answer to shareholders are
also wary of investing in Burma because of its dismal human
rights record and political uncertainly, observers said.
Most Western countries cut off financial aid to the nation after
the military suppressed a brutal 1988 pro-democracy uprising,
leaving thousands dead or in jail.
The State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), which
assumed power after the 1988 uprising, later refused to
recognise elections in 1990 that were won overwhelmingly by an
opposition, pro-democracy party.
The government has still not released opposition leader and
Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been
under house arrest since 1989. Many nations have said her
release is one of the prerequisites for a resumption of economic
aid.
But at the same time the Slorc, which inherited the legacy of a
disastrous 26 years of the "Burmese Way to Socialism" Doctrine,
has tried to encourage foreign investment.
Soon after it assumed power the Slorc passed a Foreign
Investment Law which permitted 100 per cent foreign ownership
in all but a few areas.
Foreign companies were also allowed to form joint ventures with
a private Burmese company or state enterprise as long as the
foreign partner holds a minority 35 percent equity share.
The most popular areas of investment in Burma are oil and gas
and hotels and tourism, businessmen say.
Foreign-owned hotels, including big name international chains,
are mushrooming throughout Rangoon ahead of Burma's "Visit
Year" Scheduled for 1996. Myanmar is the Slorc's name for
Burma. 
Under the Myanmar Investment Commission, a total of $2.38
billion in foreign investment has been approved for 119 different
international enterprises from 17 countries as of January 31
this year.
Some diplomats note the figure means only that proposals have
been approved. It doesn't mean the investment has already been
made.
The top five countries with companies investing in Burma are
France, which has a large oil and gas venture, Singapore,
Thailand, The United States and Japan.
Diplomats say businessmen continue to visit Burma to gauge its
potential as a place to invest. Some are putting a small amount
of money into business now but most are holding off on large
investments until the future.
"They are coming in big missions, but mostly to study," said one
Asian diplomat. "Some are making small-scale investments but
they're waiting to make any big moves.
"The government needs to fix its problems first. I think they are
stepping forward but the steps are still not fast enough." (TN)

A MODERN FROM SLAVERY?
7 April 1995
Are Burmese prostitutes in Thailand victims of trafficking or
migrants who should be treated no differently from other
illegal immigrants? Government policy is based on the latter
belief, although, as SAPANA SAKYA reports, this has been met
with opposition by women's groups and various NGOs.

"People cannot choose where they will be born," said Phansak
Sophitleewattanon of Khana Kammakarn Ronarong Pheur
Prachathipatai Nai Pama (Committee for Democracy in Burma) few
people would dispute this statement, and most of us agree that
everyone has the right to pursue a better life and future.
Today Thai people travel overseas to countries like the US and
Australia in search of a better life; similarly, workers from
Thailand's neighbouring countries cross the border into Thailand
looking for jobs and an escape from what is happening in their
home countries.
Due to political and economic instability in nations like Burma,
Laos and Cambodia, combined with Thailand's affluence in relation
to the rest of Southeast Asia, the number of foreigners seeking
work in Thailand has increased rapidly since the Vietnam War.
Currently there are more than 500,000 illegal immigrants in the
country of which approximately 334,000 are from Burma.
Recently a government representative from the Interior Ministry
and the National Security Council expressed concern over the
increase in illegal immigrants saying that they "will not only
adversely affect the life and property of Thais but also the
country's security".
According to critics of government policy, the Thai government
treats all illegal immigrants the same and does not sympathise
with the number of Burmese women who are bought and sold by
brothel operators in Thailand.
Thai officials arrest, imprison, and fine these victims as illegal
immigrants. The women are then deported, only to be bought out
by the brothel owners awaiting them at the border stations to
enter the never-ending cycle of debt, deceit, and sexual abuse.
A report recently released by Asia Watch, the Women's Rights
Project and the Human Rights Watch organisation entitled
Amodern From of Slavery: Trafficking of Burmese Women and
Girls into Brothels in Thailand gives some insight into the
lucrative business of trafficking.
The book, which is based on interviews with Burmese women, Thai
government officials and the media, was recently translated by
Supapim Thanapornpan of the Foundation for Women.
After a brief history of the laws governing prostitution in
Thailand, the book includes a candid account of the lives of 30
female Burmese sex workers in Thailand and the discrimination
and abuse they endure from brothel operators, clients, and most
importantly Thai immigration officials.
The authors delve into the systematic involvement of Thai
authorities in trafficking. In some cases, the book says officers
act as traffickers themselves, while at other times they
facilitate agents or patronise the brothels.
They point out the discriminatory nature of the current
legislation concerning prostitution and trafficking in Thailand.
For example, the few times that the pimps or brothel owners have
actually been arrested, they were charged under the Act for the
Abatement of Prostitution and not under the Penal Code.
The authors also point out that, although Thailand has ratified
the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women which vows "to accord to women equality with men
before the law", most cases involve the arrest of the prostitutes
themselves, where as state agents, brothel owners, pimps,
recruiters and clients all of whom are usually male are rarely
penalised.
Furthermore, although Thailand's Anti-Trafficking law exempts
trafficking victims from imprisonment and fines, the Government
chooses not to apply it.
At a press conference organised by the Foundation for Women to
promote the book, officials from the Immigration Detention
Centre (IDC) and the Crime Suppression Division and
representatives of the Occupational Assistance Centre argued
that some details in the book were inaccurate.
Most of the Burmese women interviewed in the book were lured
into the country by traffickers who promised them a job and
decent living, but according to Police Colonel Surasak
Suttharom, deputy commander of the Crime Suppression Division,
"Many women we have arrested come willingly. According to
statistics from Chulalongkorn University only 2.1 per cent of
the women are 'lured' into Thailand."
However, Professor Theeranat Kanjanaaksorn of Chulalongkorn
University's Faculty of Economics argued that the term "willing"
can take on various definitions.
"The women may be 'wiilling', but it is a conditional willingness
because they are not aware of their choices and they think that
the life of abuse which they are later subjected to is their only
choice," she said, adding that if they escape they would surely be
arrested; thus in reality they have no choice.
Professor Theeranat explained that the women may voluntarily
enter prostitution, however, they do not know that they will be
subjected to torture, deception, debt bondage, and other forms
of inhumanity which is the basis of the definition of the world
"trafficking".
A Modern From Slavery also reports that the IDC is overcrowd
and inadequately equipped while officials routinely abuse the
women, sometimes raping them or selling drugs.
But, at the press conference, Police Colonel Decha
Yuthasatprasit of the Immigration Department said, "We do come
across some cases of abuse by officials, but there has never
been rape or drug pushing."
The book also finds fault with Ban Kredtakarn and Ban Pak Kred
of the Occupational Assistance Centre, training centres where
police send arrested prostitutes, both Thai citizens and illegal
immigrants, for occupational training while awaiting deportation.
The centre is described as "jail like", and some of the women are
spuposedly detained without charges for extended periods of
time.
The centre is accused of having stifling regulations which
prohibit detainees from wearing make-up, jewelry, and from
smoking. The women interviewed in the book complain that they
are not allowed to have visitors and that they must pay a fee
every time they want to visit friends in other rooms.
Thikunthong Kasemsan, an official from the Occupational
Assistance Centre said that, although the Centre was quite
strict and had many rules, it is not "jail-like" and the accusations
of physical abuse were groundless.
"It is true that we are very strict; the girls are not allowed to
wear make-up or jewellery and they are not allowed to smoke
either, but it's not true that they are not allowed visitors: And
there is certainly no physical abuse," she said.
The authors of  A Modern From of  Slavery recommend that
Thailand ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights and the Convention for the Suppression of Traffic in
Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others as
well as amend domestic prostitution and trafficking laws in
addition to a number modifications in the country's prostitution
and trafficking laws.
But the ratification of these coventions are not enough, said
Siriporn Scroburnett of the Global Alliance Against Trafficking
of Women (GAATW), citing Japan as an example.
"Although Japan is a member of various international agreements,
they still choose to ignore some aspects of the laws, such as the
one which states that a trafficking vicitm should be exempt from
imprisonment or fine."
The Chairman of the Human Rights Committee, Suthin Nophakate,
admitted that Parliament needed to do more work on legislations
concerning trafficking of women and said that he would like
nominations of people who will be able to assit the Committee
with their work. (BP) 



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NEWS SOURCES REGULARLY COVERED/ABBREVIATIONS USED BY BURMANET:
 ABSDF: ALL BURMA STUDENT'S DEMOCRATIC FRONT
 AMNESTY: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
 AP: ASSOCIATED PRESS
 AFP: AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
 AW: ASIAWEEK
 Bt.: THAI BAHT; 25 Bt. EQUALS US$1 (APPROX),
 BBC: BRITISH BROADCASTING CORPORATION
 BF: BURMA FORUM
 BKK POST: BANGKOK POST (DAILY NEWSPAPER, BANGKOK)
 BRC-CM: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-CHIANG MAI
 BRC-J: BURMESE RELIEF CENTER-JAPAN
 CPPSM:C'TEE FOR PUBLICITY OF THE PEOPLE'S STRUGGLE IN MONLAND
 FEER: FAR EAST ECONOMIC REVIEW
 GOA: GOVERNMENT OF AUSTRALIA
 IRRAWADDY: NEWSLETTER PUBLISHED BY BURMA INFORMATION GROUP
 KHRG: KAREN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP
 KNU: KAREN NATIONAL UNION
 Kt. BURMESE KYAT; UP TO 150 KYAT-US$1 BLACK MARKET
                   106 KYAT US$1-SEMI-OFFICIAL
                   6 KYAT-US$1 OFFICIAL
 MOA: MIRROR OF ARAKAN
 MNA: MYANMAR NEWS AGENCY (SLORC)
 THE NATION: A DAILY NEWSPAPER IN BANGKOK
 NCGUB: NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA
 NLM: NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR (DAILY STATE-RUN NEWSPAPER,RANGOON)
 NMSP: NEW MON STATE PARTY
 RTA:REC.TRAVEL.ASIA NEWSGROUP
 RTG: ROYAL THAI GOVERNMENT
 SCB:SOC.CULTURE.BURMA NEWSGROUP
 SCT:SOC.CULTURE.THAI NEWSGROUP
 SEASIA-L: S.E.ASIA BITNET MAILING LIST
 SLORC: STATE LAW AND ORDER RESTORATION COUNCIL
 TAWSJ: THE ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL
 UPI: UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
 USG: UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT
 XNA: XINHUA NEWS AGENCY
**************************************************************