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BurmaNet News: Special Edition
------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: SPECIAL ISSUE - FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERS
IN THE ASIA PACIFIC
September 9, 1995
Issue# 219
Noted in Passing:
A militaristic Burma serves no purpose whatsoever in promoting
stability and growth in Asia. Even from a selfish standpoint, it would
be in the interest of countries in the region to see democracy entrenched
in Burma. - Chee Soon Juan, Secretary General of the Singapore Democratic
Party (quoted in Burma Seminar Urges Immediate Dialogue)
HEADLINES:
==========
PRESS RELEASE: BURMA SEMINAR URGES IMMEDIATE DIALOGUE,
ARMS EMBARGO
FDL: RESOLUTION ON DEVELOPMENTS IN BURMA
AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S MESSAGE TO THE FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC
LEADERS
DR SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERS
----------------
[Editor's Note: It is very encouraging to see prominent Asian leaders
taking a strong pro-democracy stand on Burma at the FDL meeting in
Korea. In the past, certain Asian leaders have asserted that Asians
do not value democracy and individual rights the way that Westerners do.
In the statements below, however, it is clear that the political and economic
problems which the Burmese people are suffering cannot begin to be
solved until a truly democratic system is restored.]
BURMA SEMINAR URGES IMMEDIATE DIALOGUE, ARMS EMBARGO
Press Release: September 4 1995
for further information please contact Mung Joo Ok, FDL Headquarters
Tel: 322-4491 to 3 Fax: 322-4494
An international arms embargo and immediate opening of comprehensive
political dialogue in Burma were urged by participants at the Burma
Seminar hosted by the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia Pacific
(FDL) here today.
A resolution adopted at the close of the two day seminar also calls for
the honorable transformation of Burma's military to an institution
fully responsible to the authority of a democratically-elected
government.
Opening the seminar, FDL resident Co-president Dr. Kim Dae-jung called
on Burma's military rulers to quickly restore democratic rule, a goal
endorsed by the FDL's other Co-presidents Corazon Aquino, Oscar Arias,
and Sonia Gandhi.
Participants from 20 countries (Australia, Bangladesh, Burma, Cambodia,
Canada, Germany, India, Indonesian, Japan, Korea, Mongolia, Nepal, New
Zealand, Norway, Philippines, Pakistan, Singapore, Thailand, United
Kingdom, and USA) heard a special message from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
requesting continued FDL activities to promote democratization in Burma.
"We hope the FDL and its members can take a prominent role in Asia to
raise awareness of the problems of Burma both in individual countries
and on a regional basis," commented Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister of the
National Coalition Government of Burma.
Several participants emphasized that Asian countries should assume a
leading role in convincing the SLORC to give up power.
"A militaristic Burma serves no purpose whatsoever in promoting
stability and growth in Asia," remarked Chee Soon Juan, Secretary
General of the Singapore Democratic Party. "Even from a selfish
standpoint, it would be in the interest of countries in the region to
see democracy entrenched in Burma. There is no gain saying that few, if
any, violent conflicts have arisen between democratic societies."
Suthin Nophaket, a member of Thailand's House of Representatives, urged
the Association of Southeastern Asian Nations to take a higher profile
and more positive role in promoting democratic change in Burma, saying,
"ASEAN can act as a moderator to help resolve the situation in Burma and
build confidence among the different parties.".
The resolution adopted by the seminar also called on all peoples of
Burma to engage in sincere efforts to end drugs trafficking and to
protect Burma's environment.
"The FDL has renewed its commitment to work for democracy in Burma by
all powerful means," said FDL Secretary General Kim Sang Woo. "This
seminar has strengthened the network of people dedicated to this goal
throughout the Asia-Pacific region."
On 1-2 December, the FDL will sponsor a conference in Manila, suggested
by Aung San Suu Kyi, to discuss possible lessons for Burma of recent
transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule.
**********************************
RESOLUTION ON DEVELOPMENTS IN BURMA
Adopted by the FDL-AP Burma Seminar
4 September 1995
Seoul, Republic of Korea
------------------------------------
Recalling the resolution on democratization In Burma adopted by the
inaugural meeting of the FDL AP on 02 December 1994;
Welcoming with gladness the unconditional release from house arrest of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyl on 10 July 1995;
Noting with satisfaction that the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (Slorc) adhered to its pledge In effecting Daw Suu Kyi's
release;
Deploring the continued detention of hundreds of other political
prisoners In Burma today;
Deeply disturbed by numerous well-documented reports of continuing human
rights violations in Burma and aware of Resolution 1995172 adopted by
the United Nations Human Rights Commission condemning such violations;
Gravely Concerned that the Slorc is proceeding with a National
Convention, composed primarily of non-elected members, to draft a new
constitution that will institutionalize a permanent leading role
for the military in Burma's political affairs;
Aware that large-scale import of arms into Burma contributes to human
rights abuses and diverts scarce resources desperately needed for the
economic development;
Also Aware that heroin production and trafficking is an increasing
scourge within Burma and internationally, and that severe environmental
degradation is a serious threat to the prosperity of Burma and the
region;
Recalling successive resolutions adopted by the United Nations General
Assembly calling for democratization and respect for human rights in
Burma;
Reaffirming the FDL-AP's principle of non-interference in countries'
internal affairs outside of matters covered by international obligations
and standards, and;
Belleving that the release of Aung San Suu Kyi provides an opportunity
for all Burmese peoples to join on the road to genuine peace and
national reconciliation under democratic rule.
1. BE IT RESOLVED, therefore, that the FDL-AP:
a. Renew its commitment to work by all peaceful means through its
Burma Commission, Headquarters and National Chapters and liaison offices
towards realization of internationally-recognized standards of
democratization and human rights in Burma, including offering the good
offices of the FDL-AP to assist in, or contribute to dialogue on the
fulfillment of these objectives;
b. Join the international community and support prompt implementation
of the relevant United Nations resolutions which call on the SLORC to,
among others things, release all other political prisoners and
peacefully and fully restore democracy;
2. Be It further resolved that the FDL-AP call on the State Law and
Order Restoration Council to:
a. Join substantive dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi along with
other representatives of all political organizations and ethnic
nationalities aimed at achieving a consensus among all the peoples of
Burma regarding speedy transfer of power to the representatives
democratically elected in May 1990;
b. Offer unreservedly its firm commitment to the rule of law within a
system of constitutional guarantees, as well as adhering to Clause 20 of
Slorc Declaration 1190 of 27July 1990, which states unambiguously that
responsibility to draw up the constitution of the future democratic
state rests with elected representatives, and;
c. Participate in the honorable transformation of Burma's military
into an Institution fully responsible to a democratically-elected
government.
3. Be It also resolved that the FDL-AP call on all peoples of Burma
to:
a. Seek a new national consensus based on human rights, democracy and
respect for all peoples;
b. Condition all development assistance on concrete steps toward
human rights and democratization.
c. Bulld a durable, just and lasting peace on the foundation of
reconciliation;
d. Commit to sincere efforts to end drugs trafficking and the
suffering caused by heroin addiction, and;
e. Implement urgent steps and long-term plans to protect Burma's
environment
4. It finally resolved that the FDL-AP call on nations of the Asia
Pacific Region in particular and the international community as a whole
to:
a.Implement an immediate arms embargo on Burma to remain in effect until
the transfer of power to a democratically-elected government there;
b. Encourage through dialogue and other peaceful means the transition to
democracy in Burma;
c. Offer increased levels of humanitarian assistance to Burmese
refugees;
d. Join a democratic government in Burma to end drug trafficking, and;
e. Cooperate fully with urgent steps and long-term plans to protect
Burma's environment.
********
AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S MESSAGE TO THE FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC
LEADERS
The following is an opening message from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
to the Burma Seminar organized by Forum of Democratic Leaders
in the Asia-Pacific held in Seoul, South Korea, September 3-4.
Message from
A U N G S A N S U U K Y I
to the Burma Seminar
convened by the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific
---------------------------------------------------------------
It is an honour and a pleasure to be able to address a few words to the
Burma Seminar convened by the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-
Pacific. It provides me with an opportunity to thank the Forum for its
excellent work in support of the struggle for democracy in our region,
and to send my warm greetings to the participants of the seminar.
This is a time when it is crucial to make the international community
aware of the situation in our country and of our endeavours to establish
a democratic political system in keeping with the will of the people.
We who have been striving for democracy in Burma believe that peace and
genuine progress can be achieved only by creating a climate of trust and
confidence in our nation. We need the basic rights that will give our
people a sense of security and remove the shadows of mistrust and
suspicious that darken their lives. The people also need to feel
confident that they are in control of their own destiny, that their
interests will be guarded and their will respected by those who are in
charge of the governance of the country. Our concept of democracy is
fundamentally very simple; it is a system that ensures the supremacy of
the will of the people by providing institutions by which this will can
be effectively implemented.
It is my hope that this seminar will be able to bring to the attention
of the world the obstacles that have yet to be overcome before democracy
can truly be established in Burma. Further I hope the seminar will be
able to suggest suitable means for removing such obstacles.
May I wish the Forum and the participants in the Burma Seminar all
success in their endeavours to promote the cause of democracy in Burma
and in the rest of the Asia-Pacific.
*****************************
DR SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERS
Speech delivered by Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister of the National
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, at the Forum of
Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific held in Seoul, South Korea,
September 3-4, 1995
ROLE OF THE NCGUB
by Dr. Sein Win
------------------------------
Mr. Kim Dae-jung, honorable Co-Presidents, respected participants,
ladies and gentlemen:
I had the honor of speaking at the inaugural meeting of the FDL-AP last
December. Since then, many things have changed quite dramatically in
Burma and I am both honored and gratified that you have asked me to
speak again. Before I do so, let me first bring greetings on behalf of
our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. As you know, she was released
on July 10 after being under house arrest for nearly 6 years. In her
first public statement after her release, she thanked all those who have
worked for her release. I would like to take this opportunity to
specifically thank the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific
and the Kim Dae-jung Foundation on her behalf. I am glad to report that
she is well and determined to continue her political work until
democracy is restored in Burma.
Various people have speculated as to why the State Law and Order
Restoration Council decided to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Some claim
that SLORC release her because the generals had promised that they would
release her in July. They say that being honorable men, the generals
kept their promise. This ignores the fact that SLORC promised to hand
over power to the winners of the general elections in 1990. They have
not kept that promise. Others say they kept Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under
house arrest only as they were able to do so legally. This implies that
SLORC is a legitimate government that does everything according to the
law, contrary to the fact that SLORC makes and breaks any law it likes.
The Generals have in fact stated that since they are a military
government, they are above the law. Some say that SLORC released Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi because there was dissension among the ranks. They say
that some of the more reasonable general wanted her released. Whatever
the real motivation, we can be sure that SLORC decided to release her
only because the liability of keeping her under detention was
outweighing the benefit of having her under house arrest. We know for a
fact that the US Congress introduced legislation in June to cut US
funding the United Nations Development Program if it continued with
development projects in Burma. In July US Congress again threatened to
introduce economic sanctions against SLORC and the World Bank was not
responding positively to the appeal by the generals for assistance. We
also know that although Japan was willing to renew ODA assistance to
Burma, it was insisting on the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Even
ASEAN was beginning to tell SLORC that it would be easier to accept
Burma if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released. It can also be assumed that
SLORC was worried about the upcoming UN General Assembly in September.
In general, things were not going well for SLORC internationally. Its
campaign to raise foreign exchange through tourism was also running
into trouble. Charges of slave labor had been raised by the
International Labor Organization and even National Geographic, a non-
political magazine, had in its July issue portrayed SLORC negatively.
It is probable that SLORC took into account all these factors and
decided that it might be better to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under
controlled conditions. The generals then took steps to minimize the
danger to themselves and to ensure that her release would give them
maximum benefits. First, senior officers and troop commanders in
Burma were transferred to new positions. This happened in July and it
is significant because usually, military transfers are made in March.
This step virtually eliminates any slight possibility of an uprising
within the armed forces. SLORC was not taking any chances. Second, Daw
Aung San Suu Kyis release was only announced internationally where it
would have the maximum effect while domestically, nothing was mentioned.
This had the desired effect of influencing international opinion without
endangering SLORCs control within the country. And finally, SLORC
stated after her release that she is an ordinary citizen with the same
rights as anybody else. What SLORC did not announce is that the people
of Burma have no rights. Therefore, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is now free to
leave her house, but like everybody else, she cannot criticize SLORC.
Otherwise she can be arrested for threatening the security of the state.
It is very important that we understand this. Many people have not
understood this very important point. They rush in to interview her and
ask her very dangerous questions about the political situation. Since
she is not able to speak her mind as freely as she would like to, she
answers diplomatically. This is viewed by some to mean that she is not
opposed to what they want to do in Burma, either to invest in a business
or give aid to SLORC. An example of how dangerous it is for her to speak
out is her statement that she was disappointed with Japans eagerness to
renew ODA assistance. Soon after that, SLORC accused her of hindering
the development of the Burmese economy because she was jealous of the
achievement of the generals. We need to remember that any word that
is attributed to her which causes a setback for SLORC can bee used to
arrest her for undermining the security of the state. However, I must
say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been very courageous. She has spoken
out many times even when it was dangerous to do so.
Given these conditions, we see her cautiously testing the limits. We are
certain that under Daw Aung San Suu Kyis determined leadership, the
democracy movement inside Burma will be revitalized in spite of anything
that SLORC will try to do to prevent it. However, we must not leave it
to her to challenge SLORC alone. We have to help improve conditions for
her so that she can do more. Towards this objective. Burmese elected
representatives who were in exile, met in Sweden in July. We were able
to agree on how we will work together to support Daw Aung San Suu Kyis
political initiative. The Convention of Burmese Elected Representatives
was a very crucial meeting for the Burmese democracy movement and I
would like to take this opportunity to officially thank our friends from
Sweden, especially the Olof Palme International Centre, for making it
possible. At the Convention, we dissolved the government we had formed
in Mannerplaw in 1990 and re-constituted a new coalition government. To
reflect our commitment to a parliamentary democracy within a federal
system, four our of the ten cabinet members are from ethnic states.
The basic position of the NCGUB is one of cautious optimism. We are very
happy that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been released and we are sure we
will succeed but do not believe that SLORC is prepared to change on its
own. Otherwise, it would have by now acknowledged Daw Aung San Suu Kyis
offer of a dialogue. Other indications that SLORC has not changed are
the following:
*SLORC is still pursuing a policy of armed confrontation with peoples.
In fact, it broke its cease-fire agreement with the Karenni National
Progressive Party recently;
*Gross human rights violations such as forced labor, forced porterage,
and forced relocation, are still being perpetrated, especially in ethnic
areas;
*SLORC has not lifted any of its laws restricting the fundamental rights
of the people and it is again denying that it has any political
prisoners under detention;
*International agencies such as the International Committee of the Red
Cross are still being denied access to monitor the situation. In fact,
SLORC ignored a recent high level UN mission that attempted to encourage
a dialogue between SLORC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi;
*And finally, as far as we know, SLORC is determined to continue with
its National Convention on October 24 to draft a constitution to give
the military a major political role in Burma.
As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said,"I have been released. That is all. Nothing
has changed."
Therefore, while we see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi taking the lead, it is
clearly the job of those of us outside to press for more freedom of
action for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Her release has shown that SLORC is
vulnerable to international pressure. The most useful thing we and
others can do now is to increase international pressure on SLORC to
seriously enter into a dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. That should
be our priority.
International pressure brought about her release. International pressure
can help to improve her circumstances. The following are some of the
conditions that the Convention of Burmese elected representatives would
like to see:
*An official response from SLORC to Daw Aung San Suu offer of a
dialogue;
*SLORC officially establishing a political dialogue with Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi;
*The immediate and unconditional release of all other political
prisoners:
*The lifting of all laws restricting the fundamental rights of the
Burmese people;
*The declaration of a nation-wide cease-fire;
*The cessation of all human rights violations, including forced labor
and portering;
*Allowing international agencies free access to monitor the situation;
*The abolishing of the current National Convention.
Without these taking place, it cannot be said that SLORC has changed and
the international community should not rest until these conditions are
met. The Convention of Burmese Elected Representatives would also very
much like to see the Secretary-General of the United Nations fully
implement the December 1994 resolution of the General Assembly which
calls for him to assist in the national resolution process in Burma.
Ultimately, without a tripartite dialogue amongst the Burmese military
led by SLORC the democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and
Burmas ethnic leaders, we will not be able to solve Burmas problems.
In closing I would like to request each and every one of you to continue
supporting our work. There is still a lot to be done to create the right
atmosphere in which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can act freely. This is just
the beginning. Please stay with us. We all have a long and dangerous
way to go. We need our friends now even more than before.
THANK YOU ALL.