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BurmaNet News: Special Edition




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The BurmaNet News: SPECIAL ISSUE - FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERS
		       IN THE ASIA PACIFIC  
September 9, 1995
Issue# 219

Noted in Passing:
A militaristic Burma serves no purpose whatsoever in promoting 
stability and growth in Asia.  Even from a selfish standpoint, it would 
be in the interest of countries in the region to see democracy entrenched 
in Burma. - Chee Soon Juan, Secretary General of the Singapore Democratic 
Party  (quoted in Burma Seminar Urges Immediate Dialogue)

HEADLINES:
==========
PRESS RELEASE: BURMA SEMINAR URGES IMMEDIATE DIALOGUE, 
     ARMS EMBARGO
FDL: RESOLUTION ON DEVELOPMENTS IN BURMA
AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S MESSAGE TO THE FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC 
     LEADERS 
DR SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERS
---------------- 
[Editor's Note: It is very encouraging to see prominent Asian leaders 
taking a strong pro-democracy stand on Burma at the FDL meeting in 
Korea.  In the past, certain Asian leaders have asserted that Asians 
do not value democracy and individual rights the way that Westerners do.  
In the statements below, however, it is clear that the political and economic
problems which the Burmese people are suffering cannot begin to be 
solved until a truly democratic system is restored.]

BURMA SEMINAR URGES IMMEDIATE DIALOGUE, ARMS EMBARGO 
Press Release: September 4 1995 
 
for further information please contact Mung Joo Ok, FDL Headquarters 
Tel: 322-4491 to 3     Fax: 322-4494 
 
An international arms embargo and immediate opening of comprehensive 
political dialogue in Burma were urged by participants at the Burma 
Seminar hosted by the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia Pacific 
(FDL) here today. 
 
A resolution adopted at the close of the two day seminar also calls for 
the honorable transformation of Burma's military to an institution 
fully responsible to the authority of a democratically-elected 
government. 
 
Opening the seminar, FDL resident Co-president Dr. Kim Dae-jung called 
on Burma's military rulers to quickly restore democratic rule, a goal 
endorsed by the FDL's other Co-presidents Corazon Aquino, Oscar Arias, 
and Sonia Gandhi. 
 
Participants from 20 countries (Australia, Bangladesh, Burma, Cambodia, 
Canada, Germany, India, Indonesian, Japan, Korea, Mongolia, Nepal, New 
Zealand, Norway, Philippines, Pakistan, Singapore, Thailand, United 
Kingdom, and USA) heard a special message from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 
requesting continued FDL activities to promote democratization in Burma. 
 
"We hope the FDL and its members can take a prominent role in Asia to 
raise awareness of the problems of Burma both in individual countries 
and on a regional basis," commented Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister of the 
National Coalition Government of Burma. 
 
Several participants emphasized that Asian countries should assume a 
leading role in convincing the SLORC to give up power. 
 
"A militaristic Burma serves no purpose whatsoever in promoting 
stability and growth in Asia," remarked Chee Soon Juan, Secretary 
General of the Singapore Democratic Party. "Even from a selfish 
standpoint, it would be in the interest of countries in the region to 
see democracy entrenched in Burma. There is no gain saying that few, if 
any, violent conflicts have arisen between democratic societies." 
 
Suthin Nophaket, a member of Thailand's House of Representatives, urged 
the Association of Southeastern Asian Nations to take a higher profile 
and more positive role in promoting democratic change in Burma, saying, 
"ASEAN can act as a moderator to help resolve the situation in Burma and 
build confidence among the different parties.". 
 
The resolution adopted by the seminar also called on all peoples of 
Burma to engage in sincere efforts to end drugs trafficking and to 
protect Burma's environment. 
 
"The FDL has renewed its commitment to work for democracy in Burma by 
all powerful means," said FDL Secretary General Kim Sang Woo. "This 
seminar has strengthened the network of people dedicated to this goal 
throughout the Asia-Pacific region." 
 
On 1-2 December, the FDL will sponsor a conference in Manila, suggested 
by Aung San Suu Kyi, to discuss possible lessons for Burma of recent 
transitions from authoritarian to democratic rule. 
**********************************

RESOLUTION ON DEVELOPMENTS IN BURMA 
 
Adopted by the FDL-AP Burma Seminar 
4 September 1995 
Seoul, Republic of Korea 
------------------------------------ 
 
Recalling the resolution on democratization In Burma adopted by the 
inaugural meeting of the FDL AP on 02 December 1994; 
 
Welcoming with gladness the unconditional release from house arrest of 
Daw Aung San Suu Kyl on 10 July 1995; 
 
Noting with satisfaction that the State Law and Order Restoration 
Council (Slorc) adhered to its pledge In effecting Daw Suu Kyi's 
release; 
 
Deploring the continued detention of hundreds of other political 
prisoners In Burma today; 
 
Deeply disturbed by numerous well-documented reports of continuing human 
rights violations in Burma and aware of Resolution 1995172 adopted by 
the United Nations Human Rights Commission condemning such violations; 
 
Gravely Concerned that the Slorc is proceeding with a National 
Convention, composed primarily of non-elected members, to draft a new 
constitution that will institutionalize a permanent leading role 
for the military in Burma's political affairs; 
 
Aware that large-scale import of arms into Burma contributes to human 
rights abuses and diverts scarce resources desperately needed for the 
economic development; 
 
Also Aware that heroin production and trafficking is an increasing 
scourge within Burma and internationally, and that severe environmental 
degradation is a serious threat to the prosperity of Burma and the 
region; 
 
Recalling successive resolutions adopted by the United Nations General 
Assembly calling for democratization and respect for human rights in 
Burma; 
 
Reaffirming the FDL-AP's principle of non-interference in countries' 
internal affairs outside of matters covered by international obligations 
and standards, and; 
 
Belleving that the release of Aung San Suu Kyi provides an opportunity 
for all Burmese peoples to join on the road to genuine peace and 
national reconciliation under democratic rule. 
 
1. BE IT RESOLVED, therefore, that the FDL-AP: 
 
a. Renew its commitment to work by all peaceful means through its 
Burma Commission, Headquarters and National Chapters and liaison offices 
towards realization of internationally-recognized standards of 
democratization and human rights in Burma, including offering the good 
offices of the FDL-AP to assist in, or contribute to dialogue on the 
fulfillment of these objectives; 
 
b. Join the international community and support prompt implementation 
of the relevant United Nations resolutions which call on the SLORC to, 
among others things, release all other political prisoners and 
peacefully and fully restore democracy; 

2. Be It further resolved that the FDL-AP call on the State Law and 
Order Restoration Council to: 
 
a. Join substantive dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi along with 
other representatives of all political organizations and ethnic 
nationalities aimed at achieving a consensus among all the peoples of 
Burma regarding speedy transfer of power to the representatives 
democratically elected in May 1990; 
 
b. Offer unreservedly its firm commitment to the rule of law within a 
system of constitutional guarantees, as well as adhering to Clause 20 of 
Slorc Declaration 1190 of 27July 1990, which states unambiguously that 
responsibility to draw up the constitution of the future democratic 
state rests with elected representatives, and; 
 
c. Participate in the honorable transformation of Burma's military 
into an Institution fully responsible to a democratically-elected 
government. 
 
3. Be It also resolved that the FDL-AP call on all peoples of Burma 
to: 
 
a. Seek a new national consensus based on human rights, democracy and 
respect for all peoples; 
 
b. Condition all development assistance on concrete steps toward 
human rights and democratization. 
 
c. Bulld a durable, just and lasting peace on the foundation of 
reconciliation; 
 
d. Commit to sincere efforts to end drugs trafficking and the 
suffering caused by heroin addiction, and; 
 
e. Implement urgent steps and long-term plans to protect Burma's 
environment 
 
4. It finally resolved that the FDL-AP call on nations of the Asia 
Pacific Region in particular and the international community as a whole 
to: 
 
a.Implement an immediate arms embargo on Burma to remain in effect until 
the transfer of power to a democratically-elected government there; 
 
b. Encourage through dialogue and other peaceful means the transition to 
democracy in Burma; 
 
c. Offer increased levels of humanitarian assistance to Burmese 
refugees; 
 
d. Join a democratic government in Burma to end drug trafficking, and; 
 
e. Cooperate fully with urgent steps and long-term plans to protect 
Burma's environment.

********
AUNG SAN SUU KYI'S MESSAGE TO THE FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC 
LEADERS

The following is an opening message from Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
to the Burma Seminar organized by Forum of Democratic Leaders 
in the Asia-Pacific held in Seoul, South Korea, September 3-4.


Message from 
A U N G    S A N   S U U   K Y I
to the Burma Seminar
convened by the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific
---------------------------------------------------------------

It is an honour and a pleasure to be able to address a few words to the 
Burma Seminar convened by the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-
Pacific.  It provides me with an opportunity to thank the Forum for its 
excellent work in support of the struggle for democracy in our region, 
and to send my warm greetings to the participants of the seminar.

This is a time when it is crucial to make the international community 
aware of the situation in our country and of our endeavours to establish 
a democratic political system in keeping with the will of the people.  
We who have been striving for democracy in Burma believe that peace and 
genuine progress can be achieved only by creating a climate of trust and 
confidence in our nation.  We need the basic rights that will give our 
people a sense of security and remove the shadows of mistrust and 
suspicious that darken their lives.  The people also need to feel 
confident that they are in control of their own destiny, that their 
interests will be guarded and their will respected by those who are in 
charge of the governance of the country.  Our concept of democracy is 
fundamentally very simple; it is a system that ensures the supremacy of 
the will of the people by providing institutions by which this will can 
be effectively implemented.

It is my hope that this seminar will be able to bring to the attention 
of the world the obstacles that have yet to be overcome before democracy 
can truly be established in Burma. Further I hope the seminar will be 
able to suggest suitable means for removing such obstacles.

May I wish the Forum and the participants in the Burma Seminar all 
success in their endeavours to promote the cause of democracy in Burma 
and in the rest of the Asia-Pacific.
*****************************

DR SEIN WIN'S SPEECH AT FORUM OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERS

Speech delivered by Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister of the National 
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, at the Forum of
Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific held in Seoul, South Korea,
September 3-4, 1995


ROLE OF THE NCGUB  
by  Dr. Sein Win  
------------------------------ 
  
Mr. Kim Dae-jung, honorable Co-Presidents, respected participants, 
ladies and gentlemen:  
  
I had the honor of speaking at the inaugural meeting of the FDL-AP last  
December. Since then, many things have changed quite dramatically in  
Burma and I am both honored and gratified that you have asked me to  
speak again. Before I do so, let me first bring greetings on behalf of  
our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. As you know, she was released   
on July 10 after being under house arrest for nearly 6 years. In her  
first public statement after her release, she thanked all those who have  
worked for her release. I would like to take this opportunity to  
specifically thank the Forum of Democratic Leaders in the Asia-Pacific  
and the Kim Dae-jung Foundation on her behalf. I am glad to report that  
she is well and determined to continue her political work until  
democracy is restored in Burma.  
  
Various people have speculated as to why the State Law and Order  
Restoration Council decided to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Some claim  
that SLORC release her because the generals had promised that they would  
release her in July.  They say that being honorable men, the generals  
kept their promise.  This ignores the fact that SLORC promised to hand  
over power to the winners of  the general elections in 1990. They have   
not kept that promise. Others say they kept Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under  
house arrest only as they were able to do so legally. This implies that  
SLORC is a legitimate government that does everything according to the  
law, contrary to the fact that SLORC makes and breaks any law it likes.  
 
The Generals have in fact stated that since they are a military  
government, they are above the law. Some say that SLORC released Daw  
Aung San Suu Kyi because there was dissension among the ranks. They say  
that some of the more reasonable general wanted her released. Whatever  
the real motivation, we can be sure that SLORC decided to release her  
only because the liability of keeping her under detention was  
outweighing the benefit of having her under house arrest. We know for a  
fact that the US Congress introduced legislation in June to cut US  
funding the United Nations Development Program if it continued with  
development projects in Burma. In July US Congress again threatened to  
introduce economic sanctions against SLORC and the World Bank was not  
responding positively to the appeal by the generals for assistance.  We  
also know that although Japan was willing to renew ODA assistance to   
Burma, it was insisting on the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Even  
ASEAN was beginning to tell SLORC that it would be easier to accept  
Burma if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released. It can also be assumed that  
SLORC was worried about the upcoming UN General Assembly in September.  
 
In general, things were not going well for SLORC internationally. Its  
campaign to raise foreign exchange through tourism was also running   
into trouble. Charges of slave labor had been raised by the 
International Labor Organization and even National Geographic, a non- 
political magazine, had in its July issue portrayed SLORC negatively.  
  
It is probable that SLORC took into account all these factors and  
decided that it might be better to release Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under  
controlled conditions. The generals then took steps to minimize the  
danger to themselves and to ensure that her release would give them  
maximum benefits.  First, senior officers and troop commanders in  
Burma were transferred to new positions.  This happened in July and it  
is significant because usually, military transfers are made in March.   
This step virtually eliminates any slight possibility of an uprising  
within the armed forces. SLORC was not taking any chances. Second, Daw   
Aung San Suu Kyis release was only announced internationally where it  
would have the maximum effect while domestically, nothing was mentioned.  
This had the desired effect of influencing international opinion without  
endangering SLORCs control within the country. And finally, SLORC  
stated after her release that she is an ordinary citizen with the same  
rights as anybody else. What SLORC did not announce is that the people  
of Burma have no rights. Therefore, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is now free to  
leave her house, but like everybody else, she cannot criticize SLORC.  
Otherwise she can be arrested for threatening the security of the state.  
  
It is very important that we understand this. Many people have not  
understood this very important point.  They rush in to interview her and  
ask her very dangerous questions about the political situation. Since  
she is not able to speak her mind as freely as she would like to, she  
answers diplomatically.  This is viewed by some to mean that she is not   
opposed to what they want to do in Burma, either to invest in a business  
or give aid to SLORC. An example of how dangerous it is for her to speak  
out is her statement that she was disappointed with Japans eagerness to  
renew ODA assistance. Soon after that, SLORC accused her of hindering  
the development of  the Burmese economy because she was jealous of the  
achievement of the generals. We need to remember that any word that   
is attributed to her which causes a setback for SLORC can bee used to  
arrest her for undermining the security of the state. However, I must  
say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been very courageous. She has spoken  
out many times even when it was dangerous to do so.   
  
Given these conditions, we see her cautiously testing the limits. We are  
certain that under Daw Aung San Suu Kyis determined leadership, the  
democracy movement inside Burma will be revitalized in spite of anything  
that SLORC will try to do to prevent it.  However, we must not leave it  
to her to challenge SLORC alone. We have to help improve conditions for  
her so that she can do more. Towards this objective. Burmese elected   
representatives who were in exile, met in Sweden  in July. We were able  
to agree on how we will work together to support Daw Aung San Suu Kyis  
political initiative. The Convention of Burmese Elected Representatives  
was a very crucial meeting for the Burmese democracy movement and I  
would like to take this opportunity to officially thank our friends from  
Sweden, especially the Olof Palme International Centre, for making it  
possible.  At the Convention, we dissolved the government we had formed  
in Mannerplaw in 1990 and re-constituted a new coalition government. To  
reflect our commitment to a parliamentary democracy within a federal  
system, four our of the ten cabinet members are from ethnic states.   
  
The basic position of the NCGUB is one of cautious optimism. We are very  
happy that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been released and we are sure we  
will succeed but do not believe that SLORC is prepared to change on its  
own. Otherwise, it would have by now acknowledged Daw Aung San Suu Kyis  
offer of a dialogue. Other indications that SLORC has not changed are  
the following:  
  
*SLORC is still pursuing a policy of armed confrontation with peoples.  
In fact, it broke its cease-fire agreement with the Karenni National  
Progressive Party recently;  
*Gross human rights violations such as forced labor, forced porterage,  
and forced relocation, are still being perpetrated, especially in ethnic  
areas;  
 
*SLORC has not lifted any of its laws restricting the fundamental rights  
of the people and it is again denying that it has any political  
prisoners under detention;  
 
*International agencies such as the International Committee of the Red  
Cross are still being denied access to monitor the situation. In fact,  
SLORC ignored a recent high level UN mission that attempted to encourage  
a dialogue between SLORC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi; 
  
*And finally, as far as we know, SLORC is determined to continue with  
its National Convention on October 24 to draft a constitution to give  
the military a major political role in Burma.  
  
As Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said,"I have been released. That is all. Nothing  
has changed."  
 
Therefore, while we see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi taking the lead, it is  
clearly the job of those of us outside to press for more freedom of  
action for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Her release has shown that SLORC is  
vulnerable to international pressure. The most useful thing we and  
others can do now is to increase international pressure on SLORC to   
seriously enter into a dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.  That should  
be our priority.   
 
International pressure brought about her release. International pressure  
can help to improve her circumstances. The following are some of the  
conditions that the Convention of Burmese elected representatives would  
like to see:  
  
*An official response from SLORC to Daw Aung San Suu offer of a  
dialogue;  
 
*SLORC officially establishing a political dialogue with Daw Aung San  
Suu Kyi;  
 
*The immediate and unconditional release of all other political  
prisoners:  
 
*The lifting of all laws restricting the fundamental rights of the  
Burmese people;  
 
*The declaration of a nation-wide cease-fire;  
 
*The cessation of all human rights violations, including forced labor  
and portering;  
 
*Allowing international agencies free access to monitor the situation;  
 
*The abolishing of the current National Convention.  
  
Without these taking place, it cannot be said that SLORC has changed and  
the international community should not rest until these conditions are  
met. The Convention of Burmese Elected Representatives would also very  
much like to see the Secretary-General of the United Nations fully  
implement the December 1994 resolution of the General Assembly which  
calls for him to assist in the national resolution process in Burma.   
Ultimately, without a tripartite dialogue amongst the Burmese military  
led by SLORC the democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and  
Burmas ethnic leaders, we will not be able to solve Burmas problems.  
  
In closing I would like to request each and every one of you to continue  
supporting our work. There is still a lot to be done to create the right  
atmosphere in which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can act freely.  This is just  
the beginning.  Please stay with us.  We all have a long and dangerous  
way to go. We need our friends now even more than before.  
  
THANK YOU ALL.