dr. sein win speech to trade unions

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Subject:       dr. sein win speech to trade unions conference

B U R M A     &     T H E     F U T U R E
by Dr. Sein Win, Prime Minister
National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma


STRATEGIES FOR DEMOCRATIC TRADE UNIONS - BURMA
Manila, Philippines,  October 10 1995


Mr Chairman, distinguished guests, respected delegates, ladies and gentlemen.  Thank 
you for this opportunity to address you at this very important conference. I am confident 
that what will be discussed here will help to lay the foundation for the kind of Burma we 
want in the future.

The venue for this conference is very appropriate,being the home of the people's power 
revolution that shook the confidence of authoritarian governments everywhere.  Since 
then the Philippines has been at the forefront of the fight for democracy in the region 
and in Burma. President Corazon Aquino was the only ASEAN leader to officially speak 
out while still in office on behalf of our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.  The Philippines 
was also the first ASEAN nation to officially welcome the Burmese democratic move- 
ment when I was invited here in July 1994.  For that very significant step, we have to 
thank President Fidel Ramos and the Philippine Democratic Socialist Party headed by 
Norberto Gonzales.  I feel very warmly welcomed here and (with strong supporters like 
Senator Blas Ople present,) I look forward to the discussions we will be having.

But since I am addressing labour leaders who are known more for their action than their 
words, I will try to keep my remarks short and to the point.

First, I have to clarify that the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma 
which I head is a provisional government.  Based on the results of the 1990 general 
elections, we are working on behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma 
to end military rule and restore democracy in Burma.  When our job is done, Daw Aung 
San Suu Kyi and the people will decide what kind of future they want for Burma.  
Therefore, what I say today cannot be taken as the final blueprint for Burma.  It is, 
however, a strong indication of the direction in which I and my colleagues would like to 
see Burma take in the future.  It will be the task of organizations like the Federation of 
Trade Unions, Burma, to ensure that what we would like to see happen in the future 
actually takes place.  That is another reason why I am very encouraged by this 
conference and the strong support from the international trade union movement.

Second, I am aware that Burma has unfortunately become the frontline in a global 
battle between those who advocate efficient wealth making at any cost and those who 
advocate capitalism in an open and democratic society.  One one side we have 
authoritarian governments who are aligned with powerful transnational economic actors 
who see democracy as an obstacle to profit-making.  They prefer a controlled 
democracy where the economic actors can make profits efficiently with a minimum of 
fuss.  In turn, the profits are shared with those in government to maintain their power 
and control. On the other side, we have the democratic countries and the dispossessed 
who believe that every individual should be able to have a say in how he wants to live 
and who he wants to rule over him.  Given this new global conflict, we, the Burmese 
people, must carefully choose what we want and make sure we get it.
But before I talk about the future. let us look at some recent events which have a 
direct bearing on our discussions. As you know, our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was 
released from house arrest on 10 July. At that time many hoped that her release would 
be followed by a dialogue between her and SLORC which would in turn facilitate the 
process of national reconciliation and a peaceful transition to democracy. Three months 
have passed and no dialogue has been started. The special envoy of the United Nations 
Secretary General, Mr Alvaro de Soto, who went to Burma in August to encourage 
a dialogue, was ignored. Last week, speaking at the UN General Assembly, SLORC's 
Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw. did not even bother to pay lip service to democratization 
and national reconciliation as he has always done in the past. Instead, he spoke about 
SLORC's agenda for a militarized unitary state and its program of national 
reconsolidation. From these indicators, it is clear that the release of Daw Aung San Suu 
Kyi was only a tactical move on the part of the generals. After her release earned SLORC 
acceptance into ASEAN and Japan re-initiated aid programs. SLORC has switched back 
to a hard line position. It has no intention of deviating from its plan to establish an 
Indonesia model of goverment where the military will have a central political role in 
Burma's future. It is not interested in reconciliation or a transition to democracy. 
Therefore, in our discussions, we should not hope for any short cut or quick fix solution to 
the problems we face in Burma. We must be prepared for a long struggle and we must 
be 
prepared to work hard to put into place all the building blocks necessary to achieve the 
kind of society we want. 
 
What then, is the future society we want? Let us start by looking at what is happening in 
Burma today. Multinational corporations are being invited to exploit Burma's resources. 
These include oil and gas, minerals, timber, and fish. Tourism is being promoted in 
a big way. Industrial Parks and Free Export Zones are on the way  The export of 
labourers is also becoming a big business. What does all this mean for Burma? As 
labour leaders you are all very familiar with what it means but let rne list for you some 
of the worse results in Burma. The generals who are also co-owners in many of the 
new ventures are becoming increasingly rich and powerful. Forced labour, child labour, 
unemployment and prostitution are on the rise. Basic commodities such as rice are 
becoming scarce as they are diverted for export.  Farmers are becoming landless as 
farms are confiscated to be transformed into military agro-businesses for export. Worse 
still, the freehold farmer is being forced to become a slave labourer as the need for 
agro-business labourers increases.  In other words, the number of people benefitting 
from 
the economy is becoming smaller and the gap between the have and the have nots is 
becoming greater. It means that the generals are in the process of transforming Burma 
into an efficient profit-making machine for global entrepreneurs. If left unhindered, the 
generals and their economic partners could continue ruling Burma for at least the next 
30 years. 
 
If this SLORC-version of a future Burma is not what we want, what can we do about it? 
In the past, the people of Burma have resisted military domination by taking up arms. 
We have been at war with each other for 47, years. The option to change the system 
by force which was questionable at best, is becoming increasingly unviable. SLORC 
has purchased from China alone almost US$2 billion worth of modern arms and it is 
in the process of expanding the armed forces to a full strength of half-a-million men. 
In 1962, 1974 and 1988, the people of Burma tried to change the system through 
demonstrations. These were brutally crushed. In 1990, we tried again to change the 
system through the ballot box. We won 82% of the parliamentary seats but the election 
results were ignored by the military, More recently, Daw Aung San Suu Ky has tried 
to change the system by offering to negotiate. to begin a dialogue with the generals. 
Again, they have fallen on deaf ears  What options do we have left? Although the 
situation looks bleak, it is not hopeless. We can still influence events. This is because, 
while SLORC wants to transform Burma into its own private club, it does not yet have 
the means to do so. In spite of the investments that seem to be pouring in, SLORC 
does not have enough to really make a difference. This is borne out by the most recent 
World Bank and Asian Development Bank Reports. 
 
We must, therefore, concentrate on certain key areas. The armed democracy forces on 
Burma's borders have tried to slow down SLORC's military advances but we have not 
been very successful. Therefore, since 1993, the NCGUB and its allies have embarked 
on a program to rekindle political activity inside Burma through the Democratic Voice 
of Burma Radio and by providing training on democratic principles and non-violent but 
relatively safe ways to defy the military. I believe our program in this area needs to be 
expanded beyond the border areas deeper into Burma. Another way it can be expanded 
is to include in the training, more information about trade unions and the skills required 
to organize one. Our program has reached the major cities in Burma and I would like 
to suggest that you look at how we can step up our program, in your discussions, 
 
Since 1990, my government has been concentrating on denying political legitimacy to 
SLORC in the international arena. We have been quite successful and this has had the 
effect of denying SLORC the foreign aid it needs to really transform Burma's economy. 
This political campaign combined with grassroot activists worldwide have also slowed 
down SLORC campaign to attract foreign investment and tourists. This is another 
major area in which I believe we will need more help. As SLORC gets desperate, it 
will intensify its campaign to gain legitimacy and aid.  We have to be able to not 
only counter their efforts but to take the politcal initiative. We really appreciate the 
help labour unions have already given to my government, to the National League for 
Democracy in the Liberated Area and to the Federation of Trade Unions, Burma. But 
we are still very short of personnel and resources. I would like to request that in this 
meeting you seriously look at ways how you might be able to help us to continue denying 
SLORC the resources it needs to survive. 
 
Another important point is that if we do not want the kind of Burma SLORC has in mind, 
we will need a very strong trade union movement. Some educated and talented Burmese 
will be seduced by SLORC's authoritarian free market economy and the opportunity to 
become rich but the vast majority of Burmese workers who will not benefit from the 
system will not be co-opted. That is where our strength lies and I believe that is where 
we need to concentrate our attention.  Here I am not only talking about trade unions 
on the borders or in exile. As SLORC opens up more to foreign investments, I believe 
we should ensure that independent trade unions are allowed to be set up. I strongly 
urge that some mechanism be set up not only to coordinate with us and to liaise with 
the business community but also to be a resource centre for Burmese workers in the 
new industries and services being encouraged by SLORC. 
 
Finally, in the short-term, I would like to suggest that the unions consider some type 
of strike action to send a signal to investors who are supporting slave labour in Burma 
that their actions will not be tolerated and to give notice to SLORC that releasing 
Daw Aung San Suu Ky and ignoring her is not acceptable. At the very least it should 
officially begin a dialogue with her as a prelude to a transition to democracy. SLORC 
has to learn that it cannot just make deals with investors and governments and ignore 
its workers. 
 
Thank you once again for this opportunity and I look forward to further discussions with 
you.

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