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SLORC-NLD: NEW BATTLE-LINE? (r)



Received: (from strider) by igc4.igc.apc.org (8.6.12/Revision: 1.15 ) id HAA20703; Thu, 19 Oct 1995 07:46:20 -0700
Date: Thu, 19 Oct 1995 07:46:20 -0700

David,

Regarding the following:

/* Written  5:00 PM  Oct 18, 1995 by darnott in igc:reg.burma */
/* ---------- "SLORC-NLD: NEW BATTLE-LINE?" ---------- */
DOES ANYONE HAVE ANY FURTHER INFORMATION ON THE REPORT THAT THE
SLORC ELECTIONS COMMISSION HAS REJECTED THE NLD DECISION TO
REINSTATE AUNG SAN SUU KYI AND COLLEAGUES? IF TRUE, THIS COULD BE
AN IMPORTANT NEW BATTLE-LINE BETWEEN NLD AND SLORC. 
******************************

It isn't so much that it is a new battle line--it's been there for 
awhile but is so sensitive that both sides have avoided a direct 
confrontation.

Almost the only name people are familiar with in the National League 
for Democracy is Aung San Suu Kyi.  To understand why this 
"reinstatement" is so important and dangerous, you need to look beyond 
her for a moment.  Six years ago, the SLORC decapitated the NLD by 
arresting her and several of the other most senior leaders.  After her 
arrest, the NLD was run by its highest governing body, the Executive 
Committee.  The Executive Committee used to have about 10 to 12 
members, including Daw Suu.  The titular head was U Tin Oo and the 
number 2 position was held by U Kyi Maung.

After the arrest of those three and others, leadership of the NLD fell 
to the remaining members of the Executive Committee, chaired by U Aung 
Shwe.  Aung Shwe is viewed by too many as weak and uninspiring--as are 
some other EC members.  This is almost certainly a mistake, although an 
easy one to make if you aren't looking at this from Rangoon.

The Executive Committee has led the NLD under extraordinarily difficult 
conditions.  They face constant harrassment from the government and the 
threat of prison.  People associated with the party have lost jobs and 
property and sometimes worse.  The leaders may not meet foreigners, 
including members of the press, the party cannot print anything without 
permission nor hold meetings of more than a few people.  Donations are 
discouraged because to help the NLD is to invite endless trouble with 
the government: tax audits, criminal investigations, refusal by any 
government agency you come in contact with to issue licenses or permits 
(and this in a country where EVERYTHING is controlled by the government).

You can see the results of this pressure in the party's national 
headquarters.  The only equipment is two manual typewriters and a ditto 
machine (which the government has been kind enough to renew the license on).
Despite this, the Executive Committee and other leaders have kept the 
party intact.  

One thing that the SLORC is doing is a direct threat to the party's 
existence.  By the rules of the SLORC run multi-party Electoral 
Commission, no party may replace members of the Executive Committee 
without the government's permission.  Permission is never given, even 
when EC members die or become infirm.  Another rule of the SLORC is 
that if any party has fewer than five Executive Committee members, the 
party is automatically defunct--banned.

Because of this, members of the EC never resign even if they become 
completely unfit to serve.  They jokingly greet each other with something 
that translates to: "my friend, you are not allowed to die."

Unfortunately, they do die.  Most recently, one of them died on July 15th,
which brought the number of NLD EC members to seven.  Those seven old 
men are hard and smart, but time is not on their side.  Six of them are 
over seventy and the youngest is sixty nine.

What the NLD is doing now is putting up a new list of Executive 
Committee members.  The new list reinstates Daw Suu, U Kyi Maung and U 
Tin Oo and will bring EC membership to ten.  The SLORC is refusing to 
recognize what the NLD is doing; the NLD is refusing to allow the SLORC 
to dictate their internal affairs--to strangle the party slowly.  This 
is where the confrontation is.  What happens is anybody's guess.  The 
SLORC could simply ignore it, which would be a de facto victory for the 
NLD.  Or they could use it as a pretext for arresting people or banning 
the party.  Whatever happens, this it is now evident that the NLD has 
made up its mind to begin confronting the SLORC, at least on certain 
issues where they really cannot avoid it.  Given the vicious nature of 
the SLORC however, any confrontation--however unavoidable--is never safe.

  Strider

*********************************************

 An AFP Wire of 16 October stated: 
 
   "A five-member elections commission, handpicked by the junta
to supervise the 1990 general elections, has officially rejected
the NLD's new central executive committee line-up, informed
sources said. The commission acts as a disciplinary body for
existing political parties.
   NLD decided last Tuesday to reinstate Aung San Suu Kyi and
former chairmen Tin Oo and Kyi Maung, who were similarly expelled
in 1991, and declared that it would stand by its decision despite
the elections commission's rejection."
 
(Full text below)

 
This is the only report I have seen on the matter. I will remain
sceptical until an official announcement has been made, and the
NLD's reply made public.
 
If anyone has further information, please post it on the net.
 
David Arnott  18/10/05
 .................................................................
 
Full text of wire:
 
   UN human rights official meets Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma
 
 
   RANGOON, Oct 16 (AFP) - United Nations rapporteur Yozo Yokota,
presently in Rangoon to collect information for his next human
rights report on Burma, met with Nobel Peace laureate Aung San
Suu Kyi for the second time Monday.
   The meeting was preceded by a short photo session for
journalists allowed into the compound of her residence before
their closed-door session.
   Members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) including
chairman Aung Shwe and co-vice chairmen Kyi Maung and Tin Oo also
attended the meeting.
   Yokota met with Aung San Suu Kyi for the first time last week.
His earlier attempts to see her while she was under house arrest
had been repeatedly rejected by military authorities here on
grounds that "the time was not opportune."
   Aung San Suu Kyi's house arrest was lifted by the Burmese
junta in July.
   The UN envoy met earlier Monday with Lieutenant General Khin
Nyunt, the powerful first secretary of the ruling State Law and
Order Restoration Council (SLORC), following a trip to Kachin and
Shan states in northern and eastern Burma, official sources said.
   No details of the meetings have been released.
   Based on Yokota's earlier reports, the UN had previously
adopted resolutions urging Burma to take appropriate steps to
accelerate the process of the country's transition to democracy.
   It also urged the ruling military to engage in a substantive
dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and other pro-democracy leaders,
including representatives of Burma's ethnic minorities, "as a
means of promoting national reconciliation."
   Military authorities here condemned the resolution as an
"ill-disguised attempt" to interfere with Burma's internal
affairs.
   Yokota's visit here coincided with the decision by the NLD to
reinstate Aung San Suu Kyi as its secretary general after it
expelled her in 1991 under pressure from the SLORC.
   A five-member elections commission, handpicked by the junta to
supervise the 1990 general elections, has officially rejected the
NLD's new central executive committee line-up, informed sources
said. The commission acts as a disciplinary body for existing
political parties.
   NLD decided last Tuesday to reinstate Aung San Suu Kyi and
former chairmen Tin Oo and Kyi Maung, who were similarly expelled
in 1991, and declared that it would stand by its decision despite
the elections commission's rejection.
   The three have been assigned new duties: Aung San Suu Kyi to
be in charge of the party's youth and women's affairs, Tin Oo is
responsible for organizational and legal matters and Kyi Maung
for research and foreign relations, party sources said.
   The NLD won in a landslide victory in the 1990 elections but
the ruling military junta ignored the result, insisting that a
new constitution be drafted before power was handed over to the
next constitutionally-elected government.