[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index
][Thread Index
]
DAWN excerpt Sep/Nov
Editorial: Towards genuine dialogue
The morale of the democratic forces in Burma has been greatly
boosted by the unexpected
release of Aung San Suu Kyi, who despite spending six years of house
arrest, is as determined as
ever to bring democracy to Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi's release only marks
the beginning of
another round of struggle and hence the democracy movement cannot afford
to let its guard down.
This is because apart from her release, nothing else has changed.
Immediately following the release
of Aung San Suu Kyi, the inernational community was hopeful that this
event might indicate a
willingness on the part of the SLORC military dictatorship to begin the
process of dialogue and
political reconciliation. Unfortunately, SLORC, until now, has not
responded to Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi's offer of a dialogue, and the people of Burma, under laws and
orders designed to serve
SLORC, are still being intimidated and restricted from freely
participating in the political process.
For a country like Burma, with a history of over forty years of
civil war, a substantive
dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi as well as with other representatives of
all political organizations
and ethnic nationalities is a must if the country is to make the
transition todemocracy. Genuine
political dialogue will lead to democracy because the overwhelming
majority of the Burmese
people--inside Burma as well as at the border areas--want democracy.
There are some preconditions that must be met before a tripartite
meeting in Burma can
occur. Prior to the tripartite meeting, SLORC must show its sincerity by
taking the following
actions:
- Unconditionally releasing all political prisoners.
- Abolishing all unlawful acts and restrictions on political activities.
- Stopping the so-called National Convention.
- Ceasing all forms of human rights violations (including force
porterage, forced labor).
- Instituting a nationwide cease-fire so all ethnic forces can be
involved in the national
reconciliation process.
Comprehensive political dialogue between SLORC, the democratic
forces led by Aung San
Suu Kyi (both from inside Burma and from the liberated areas), and the
ethnic forces (including the
groups which have already had cease-fires with SLORC and those from the
liberated areas) is the
only means of proceeding with democratization and true national
reconciliation in Burma. With
equality, respect for dignity, openness, and security, a tripartite
national dialogue could achieve a
consensus among the peoples of Burma regarding a timely transfer of power
to the people and their
elected representatives.
Accordingly, the international community and the Burmese
democratic forces must
increase the level of pressure on SLORC to open a sincere tripartite
dialogue in Burma, to release
all political prisoners, and to dissolve the fraudulent National
Convention. If we allow the surprise
release of Aung San Suu Kyi to lower the volume of the call for democracy
in Burma, we will be
playing right into SLORC's hands and helping its strategy for long term
military domination of
Burma to succeed. Any hesitation in our action will only give SLORC a
tactical advantage and
diminish the chances for achieving a dialogue for national reconciliation.
Article: "Burmese Women's voices heard in Beijing"
The pursuit of equality and freedom for Burmese women is
inextricably intertwined with the
ongoing struggle for democracy and peace in Burma. Burmese women are at
te forefront of this political
struggle as eminently illustrated by the leadership and vision of Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi. The release of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from a six-year house arrest has brought great joy
and hope to the women and
men fighting for freedom in Burma. The release, however, only signals the
beginning of a new round of
struggle, because nothing else has changed in the country.
Violence against girls and women is pervasive under the command
of State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC): rape during military offenses against ethnic
nationalities; rape of female
porters who are forced to serve as human mine sweepers and to carry arms
and ammunition for the
Slorc's army; and trafficking of girls and women into prostitution.
Women in Burma also bear the brunt of SLORC' policies of forced
relocation, where families are
expelled from their homes to new satellite towns which lack electricity,
clean water, and access to
transportation. Being the primary caretaker of most families, women face
great difficulties meeting the
most basic needs of the household. In preparation for the 1996 "Visit
Myanmar Year", many women,
including ones who are pregnant, are among the hundreds of thousands of
people being forced to work as
slave laborers in "beautification" projects and construction of railways,
roads, bridges, and airports.
The United Nations held its Fourth World Conference on Women in
Beijing, China om
September 4-15. The gathering of women however occurred a week prior to
the official conference at he
NGO Forum which opened on August 31 in Hoirou, a hour and a half drive
outside of Beijing. An 11-day
UN World Conference on Women, aimed at resolving key problems for women,
ranging from birth
control and violence to education and discrimination against women.
Despite the differences of race,
language, and culture, the majority of the participants managed to bridge
these gaps and achieve mutual
understanding. As the plight of Burmese people continues to be obscure in
the world's eyes, the Women
Conference provided a critical opportunity to highlight the abuses
against women perpetrated by the
Burmese military junta.
"This is a long awaited day, a milestone in the continuing
struggle for women's liberation,
empowerment, dignity and equality, a moment to affirm that the power,
rights and contributions of
women can no longer be denied," Gertrude Mongella, the conference's
secretary-general, said at the
opening ceremony in Beijing's Olympic Stadium on August 30, 1995.
The NGO Forum officially opened on August 31 with a message from
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi,
whose courage and unwavering commitment to human rights and nonviolent
discipline are an inspiration
to all women throughout the world. The speech by Aung San Suu Kyi could
draw more than 3,000
cheering, applauding women that made jam inside a cinema hall and left
thousands fuming outside. In
her speech, she devoted much of her 15-minute speech to women's role as
peace-makers. The plan to
record the keynote speech of the Burma main opposition leader by the
Forum Convener Supatra Masdit in
person was thwarted when the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok did not issue an
entry visa for her and her
crew members. Supatra Masdit who is also a democrat MP in Thai parliament
visited Daw Aung San S
Kyi in early August after her release from her almost six year house
arrest and conveyed the invitation her
to attend the Forum. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi declined an invitation saying
she was not yet accepting
invitations to travel abroad. But she agreed to make a speech via
videotape. Her video tape was smuggled
out to Beijing later.
"Look at the world through women's eyes" was the overall theme of
the more than 3,000
activities at the NGO Forum. The broad range of activities had three
major aims: to set the agenda for the
global women's movement, to network and to influence the United Nations
conference in Beijing.
Representing the Burmese Women Union, Thin Myat Thu and Hnin Hnin
Pyne attended both the
Forum and the Conference. They were joined by other women activists from
Thailand and Norway. The
main objectives were to inform the press and the public about the
situation in Burma, to rally support for
the pro-democracy movement, to establish networks with NGOs and
individual women from other parts of
the world, and to counter Slorc's attempts to distort the ugly reality
faced by Burmese girls and women
under the regime.
In order to achieve these objectives, they set up an exhibition
booth, held two workshops,
participated in demonstrations on ending violence against women, and
established contacts and networks
with other NGOs and with individual women interested in working for
democracy and human rights in
Burma. The exhibition booth displayed posters that informed the public
about the history of Burma's
democratic movement, human rights abuses in the coutry, in particular
violence against women and
girls, and the vision of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. They also disseminated
booklets and publications on the
plight of Burmese women and on the Burmese Women Union, and distributed
buttons showing support
for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and for democratic Burma.
September 3 and 8 were designated as "Burma Days" and extensive
campaign on release of all
political prisoners in Burma and support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were
launched. BWU collected the
thousands of signatures of the participants for the petition letter to
Slorc. The letter demanded the Slorc to
release all political prisoners in Burma including Dr. Ma Thida who has
been sentenced to twenty years
for her political activities.
Posters and buttons with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and "Support Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi for a
democratic Burma" title were seen everywhere in the site of form. Many
representatives of forum
including Rigoberta Menchu, 1992 Nobel Peace Laureate and Winnie Mendela,
wife of 1993 Nobel Peace
Laureate Nelson Mendela put on the button with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's photo.
Attended by more than fifty people, the first workshop presented
two videos. The first video, focused on the human rights abuses
perpetrated by the Burmese
military along the Thai-Burma border, whereas the second by Hseng Noung
Lintner, depicted the plight of
girls and women who are trafficked from Burma into Thai brothels. These
poignant documentaries led to
fervent discussions and keen interest among the audience. In this
session, the plight of Burmese women
and children who are trafficked into Thailand and abused by pimps,
procurers, and corrupt officials were
revealed. Forum participants discussed that the Thai government and those
of other countries involved in
trafficking in women take more responsibility for these victimized women
by relaxing their immigration
laws to accommodate them. Forced prostitutes, it was emphasized, are
victims in need of protection- not
criminals. During the second workshop, they showed Aung San Suu Kyi's
video presentation at the
opening of the NGO Forum and discussed what the international community
can do to support the
democratization of Burma. Women from Thailand, Japan, the United States,
India, and Norway presented
their work of promoting democracy in Burma. Despite the rain and being on
the last day of forum, this
workshop was attended by more than 150 women and men.
Hnin Hnin Pyne revealed that she has found herself at risk
because of their campaign for the
plight of Burmese women. The BWU representatives were constantly followed
and photographed by
unknown people when they were interviewing with the media and in their
campaign. She also said that
during the forum, she and her group made an effort to discuss women's
issues with delegates from the
Burmese government. "But they refused to talk to us", she said perplexed.
Among the almost 300,000 participants who came from around the
world, man-led delegation of
Slorc was headed by Maj-Gen Soe Myint, Minister of social welfare, relief
and resettlement. Before
leaving for Beijing, the delegation was briefed by Slorc Secretary-1
Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt. They have been
asked to explain to the meeting how Burmese women are already equal to
men and so have no need to
demand more equality. Khin Nyunt told the Burmese delegation it does not
need to demand the rights
and equality called for any other women at the conference. The Burmese
representation at the Beijing
conference is not to make demands for Burmese women, but to present
objective conditions of the rights
they enjoy. If there were any accusations laid against Burma at the
conference, the delegates need to
explain the rights of Burmese women enjoy and refute any accusations most
firmly, he said.
The Burmese Women Union and the Norwegian Burma Council agreed
with Slorc that in Burma
today there is no discrimination against Burmese women, as they are
treated equally to their fellow
Burmese men. They too are subjected to summary executions, arbitrary
arrest, forced labor, forced
portering, denial of participation in the political process, religious
persecution, and forced relocation and
displacement. In addition girls and women in Burma, especially those who
are ethnic minorities, receive
unique treatment from Slorc: rape during military offensive, rape during
porterage, and trafficking into
prostitution.
During the Slorc speech on September 11, a banner spelling out
"Free the People of Burma" was
dropped from the balcony of the auditorium. Although the demonstration
was almost immediately ceased
by the UN Security, members of the Slorc delegation were reminded that
the world knows the truth about
Burma.
The Beijing Conference provided an invaluable opportunity for
Burmese pro-democracy activists
to network and strategize with women from all over the world in order to
halt and deter the human rights
abuses committed against girls and women by the Burmese military and
support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
and the process of national reconciliation through constructive dialogue.
Article: "It is not the time to rush"
The unexpected release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from her six-year
house arrest
on 10th July was a welcome move on the part of the State Law and Order
Restoration
Council (Slorc). While western countries were quick to send messages
applauding the
release in a sprit of "cautious optimism"- as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
herself put it- and
Asian governments including Japan welcomed the move as "substantive
progress".
Apparently some in Japan are very anxious significant indication that
Burma is "moving
towards democracy." To date, unfortunately, all evidence points to the
opposite
conclusion. Slorc's behavior since the release of Aung San Suu Kyi
indicates it has no
intention of moving towards democracy, and in fact, the evidence
indicates that Slorc
intends to use the release of Aung San Suu Kyi as part of its on-going
campaign to
maintain indefinite military rule in Burma.
After the Second World War, the diplomatic relationship between
Japan and
Burma can be characterized as that of the donor of the Official
DevelopmentAid(ODA),
including war compensation, and the recipient of that aid. Burma was the
first one to
receive the Japan war compensation in 1955 among the Asian nations. From
1955
through 1965, the Japanese government paid 72 billion yen ( 200 million
US$) in goods
and services. A major portion of these funds were used for the
construction of Baluchaung
Dam in karenni State and four major industrialization projects; light
vehicle production,
heavy vehicle production, farming machinery production, and electrical
machinery
production. These compensation ended in 1977 and Japan began promoting
Official
Development Aid (ODA) from 1975.
The total amount of Japanese ODA to Burma that includes loan aid,
grant aid and
technical co-operation from the time Japan began funding until 1988
amounted to 511.7
billion yen. Burma was the number one recipient of Japanese aid. For
example, Burma
received 332.71 million dollar in bilateral aid in 1988, of which 78 per
cent of this amount
was from Japan.
Japan suspended all new ODA to Burma following the 1988 brutal
suppression on
the democracy uprising. It was later resumed but limited to parts of
on-going projects,
technical co-operation, and emergency humanitarian assistance. A freeze
was put on new
aid and even for those projects that were resumed, they were based on the
principles of
starting with "problem-free projects", "gradually", "destructively" and
"cautiously".
Japan has been behaving itself as "a good friend', persuading
Slorc to open up
Burma's economy as well as to move towards democracy and stop human
rights violation.
The Japanese government expects the Burmese military regime to change on
its own, even
though sometimes it has been irritated by Slorc's stubbornness.
But pressure from the Japanese business community has been
growing to resume
ODA and now that Aung San Suu Kyi has been released, that pressure is
likely to
increase. China's increasing influence in Burma not only economically but
also militarily
since 1989 has made Japan nervous. The Japanese government began to urge
Burma more
strongly to enter the international community and to decisively adopt the
market-oriented
economic policy. This position is basically shared by the members of
ASEAN and India;
the countries that must fear China's penetration into Southeast Asia and
the India Ocean.
The powerful Japanese business organization Keidanren (Federation
of Economic
Organization) set up a "study group" in January 1995 to examine aid
policies and assess
the prospects for economic cooperation with Burma, following a trade
mission it sent to
Burma in June 1994. A number of Japanese trading and construction
companies have sent
their own mission to Burma. In February 1995, Marubeni became the first
Japanese
trading company to sign a broad agreement with Slorc to promote joint
ventures, act as a
coordinator for various Burmese infrastructure projects, and assist with
development of
the oil, steel and gas industries.
Japan announced an agreement to give Burma an US$ 11 million
grant for
"agricultural development". Japanese justified the decision on the
grounds that the funds
were to be used for humanitarian purposes to increase food production;
also that was
intended as a positive signal to "help promote the country's
pro-democracy movement and
human rights improvement efforts." At the same time, Japan also granted
Burma debt
relief worth $ 4 million. US government officials denounced the move,
calling it "a
mistake."
The release of Aung San Suu Kyi was immediately welcomed by
Japanese Prime
Minister Tomiichi Murayama, who added, " I hope democratization with
proceed further."
Foreign Minister Yohei Kono announced the Tokyo was eager to begin
discussions with
Slorc regarding resumption of ODA "once they (Burma) are ready to do so,"
and later
said he would visit Burma soon -- the highest ranking Japanese official
to go to Rangoon
since 1988. Foreign Ministry officials indicated that high priority ODA
projects being
considered include a $287 million expansion of the Rangoon airport and
aid to Burma's
telecommunications system. It is also considering giving grants of 1.5-2
billion yen to
repair nursing schools in Rangoon, a foreign ministry official said in
September. The final
decision on the grant is expected in October, following the visit to
Rangoon by foreign
ministry study missions in June and in late August-early September.
Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt
also announced Japan will donate US$ 400,000 to Burma to build schools in
border areas.
For the Burmese people and democratic forces, the resuming of
Japanese ODA in
not an appropriate time for Burma. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
said her release
from house arrest is no indication of change in Burma and that it should
not result in an
torrent of foreign investment and aid for the current military regime.
She urged foreign
countries as soon as she was released, not to rush to improve relations
with Burma
following her release because "nothing else" has changed under military
rule.
The guide line for the ODA require that those funds be used only
if the recipient
country, "is moving towards democracy." But the is no points saying that
Burma and
Slorc is moving towards democracy. Evidence of this fact can clearly be
seen by
contrasting the release from prison of Nlson mandela in South Africa and
the release of
Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma. In South Africa, soon after Nelson Mandela was
released,
the white apartheid government entered into a serious dialogue with him
as head of the
African National Congress to discuss and negotiate the conditions for the
transition to
democracy in that country. It was not the release of Nelson Mandela that
showed the
sincerity of the apartheid government, it was the beginning of the
dialogue after the release
that indicated the apartheid government wanted to move in the direction
of democracy. In
contract, In Burma, the Slorc military dictatorship reportedly said t
would not discuss
political reforms with Aung San Suu Kyi, according to U Tin Win,
Rangoon's ambassador
to Thailand.
Slorc, therefore, has given every indication that it intends to
contain and silence
Aung San Suu Kyi, not enter into any type of dialogue with her, and in
this regard the
release of Nelson Mandela and the release of Aung San Suu Kyi could not
be more
different from each other. The South African government released Mandela
as a signal
that it was now ready to begin the dialogue over the transition to
democracy. The Slorc
military dictatorship released Aung San Suu Kyi to lower the level of
international
pressure, with no sign of any intention of opening a dialogue or taking
any steps to
transition towards democracy.
Further evidence of Slorc's true attitude towards "moving towards
democracy"
can be seen by the fact tht since the release of Aung San Suu Kyi,
Burmese opposition
activists U Thu Wai, U Tun Shwe and Htwe Myint were all rearrested and
sentenced to
seven years in Rangoon's dreaded Insein prison with no reason for their
rearrest being
given. More recently, Ye Htut, a Burmese student was arrested on
September 27, 1995
for sending "incriminating documents" to opposition news groups in
Thailand. The arrest
was solely for having sent information to friends and contacts abroad.
Under international
law, this cannot be characterized as criminal behavior.
Slorc continues its military offensives against minority ethnic
groups like Karen
and Karenni forcg thousands of refugees over the border into Thailand.
the barbaric
system of using forced human labor on Slorc infrastructure construction
projects and
forced human porters on Slorc military campaigns continues unabated, also
the other
serious categories of human rights abuses such as torture, rape and
killing documented by
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch/ Asia as well as United
Nations. None of
these human rights abuses have abated in the least since the release of
Aung San Suu Kyi.
Japanese government should answer this question: what evidence can be
pointed to that
the Slorc military dictatorship is "moving towards democracy?" Releasing
the leader of
opposition from illegal arrest and then refusing to talk to her about
democracy is certainly
no an indication of a government moving towards democracy. On the
contrary, it is an
indication of an international public relations ploy devoid of any
political substance
whatsoever.
The full extent of Slorc's strategy to avoid democratization and
to institutionalize
long term military rule in Burma can only be understood by understanding
the role of
Slorc's so-called National Convention plays in the strategy. In May 1990,
Aung San Suu
Kyi's political party, National League for Democracy won 80 per centof
the seats at stake
in the election. Even though Slorc refused to hand over power, the
military dictatorship
was faced with a long term problem because by refusing to honor the will
of the people
clearly expressed in a free election. The military dictatorship was
illegal under the new
emerging standards of international law. Slorc's attempted solution to
this problem was
to call a so-called "National Convention" to write a new constitution for
Burma. Actually
the term National Convention is a complete misnomer. It is really not a
"National"
Convention at all; it is a "Military" Convention. It was called by the
military; all of the
delegates were hand-picked by the military; its day-to-day deliberations
are supervised by
the military; and even more outrageously, the military has given a
written order to the
convention instructing it turn out anstitution that guarantee the
military the leading role
in the national politics in the future of Burma. This so-called National
Convention is
nothing more than a transparent farce designed to permanently
institutionalize military rule
in Burma. UN Special Rapporteur on Burma, Mr. Yozo Yokota said in last
year "It is
difficult to assume that, in the National Convention, open and free
exchange of views and
opinions are taking place in order to produce a truly democratic
constitution." Despite
repeated calls in UN resolutions for the Slorc to give a timetable for
the convention, there
is still no sign of the convention coming to an end two and half years
after the process
began. The last session on April 8, 1995 was adjourned until October 24.
But again it was
adjourned another month.
Japan has a very special responsibility when it comes to helping
prevent this planed
institutionalization of military rule from suffering in Burma. Japan
knows full well the
evils, the horror and the death that can befall a nation politically
controlled by its own
armed forces. The period of military domination of Japanese political
life in the 1930s and
1940s brought death, destruction and defeat upon the Japanese nation.
Additionally, a
conquering Japanese soldiers, under the control of these military
dictators, brought killing,
rape, torture and destruction to many conquered lands including Burma,
which suffered
greatly in World War II. For Japan, a country that has suffered
grievously at the hands of
its previous military rulers, it would be unconscionable to now help and
assist Burma'
military ulers to solidify their control over Burma. Japan should
remember that Burma is
completely unique in Southeast Asia. Burma is the only country in the
entire region that is
still a military dictatorship. Japan, therefore has a special
responsibility to move cautiously
in Burma. To assist Slorc to institutionalize long term military control
in Burma by giving
ODA to Slorc would be a complete betrayal of Japan's own history. The
Burmese people
appreciate the recent apology of the Japanese Prime Minister concerning
certain measures
taken by Japan's military rulers in the Second World War. Now the Burmese
people ask
that the Japanese government does not assist Burma's military rulers to
solidify their long
term control of Burma by giving those military rulers direc development
aids.
In trying to decide what course of action to take in regards the
release of Aung
San Suu Kyi, Japanese government must turn to the words of Aung San Suu
Kyi herself,
given during a recent taped interview:
"..... During this wait-and-see period, where we want to see in
which way the
(Slorc)authorities wish to move and where we want to give them every
opportunty to be
able to come to the negotiation table with a clear conscience, and with
the best will
possible. I think this is something we wait and see. I have said that
this is not th time to
rush in with investment, please wait and see, that I said from the very
first week, please
wait and see before rushing in with new investment..."
If during this wait and see period Slorc were unexpectedly to
begin a dialogue with
Aung San Suu Kyi; if Slorc were to release all political prisoners; if
Slorc were to
announce a policy of discontinuing human rights abuses, particularly in
areas inhabited by
ethnic minorities; if Slorc were to dissolve bogus National Convention,
then it would be
time for the Japanese government to reexamine the situation and see if
one or more of
these Slorc actions satisfied the "moving towards democracy" requirement
contained in
the ODA guidelines. But until the Slorc military dictatorship make such
genuine and
sincere moves, Japanese government should heed the urgent words of Aung
San Suu Kyi:
"Please wait."
Article: "Lack of Trade Union, Full of Labor Rights Violation"
" Thin Baw Tha", the Burmeseword literally means the "Sailor or
seafarer", but in
Burmese meaning, it means greatly wider; a person who fortunately gets
the job on the
foreign flagships, earns a big money and has the chance to go and see the
outside world
that is a common dream of almost all Burmese who are locked up inside
their homeland.
More importantly, they are the one who can leave legally the country in
despair or fear.
Bur very few people know the hardships and problems of the Burmese
seafarers in terms
of their social and how they are working below the standards recognized
by the
international labor organization. Their plights are unseen and their
voice are unheard inside
Burma due to the banning of trade union. Moreover, it is a grievous fact
the how the
Burmese authorities has committed flagrant violations of human rights and
trade union
rights through its oppression of Burmese seafarers serving on foreign
flagships. Instead of
protection the Burmese seafarers' rights, the Burmese authorities has
collaborated with
the immoral shipping companies and manning agents in the labor rights
violation.
Burma is legally bounded in ILO Convention. Burma has ratified
the ILO
Convention No.87 concerning freedom of association and protection of the
right to
organized adopted on 9 July 1948 at ILO's thirty-first session. Its
article 2 mention
"Workers and employers, without distinction whatsoever, shall have the
right to establish
and , subject only to the rules of the organization concerned, to join
organizations of their
own choosing without previous authorization.". But in reality, like other
laborers, the
seafarers are not allowed to establish the trade union that can work for
their own welfare
and voice their words.
In Burma, Seaman Employment Control Division (SECD) which
operates under
the auspices of the Department of Marine Administration works for the
placement of all
Burmese seafarers. This agency in turn comes under the responsibility of
the Ministry of
Transport and communications. No single representative of seafarer
includes and it is
totally controlled by the Burmese government over the placement of all
Burmese
seafarers. Likewise other departments, since military has lunched a
systematically
militarilization by replacing almost all the intellectual civilian posts
with the officers in
uniform, most of the senior official in SECD are ex-military officers.
Burmese seafarer
have to work with whatever pay and conditions the flags of convenience
ships they work
for offer. That would be no surprise to see the actual wage they receive
is much less than
the international labor organization recommended minimum wage.
Burmese seafarers are in good demand by the shipping companies
for their
hardworking and good technical experience compare to the others from
other Asian
countries. But without the trade union that can bargain the minimum wage
wth the
company, the Burmese are paid less than the other crew. There would be a
unseen reason
of good demand since the Burmese seafarer have no voice of complain for
this
discrimination. They cannot claim their rights or accept assistance from
international labor
organizations which fight for the rights of laborers to improve their
wages and working
condition that result a abuse and intimidation by. The works are so hard
that no
body want to work there. They are ordered to cut the trees and saw it
into pieces for
building the military barracks and gust house for the officers from the
gaspipe project.
They also have to build a helicopter field there. There are many other
people from other
villages and some prisoners working forced conscription.
Local people are also forced to work for the construction of LIB
267 and LIB 273
which are taking security responsiblities for Total field office in Kan
Bauk. One person
from each household has to work for cleaning the surface, digging the
ditches and building
up the military barracks. In addition to that forced labor, local people
are levied numerous
tax such as porter fee, railway fee, Boke island fee, military troop fee
and emergency
porter fee that forced many people to abadon their homes in Burma and
leave for
Thailand.
From another source, TOTAL is paying 400,000 kyats to Slorc for
using heli-
copter in the region a day, it is learnt.
ABSDF (South)
Forced beautificationfor the "Students' Sport Festival" in Loikaw
Since Slorc is preparing the "Students' Sport Festival" in
December in Loikaw,
Karenni State, they have ordered that all the residents on the main roads
must build the
wall by 15 November to meet modernization codes. In Loikaw, 365 kms
northeast of
Rangoon, it will cost between 20,000 to 30,000 kyats. Those who could
not afford to
build the concrete buildings Slorc ordered, had to borrow from other or
sell at very low
cost. Slorc is doing these forced beautification across the country
intending to show he
tourists and foreign diplomats that Burma is on her way to being a
developed country.
Similarly, Slorc also ordered to relocate the some house for the
road extention in
last July. Slorc has never arranged to provide assistance for these
distresses nor offered to
pay compensation. Moveover, people from Loikaw including students are
ordered to give
some "donation" for the festival and to work forced labor at the
construction of festival.
ABSDF