BurmaNet News April 21, 1996

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------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: April 21, 1996 
Issue #388

Noted in Passing:

		The integrity of all capital markets depends on the 
		integrity of financial reporting. There is no move 
		towards this here.  - a foreign executive in Rangoon
		(see THE NATION: IS BURMA READY FOR A STOCK 
		MARKET?)

HEADLINES:
==========
BKK POST: REGIME DETAINS CONSUL AND FRIEND OF SUU KYI
SNLD: LETTER TO GENERAL THAN SHWE
ABSDF (DAWN GWIN): COMMENT ON SNLD'S LETTER
THE NATION: SHACKLES TIGHTEN AROUND SUU KYI
THE NATION: IS BURMA READY FOR A STOCK MARKET?
NATION: LACK OF DIALOGUE WITH SUU KYI DISAPPOINTS UN
THE NATION: SLORC'S SNUBBING OF SUU KYI SEEN AS NEW AFFRONT 
INDEPENDENT LETTER:  RE STRACHAN'S DEFENCE OF SLAVE LABOUR
NATION: LETTER - SLORC SUPPORT
BKK POST: RANGOON ROULETTE
BKK POST: BOOK REVIEW - A JOURNALIST, A GENERAL AND AN ARMY 
NATION: LETTER - STILL DETAINED
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

BKK POST: REGIME DETAINS CONSUL AND FRIEND OF SUU KYI
April 20, 1996

A WELL-KNOWN Burmese businessman and close friend of democracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been detained by the military
government, diplomats said yesterday.

Bangkok-based diplomats and democracy supporters in Rangoon told
Reuters that 65 year-old Leo Nichols, who also serves as honorary
consul or contact for several European nations, was taken into
custody earlier this month and has not been heard from since.

"I have heard he was arrested," a Norwegian diplomat said. "We
have approached the authorities ... we are waiting for their
reply. I understand several other countries are doing the same thing."

He said he had heard various reasons for the detention and was
not sure where Nichols was being held.

Other diplomats and democracy sources in Rangoon said Nichols was
being held for having two fax machines in his house, and for alleged bribery.
Burmese authorities have not commented.

Nichols served as honorary consul-general for Norway and also represented 
or served as contact person for Denmark, Finland and Switzerland.

A relative of Suu Kyi's said Nichols had lent the Nobel laureat a car but did 
not have any formal financial ties to her National League for Democracy party.

"He is not related to the NLD. But he is very close to Suu Kyi,"the relative said. 
"We heard about his arrest but we are not sure what is going on."

Diplomats said representatives from the countries Nichols worked
for were expected to seek ways to help him.

"We would like to help. He's our consul person and has been for
many years, so we want to help him," one ambassador said.

Nichols was detained previously, diplomats said, but they did not 
have any further details. _

*****************************************************************

SNLD: LETTER TO GENERAL THAN SHWE
March 25, 1996

Shan National League for Democracy
Head Quarters Office
RE 036/Ya Ta Da Pha/ Admn/96
25th March 1996

To,
Senior General Than Shwe
Chairman
State Law and Order Restoration Council
Union of Burma

Subject: To refrain from laying down basic principles that will be
detrimental to National Solidarity regarding the regional administration
in the on-going National Convention.

(1) It is our understanding that Slorc and the people of Burma are eager
to achieve a solid, strong and long-lasting National Constitution. In like
manner, SNLD, a political party, wishes strongly for the emergence of a
constitution which is just, reliable and acceptable to all nationalities.
In accordance with this strong wish, SNLD has been constructively
participating in the National Convention.

(2) The Chairman of the National Convention himself has emphasized:
Drafting a Constitution is a very grave and delicate matter, and we cannot
afford to allow even the slightest mistake. If a person errs, it is easy
to remedy the error. But if the Constitution is defective and inadequate,
there will be great repercussion and adverse effect on the entire nation
and the people. We are now at an extremely delicate and grave juncture. To
maintain National Solidarity it is necessary for all nationalities to
espouse genuine love and mutual respect, to be able to elect real
representatives at all levels in their respective regions, to be able to
create an atmosphere that allows for the survival and growth of justice,
freedom and equality. We will need to put our heads together to discuss
the laying down of basic principles for a constitution, a legislative
system, and administrative system and a judicial system that embody
justice, freedom and equality.

(3) However, the Chairman of the Working Committee in his explanation with
regard to the constitution has said that the administration of districts
and townships will be through appointed government servants and not
through elected representatives.  SNLD has already pointed out twice that
these administrative posts should be filled by peoples' representatives
elected through secret ballots. In like manner, several National
Convention delegates have voiced the same idea.

(4) In addition, basic principles have been laid down for the composition
of the highest organs- the legislative, the executive and the judiciary-
with representatives elected by the people.  However, having the higher
governing bodies composed of elected representatives while the lower ones
are composed of appointed government servants indicates a clear lack of
consistency. It is also unsystematic. In other words, some democratic
links are missing. This is contrary to the avowed aim of multi-party
democracy.  Besides, it is in conflict with one of the basic principles
that have been laid down: State authority is derived from the citizens and
remains with the entire nation. Giving some government servants
administrative power while depriving others of it can cause disunity among
them.  Only elected representatives should be vested with administrative
power.  Even in the BSPPs 1974 constitution, township organs of power were
composed of elected representatives directly elected by the people. Only
if elected representatives are vested with the administrative power will
power lie with the persons responsible to the people.

(5) If administrative power were to given to the government servants, the
role of ethnic nationalities will be overshadowed and this will have an
adverse effect on national solidarity.  If national solidarity is
impaired, other objectives will also be in danger. This is in conflict
with the basic principle of division of power between the Union and the
States and Divisions. A botanical garden with only one variety of flowers
will not be as beautiful as it should. Only if all ethnic nationalities
are permitted to manage their own affairs will the Union garden be
pleasant and beautiful, and only then will there be justice.

(6) Only if the regional administration is in the hands of the peoples
representatives elected by the respective local people will it be in
accordance with the speech of the Chairman of the Commission: To maintain
national solidarity, it is necessary for all nationalities to espouse
genuine love and mutual respect, to be equal under the law, to be able to
elect real representatives at all levels in their respective region. We
will need to put our heads together and discuss the laying down of basic
principles for a constitution that embodies justice, freedom and equality.

(7) In submitting our above-mention views to the Chairman of Slorc, we
have not the slightest intention to injure anybody. We have done this out
of genuine desire for a just and long-lasting constitution. Since our
country is wedged between two most populous nations we understand that it
is of paramount importance that there is national unity in the Union of Burma.

(8) Hence, we, the SNLD ardently and in all honesty, request the Chairman
of Slorc to issue guidelines not to lay down principles that will pave the
way for government servants to be appointed as regional administrators,
but to adopt the ones that allow only representatives elected by the local
people to govern their own regions.

signed
Chairman
Shan National League for Democracy
Rangoon.

cc. 1. Chairman National Convention, Kyaikkasan Ground, Rangoon.
2. Chairman National Convention Working Committee, Kyaikkasan Ground.
Rangoon.
3. Office copy.

***************************************************

ABSDF (DAWN GWIN): COMMENT ON SNLD'S LETTER
April 19, 1996
from <caroline@xxxxxxxxxx>

[BurmaNet Editor's Note: From now on, BurmaNet will refer to the faction
of ABSDF led by Dr. Naing Aung as ABSDF (DAWN GWIN).  Dawn
Gwin is the name of  their former main camp which was located north of
Manerplaw and overrun by the SLORC over a year ago.]

        Although Slorc is repeatedly claiming that so-called National
Convention is going well for the future constitution in Burma, there is
some dissatisfaction among the participants in the process of drafting
constitution.  The lack of democratic procedures and structure can be
clearly seen during the draft constitution. For example, the
administration of districts and townships will be through appointed
government servants and not through elected representatives. Having the
higher governing bodies composed of elected representatives while the
lower ones are composed of appointed government servants indicates a clear
lack of consistency. In response to this, U Khun Htun Oo, Chairman of the
Shan National League for Democracy submitted a letter asking to refrain
from laying down basic principles that will be detrimental to national
Solidarity regarding the regional administration in the on-going National
Convention.

ABSDF (DAWN GWIN)

*********************************************************

THE NATION: SHACKLES TIGHTEN AROUND SUU KYI
April 19, 1996

The military government is slowly closing off all avenues of 
contact between the opposition leader and the outside world. 
Aung Zaw reports.

Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi confided to a 
visitor recently that she believed the military government 
had grown even more repressive since she was released.	

Shortly after, the junta, which has ruled the country in the 
absence of a constitution for almost seven years, proved it. 

Four of Suu Kyi's supporters, including two comedians were 
given long jail terms. They were arrested on Jan 7 after 
participating in performances at Suu Kyi's house in Rangoon. 
Their crime was to make fun of the military government.

Another 21 political prisoners were given additional 
sentences for passing information about the state of their 
jail to a UN human rights investigator. One of the 21 
prisoners is Win Tin, a senior leader of the National League 
for Democracy and a well known journalist.

About two weeks ago, one of Suu Kyi's main financial backers 
disappeared, also believed to have been arrested. More than 60 years 
old, he is a former diplomat who became a successful businessman 
and was a leading bankroller of Suu Kyi's party, the NLD.

Last week, Burma celebrated the traditional lunar new year, 
but there was no respite in the government clamp down. On 
Tuesday, Suu Kyi and NLD members planned to see a famous 
monk in Rangoon after freeing fish near the Shwedagon pagoda 
to make merit. Slorc officials, according to sources, didn't 
want the NLD to take political advantage of the ceremony. 
Shwedagon pagoda was were Suu Kyi made her first public 
speech during the 1988 uprising. Thousands of people visit 
the pagoda to pay their respects during the new year.

Slorc's fear was apparently aroused by a visit Suu Kyi made 
two weeks ago to Bogyoke market, where she drew a huge crowd.

"Not only Slorc but everyone here is focussed on her. Wondering 
what her next move will be," said a veteran Burmese journalist.

In 1989, three months before Suu Kyi was put under house 
arrest, the NLD organized a Thingyan new year celebration at 
their office. The performers were later rounded up on a 
charge of ridiculing top military leaders, including Gen Ne 
Win, who is still alive and believed to wield considerable 
influence over the junta.

Traditionally Burmese have used Thingyan to joke, mock, and 
ridicule the country's rulers, government, and the economy.

The NLD had planned to hold a small ceremony to mark the day 
but were forced to abandon the plan after visitors were 
turned away from Suu Kyi's house.

Suu Kyi and NLD members, according to one source, were 
surprised by the junta's new restrictions.

"We don't need to explain how our country's current human 
rights situation is getting worse," said one Rangoon 
resident, a member of NLD. But he complained that Slorc's 
recent crackdown was without reason. "Why can't one person 
make merit during the Thingyan?"

The junta, though, apparently has its reasons.

Since her release, the junta has been sending messages to 
Suu Kyi and her supporters and the public that they would 
not tolerate any dissent or political activism in the nation.

Since her release from house arrest last July, Suu Kyi has 
enjoyed little freedom of movement. Her repeated calls for a 
meaningful political dialogue have been met with total 
silence. And now it appears more restrictions are to follow.

She has been placed off limits for certain foreign visitors. 
UNDCP executive director Georgio Giacamelli was vilified in 
the state-controlled newspapers after he visited her. The 
Burmese foreign ministry informed him that the UNDCP should 
have no dealings with her.

In February, the head of the World Health Organization made 
arrangements to meet Suu Kyi on his way back from Mandalay. 
But his plane was inexplicably delayed for two hours so he 
missed his appointment and had to continue on board without 
being allowed to even phone her.

In March, Suu Kyi and several party members booked seats on 
a train to Mandalay. When they arrived at the station they 
were confronted by a notice on their carriage saying: "This 
coach is out of order". The train left but the carriage was 
detached from the rest of the train. It was the second time 
she was foiled trying to leave Rangoon.

As soon as Suu Kyi steps out of the grounds of her home she 
is no different to any other Burmese -one more citizen of a 
police state who can be intimidated or harassed by 
officials, possibly even imprisoned or tortured at will.

According to sources, the carriage was obviously fine but 
the authorities didn't want her to travel. Suu Kyi 
commented. "To speak frankly, they (Slorc) did that because 
they don't want me to get in touch with the people. The move 
also shows that the regime lacks confidence."

Suu Kyi believes the Slorc has become nervous about people 
making contact with her. Even her husband, Dr Michael Aris 
was denied a visa to enter Burma to visit her.

Until recently "the Lady" had been free to talk and express 
her opinions at her house. She has given speeches at her 
gate every weekend since the release. But the question 
remains, how long this liberty will last?

The two incidents at the Rangoon railway station and the 
Thingyan festival suggest that Suu Kyi's former captors are 
angry with their erstwhile prisoner.

Seemingly, the junta leaders are not interest in sitting 
down and talking with Suu Kyi, nor do they want her to be 
involved in politics at any level.

The military-run constitutional convention recently endorsed 
measures that would bar Suu Kyi from becoming a president or 
prime minister. The main reason is her marriage to Aris, a 
British academic, and her years abroad. The NLD walked out 
of the National Convention in November.

In Suu Kyi's own words, 1996 will be a make or break year. 
She said it would be critical for the stability of the 
regime, and curtailing investments would be a big setback 
for the government. The junta's most influential backers 
are, according to Slorc watchers and senior NLD members, 
Japanese businessmen and Tokyo itself.

Some observers attributed Suu Kyi's release last year to behind 
the scenes pressure from Tokyo. Subsequently Japan resumed its 
official assistance to Burma, which had been frozen since 1989.

Giant Japanese trading companies such as Mitsubishi, Mitsui, 
Marubeni are among the leading investors in Burma with 
millions of dollars pledged. Their chairmen have been given 
red-carpet treatment on visit to Burma. Burma's war veterans, 
including Gen Ne Win, enjoy a close historical connection with Japan. 
Critics say the investment is helping prop up the junta.

"Japan is even more important than China, which has 
maintained and developed a strong relationship with the 
junta over the past six years," one said. (TN)

*****************

THE NATION: IS BURMA READY FOR A STOCK MARKET?
April 19, 1996
Michael Vatikiotis
AP-Dow Jones

RANGOON - Any flicker of life in the Burmese economy ignites 
investors' hopes that the region's most reluctant emerging 
market is finally about to emerge. So when Japan's Daiwa 
Institute of Research signed a joint-venture agreement on 
April 5 with the state-owned Myanmar Economic bank to set up 
a stock market, investors were giddy.

Rangoon-watchers say this is evidence that Burma is moving 
ahead of other emerging market like Vietnam and Cambodia in 
developing a capital market, the Far Eastern Economic Review 
reports in its Shroff column in its edition published 
yesterday. "It would not be a surprise to see something 
happen in Burma more quickly," says Eugene Davis, chairman 
of Bangkok-based merchant bank Finansa Thai.

Indeed foreign investors often give Burma the edge over 
Vietnam and Cambodia. The country's commercial laws are said 
to be better, English is widely spoken, and regional businessmen see 
the government as stable-despite its human-rights record.

Now, according to Hisao Katsuta, chief representative of the 
Daiwa Institute of Research in Bangkok, a vibrant stock 
market is in the making.

Katsuta expects an over-the-counter market to operating by 
June and says the government wants a fully fledged stock 
market operating within five years.

Daiwa has 50 per cent of the equity in the Myanmar 
Securities Exchange Centre Co. The company has paid-up 
capital of 20 million kyats (Bt8.33 million at the official rate).

Burma's Finance Minister brigadier Win Tin was quoted in the 
local media as saying that Daiwa would provide "technical 
assistance" to help set up a stock exchange. According to 
katsuta the new company is empowered to act as an over-the-
counter market, and to underwrite and broker equities and securities.

A stock market just like that? Katsuta is sanguine. He 
points out that shares in two or three private companies are 
already trade privately, a securities-exchange law is close 
to enactment, and he believes that the military-led 
government is "serious" about privatization.

However, one market-maker doesn't a market make. Some 
observers in Rangoon question whether conditions for 
launching a stock market really exist. For one, the 
accounting standards on which a fair and equitable market 
should be built are non-existent. "The integrity of all 
capital markets depends on the integrity of financial 
reporting. There is no move towards this here," says a 
foreign executive in Rangoon.

Besides, finding companies to float could be a problem. 
Optimists point to First Myanmar Investment (FMI), which 
owns the private Yoma Bank and was the first group to begin 
trading shares privately. (TN)

******************

NATION: LACK OF DIALOGUE WITH SUU KYI DISAPPOINTS UN
April 20, 1996

The following is Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali's report
to the UN Human Rights Commission.

Following the adoption of resolution 50/194 by the General
Assembly, the Permanent Representative of Burma to the United
Nations was approached with the proposal that a new round of
talks be held in Rangoon, so as to enable me to report to the
commission at its 52nd session.

The government of Burma responded that due to the tight schedule
of its leadership, it would not be able to receive my
representative in Rangoon until after August of this year. My
representative expressed deep disappointment at this reply
stressing the importance of a new visit to Burma in advance of
the new session of the commission. After further consultations,
it was agreed that a meeting between the Foreign Minister of
Burma U Ohn Gyaw, and my representative would be held at the
United Nations in New York on April 4.

The discussions at the meeting centred around the basic matters
of concern covered in the resolution adopted by the 50th session
of the General Assembly and which had remained largely unchanged
from prior resolutions, notably the lack of a substantive
dialogue between the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(Slorc) on the one hand, and the principal political leaders
including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and representatives of the
national races and ethnic groups on the other; the composition,
procedures and functioning of the National Convention;
restrictions on freedom of assembly and other basic political
freedoms; matters relating to political prisoners, including the
desirability of granting the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) free and confidential access to prisoners and
detainees; and reports of attacks by the Burmese armed forces on
the Karens and the Karennis, resulting in further refugee outflows.

My representative also referred to the issue of reintegration of
the national races into the political life of the country.

Views of the government

The government's position on the question of a dialogue with
political leaders, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi continues to be
that the National Convention is the forum for such dialogue.
Burma's priority was "national reconciliation" and the
eradication of national insurgencies. It was "the political party
that the international community assured had legitimacy" that had
disturbed this step-by step process, by not waiting, after the
1990 elections, for the completion of the necessary procedures,
which in Burma and other countries in the Orient could take a
considerable amount of time.

There had been no functioning constitution at the time of the
1990 elections but the term of the elected representatives under
other constitutions was normally four to five years. It was thus
not logical to suggest that a legislature should be formed based
on the result of the 1990 election, since almost six years had
elapsed in the interval.  According to the foreign minister, while
messages between the government and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could be
and had been conveyed through contacts, a dialogue with her was
not acceptable since this implied that she would be treated on an
equal footing with the government.

The government's position regarding the national races and ethnic
groups which had taken up arms was that they would lay down their
arms when the Constitution was adopted and that they would only
do so with a disciplined government and not a civilian government
at the helm. Military rule was thus necessary until the
constitution was firmed established. Thereafter, the military did
not intend to form a political party, but would continue to take
part in the political life of the nation.

It was the view of the government that the recent fighting on the
Thai border was a consequence of a split that had taken place
within the Karen National Union (KNU) and which had led to the
creation of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA). The DKBA
was not receiving support from the government. The government and
the KNU, on the other hand, had met on three occasions in
government controlled territory, and it was a matter of time
before the KNU returned to the legal fold. As for the Karenni
National  progressive Party (KNPP), it had come back to the legal
fold as a result of the government's persuasion, and not under a
ceasefire agreement.

According to the foreign minister, the KNPP was now claiming sole
control of the area concerned and was declaring that the
government side had broken a ceasefire agreement which had never
been signed.

With respect to freedom of assembly and the continuing
applicability of Slorc Martial Law Order No 2/88 (which, inter
alia, forbids outdoor gatherings of more than five people),
issues that my representative raised at the meeting, the
government's priority was to maintain law and order. Since 1990,
meeting indoors were allowed without restriction, but prior
permission was still necessary for gatherings of over five people
outdoors, although no political party to date had asked for such
permission. The government, however, had been allowing regular
gatherings in front of Daw Aung Suu Kyi's residence, although
they were a source of nuisance to the neighbourhood.

My representative had referred to reports according to which a
number of inmates in Insein Prison had been penalized for
allegedly passing on information on prison conditions to the
special rapporteur on Burma and had suggested that international
concern on the issue of political prisoners and prison conditions
could best be allayed by granting independent access to prisoners
and detainees to an internationally recognised organisation such
as the ICRC.

The foreign minister replied that he was unaware of the
particular case mentioned by the representative but that his
government made no distinctions between political or common
prisoners. People whose behaviour was not in line with the law
were punished. Though Burma had to adhere to its own internal
laws and regulations, it had not closed its door to the ICRC. The
government was studying a counter-proposal it had recently
received from the ICRC, though no time-frame for its response
could be given.

Concluding observations

I welcome the willingness of the government of Burma to pursue
its dialogue with me and my representative and I am thankful to
the Minister for Foreign Affairs for travelling to the United
Nations to meet with him. Nevertheless, I regret  that it was not
possible for my representative to visit Rangoon prior to the
submission of this report.

I must also express disappointment at the lack of substantive
steps toward alleviating the concerns reflected in the resolution
of the General Assembly. In particular, I regret that the
government has not found it possible to follow up on its welcome
release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other prominent political
leaders with the opening of a substantive dialogue with them as
well as with other political forces and national races as called
for by the General Assembly and the commission.

*****************************************************************

THE NATION: SLORC'S SNUBBING OF SUU KYI SEEN AS NEW AFFRONT 
TO DEMOCRACY
April 19, 1996
Yindee Lertcharoenchok

THE Burmese junta has taken a tougher stand against the pro-
democracy movement by officially rejecting the possibility 
of any future meetings with popular opposition leader Aung 
San Suu Kyi.

The Slorc said any dialogue with the Nobel peace prize 
laureate would put her on "an equal footing with the 
(military) government".

According to the Slorc, the National Convention-whose 
members were hand-picked by the military leaders - was the 
forum in which political leaders, including Suu Kyi, could 
engage in dialogue.

The announcement was made in response to queries posed by 
Alvaro de Soto, a representative of UN Secretary-General 
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, during his meeting with Burmese 
Foreign Minister U Ohn Gyaw on April 4 in New York.

The response has confirmed the international community's 
fear that the Slorc has no intention of holding any more 
dialogues with Suu Kyi.

Boutros-Ghali was asked by the UN General Assembly to 
continue discussions with the Slorc to assist implementation 
of the UN resolution on Burma and the country's efforts to 
achieve "national reconciliation".

"The government's position on the question of dialogue with 
political leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, continues to 
be that the National Convention is the forum for such a 
dialogue," Boutros-Ghali quoted Ohn Gyaw as telling de Soto, 
the assistant secretary-general for political affairs. 
"While messages between the Government and Suu Kyi could be 
and have been conveyed through contacts, dialogue with her 
was not acceptable since this implied that she would be 
treated on an equal footing with the government," the 
Burmese minister was quoted as saying.

Boutros-Ghali record the conversation between his 
representative and Ohn Gyaw in a report he is submitting to 
the UN Commission on Human Rights, a copy of which was 
obtained by the  Nation. The Commission in Geneva is 
debating the human rights situation in Burma.

In his report, Boutros-Ghali expressed regret that the Slorc 
did not open "substantive dialogue" with Suu Kyi, other 
political leaders and ethnic groups.

He said he appreciated Ohn Gyaw's travelling to New York for 
the meeting with de Soto, but regretted it did not take 
place in Burma where the UN representative could see what 
development had been made and have in-depth talks with "the 
highest (Slorc) leadership echelons" and other politicians.

During the meeting, Ohn Gyaw also informed de Soto of 
Rangoon's position on other issues including the development 
on the drafting of a new constitution, political freedom in 
Burma and access to prisons by the Geneva-based 
International Committee of the Red Cross.

According to the Burmese minister, the National Convention, 
which began its work in January 1993, was to draft 
constitutional guidelines.

"The actual writing of the Constitution would be undertaken 
by legal experts provided by the government in addition to 
the people designated by the National Convention," said 
Boutros-Ghali's report.

"The convention would determine whether the Constitution 
would eventually be approved by referendum or some other 
form of popular vote," it added.

In the six-page report, Ohn Gyaw was said to point out that 
the Slorc expected all armed ethnic groups to "lay down 
their arms when the Constitution was adopted" and that these 
groups would only do so with a "disciplined government, not 
a civilian government, at the helm.

"Thereafter, the military did not intend to form a political 
party, but would continue to take part in the political life 
of the nation," the report stated.

In reply to a question about penalties imposed on a number 
of inmates insein Jail for allegedly to a UN special human 
rights rapporteur, Ohn Gyaw said he was not aware of that 
particular case. (TN)

*****************

INDEPENDENT LETTER:  RE STRACHAN'S DEFENCE OF SLAVE LABOUR
April 20, 1996
By Bertil Lintner

(BurmaNet Editor's Note: Bertil Lintner is the author of Outrage: Burma's
Struggle for Democracy, Land of Jade: A Journey Through Insurgent Burma,
The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Burma, and Burma in Revolt:
Opium and Insurgency Since 1948)

Dear Zunetta, Paul Strachan's defence for slave labour is quite appropriate: 
he's cheated everyone he's done business with in Singapore, Burma, Thailand, 
Europe and Australia. Obviously, he expects people to work for nothing for him 
as well. I wouldn't mind if you posted this message on the BurmaNet - under my
name, because I am one of many who have been used as unpaid labour by
Strachan and his criminal outfit, Kiscadale, which owes thousands of dollars to 
people all over Southeast Asia.  He'll be arrested the moment he steps off the 
plane here in Bangkok.

Bertil Lintner

********************************************************

NATION: LETTER - SLORC SUPPORT
April 19, 1996

Much has been said over the past year about the role of the UNDP
in Burma. Some people say the UN agency should stop  all work
there so as not to show support to the ruling Slorc. Democracy
leaders have questioned whether UNDP support has been withheld
from those who represent par ties in townships of the country,
but this criticism is no well placed. The UNDP is a least using
the Human Development Initiative approach trying to reach people
at the grassroots level. 

On the other hand, the UN health organization WHO is working
hand-in-hand with the ,Slorc. Their director recently visited
Burma as the Slorc's guest and was seen embracing Slorc Secretary
One Lt Gen Khin Nyunt. Every year the WHO gives all its money for
Burma directly to the Slorc Ministry of Health.

Maung Maung 
California

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BKK POST: RANGOON ROULETTE
April 19, 1996

CALLING Rangoon? You'll have to learn a lot of new numbers. 
The Burmese capital now has six-digit phone numbers, 
replacing the five-digit ones.

One would think the easiest thing for the state phone 
company to do would be to add a digit to everyone's number. 
But things are never easy in Burma. Myanmar Posts and 
Telecommunications created all new numbers using a special 
formula. Users have to consult a table to convert old 
numbers to new ones.

"I can't seem to remember the converted numbers without 
checking them in the table," said one Rangoon businessman. 
"I think I'd better learn this table by heart or I'll need 
to take it with me wherever I go.

The extra digit will allow up to 800,000 more telephones to 
be installed in the greater Rangoon area. Seven digits seem 
a way off- Rangoon now has only 70,000 phones. (BP)

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BKK POST: BOOK REVIEW - A JOURNALIST, A GENERAL AND AN ARMY 
IN BURMA
(by U Thaung, published by White Lotus in 1995)
April 17, 1996   By Sandy Barron

	U Thaung worked in the Burmese media, such as it is, for 30 years until the
late 1970s when he decamped to America.
	He was a newspaper reporter when the country gained independence from
Britain, the feisty editor of a daily paper during much of the 1950s and
early '60s, and a prisoner in Insein Jail for a few years before General Ne
Win placed him in the Ministry of Information, where he quickly rose to the
top, censoring and nationalizing newspapers until he finally threw in the
towel and quit the country in 1977.  In his own rueful words:  " I was not
only executioner to the state journalists, but also hangman for foreign
correspondents."  Today, the elderly exile works for opposition newspapers
and campaigns from America for a democratic Burma.
	As a high-profile newspaper man and then unhappy government lackey, not
only was U Thaung a witness to all the big political upheavals -- and
cover-ups -- in Burma since independence, but he knew many of the major
personalities, including, slightly, General Ne Win, whom he now despises.
	All of which should make for fascinating reading -- insider stories of the
ultra-secretive world of Burmese politics and propaganda are as rare as
uncensored writers.  Die-hard Burma watchers will find much of interest, but
this is pretty sketchy and anecdotal account, and assumes a good deal of
prior reader knowledge.
	One fascinating story -- of how the Cold War in the '50s resulted in an
unprecedented and happy period of floods of cash and world travel for
Burmese writers and intellectuals who were being wooed by the American,
Chinese, Russians and especially -- gosh -- the North Koreans -- is just a
side issue but sounds like the basis for a great movie.  The scribblers
never had it so good again -- they (including U Thaung) were among the first
to be personally and professionally ruined after being dumped in Burma's
overcrowded jails when General Ne Win took over in 1962.  Things haven't
improved for writers in the almost 35 years since.

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NATION: LETTER - STILL DETAINED
April 19, 1996

April 24 marks the anniversary of the Slorc's 1992 declaration 
announcing that all political prisoners deemed not be a threat to
state security would be released. By April 1993, official reports
stated that about 1,450 political prisoners have been released
under this declaration. Amnesty International still knows of at
least 1,500 who are still detained.

One of them is Pyi Soe, a student arrested on Dec 10, 1991, in
Rangoon.

Of the thousands of students demonstrating for the release of Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi, it is estimated that 900 were arrested during,
or immediately after, the peaceful demonstrations. In 1992, a
military tribunal in Insein Prison sentenced Pyi Boe to 15
imprisonment. The sentence was later reduced to 10 years.

Our local group has been writing for over a year to more than 10
government officials but we have received no reply.

We are seeking assurances that Pyi Soe has been given access to
his family, to a lawyer and to a doctor.

Amnesty International
Group 13, US
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