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Victims of Eco-politics (r)
>From : Federation of Trade Unions, Burma (West Burma)
Subject : Victims of eco-politics
VICTIMS OF ECO-POLITICS
Northeast Sun April 1-14, 1996
BY SUHAS CHAKMA
View Point
If the joint declaration of the European and Asian leaders in Bangkok
on March 2, 1996 on human rights issues is any indication,
authoritarian governments will roam scot-free. The promotion of
fundamental rights has been made subject to "non-intervention,
whether direct or indirect, in each others internal affairs".
Where does principle of non-interventionism leave the pro-democracy
movement in Burma? Or does it justify the barbarism of general Sani
Abacha in Nigeria? It is a crucial and delicate issue which the human
rights community will continue to raise with all the governments. The
end of apartheid in South Africa or the award of Palestinian self-ruled
does not make the interventionist diplomacy obsolete. Many autocratic
rulers subjugate their own people.
In the Asian scenario, the repression of the Burmese army on their
own people spontaneously comes to mind. Yet, there is a beeline to
make friendship with State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC), quite a misnomer. India, Johnny cam lately, to join the
beeline of China, members of the Association of the South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN) and Japan to convalesce relations with the SLORC
is currently worried about the Dragons tentacles in the Bay of Bengal
and Indian Ocean. In the process of increasing approximation of geo-
political relationship between the SLORC and its nervous neighbours,
the ethnic minority refugees from Burma have become the pawns.
The SLORC senior leader General Than Shwe visited Beijing from
January 6-13, 1996 and met Chinese President Jiang Jemin and
Premier Li Peng. China agreed to provide low interest loans and
technical help for Burmese economy. In 1995, Myanmar traded goods
with China worth an estimated $600 million, 18 per cent more than
1994.
But, the neighbours of Burma do not consider its relations with the
Asian super-power, China as purely economic. In April 1995, the
ASEAN countries for the first time challenged Beijing on its
encroachment in the disputed Spratlys in the South China sea. The
Chinese military helped the SLORC to build three deep water ports in
Myanmar and a sophisticated radar facility on the Coco islands in the
Indian Ocean. In December 1995, Myanmar received five powered
patrol vessels from China, the last batch of the promised 45 vessels.
The SLORC had reportedly bought weapons and equipment from
China worth over $2 billion in the last half decade.
India is in a piquant station whether to choose Aung San Suu Kyi or
the SLORC. Hundreds of pro-democracy activists were given staunch
support by the government of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and
V.P. Singh.
After five years of diplomacy stand-off, Prime Minister Narashima
Rao sent Mr. J.N. Dixit, the then Foreign Secretary, to Yangon in
February 1993 t mend fences with the SLORC. The Deputy Foreign
Minister of Burma in his subsequent visit to New Delhi in early 1994
exerted pressure upon New Delhi to stop assisting or permitting anti-
SLORC activities from India soil.
The odds to outmanoeuvre China are quite high against India. China
has entrenched in Burma by providing moral and material support to
the SLORC even in the most difficult period after the crackdown of the
pro-democracy activists in 1988. China remained the sole ally of the
SLORC when India joined the international community to severe
diplomatic ties with the SLORC.
Since the resumption of diplomatic relations in 1993, hundreds of
ethnic Burmese minority refugees have been refouled or coerced to
return to their country. The handful of pro-democracy activists in
Delhi have been under pressure from the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees ( UNHCR ) to return to the camps in India
border states of Manipur and Mizoram or stop anti-SLORC activities.
India has allegedly been pressurising the UNHCR.
The Burmese refugees in the North East India namely the Chins,
Nagas and Arakanese are often harassed by Indian security forced.
Although the State Government of Mizoram tolerates the presence of
the Chins, it has, in acquiescence with the Central Government of
India initiated a campaign to expel 40,000 Chin refugees sheltered in
the State. In September and October 1994, at least 1000 Chin refugees
were reportedly deported from India over a one-month period. The
repatriation process of September-October 1994 was temporarily
discontinued only to begin again in June 15, 1995.
The repatriation process of June 1995 was allegedly a part of the
Indo-Myanmar trade pact signed in early 1995. It was informally
agreed start joint Indo-Myanmar military operations to quell both the
domestic insurgency movements in north-east India and the Burmese
democratic forces currently living in India. In April 1995, the
Burmese and Indian military officials launched a joint military
campaign, <italic>Operation Golden Bird<italic>. India alleges that
the Chin National Front has links with domestic insurgents groups,
the United Liberation Front of Assam and the Manipurs Peoples
Liberation Army.
India Home Secretary K. Padmanabhaiah and SLORCs Deputy Home
Minister Mr. Tin Hlaing held a meeting on August 16-17, 1995 in
New Delhi to review the Operation Golden Bird. In the latest meeting
held in Yangon from December 22-25 1995, India once again assured
Myanmar of taking all possible and practical measures to curb the
"negative elements".
But Myanmar in annoyed with India over the award of Jawahalal
Nehru Award for International Understanding to Aung San Suu Kyi in
1995. In an International Conference on Restoration of Democracy in
Burma held in New Delhi in January 1996, Indian national political
parties including the ruling Congress party condemned the SLORC.
Suu Kyi also received extensive press coverage from Indian journalists
who accompanied Mr. Padmanabhaiah in December 1995.
The SLORC snubbed the Indian Government by cancelling visas on
January 11, 1996 to an Indian expedition team consisting of members
of parliament and Prime Ministers confidantes, retracing the historic
March of Indian National Army during the World War II. The team
was stranded and had to be airlifted from Yangon after Prime
Ministers intervention.
Thailand also never recognised over 60,000 ethnic Karen, Mon,
Karenni and Tavoyan Burmese refugees. The Burmese military has
often crossed the international border and torched the makeshift camps
of the Mon refugees. The Thai military official remain silent because
of their business interest in the legal log and drug business.
The Chins and Arakanese are not also recognised as refugees in
Bangladesh unlike the Rohingyya Muslims. They are often harassed by
the local Bangladeshi officials. Around 10,000 Karen refugees
sheltered in Yunan province have been victims of the Chinese and
Burmese military harassment.
In the aftermath of the agreement between Khun Sa, the druglord of
The golden Triangle and the Shans fled to Thailand to escape from
atrocities of the SLORC forces. The ethnic Karen also fell that the
SLORC will deploy all the forces against them. However, as the
economic interest set the rules of diplomatic relations, human rights,
promotion of good governance and democracy are put on the back
burner.
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