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BurmNet News: September 23, 1996




---------------------------------BurmaNet-----------------------------------
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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: September 23, 1996
Issue #520

Noted in Passing: 
		
		By ...obstructing and hindering the national convention... the 
		present form of administration could be prolonged and stay on
		- Gen. Maung Aye, vice-chairman of SLORC (see: NATION: 
		SLORC PREPARED TO HOLD ON TO POWER)

HEADLINES:
==========
BKK POST: SLORC OFFICIALS FACE VISA BAN THIS WEEK
BKK POST: WHY THE ABSDF IS ONE AGAIN
THE NATION: MALAYSIA ADDS TO IMAGE AS ASEAN'S LITTLE BIG MAN
BSGM: LETTER TO MALAYSIAN GOVERNMENT ON ASEAN MEMBERSHIP
NATION: SLORC PREPARED TO HOLD ON TO POWER
BKK POST: LETTER-THAI GOVERNMENT LACKS SINCERITY
BKK POST: NO SHORTAGE OF PETROL AND DIESEL OIL
THE NATION: EXODUS FROM SHAN STATE
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BKK POST: SLORC OFFICIALS FACE VISA BAN THIS WEEK
September 20, 1996

The Clinton administration is expected to outlaw US visas for
officials in Burma's military government and anyone else who
benefits from its rule, possibly within the next week.

A senior administration official noting increased support in
Congress for a tougher Burma policy, said the White House wanted
to act on its own with a proclamation rather than wait for
legislators to impose a travel ban.

"This gives us greater flexibility," said the official, who asked not to be
named.

Similar proclamations in the past against Nigeria, for example have targeted
those 
"who formulate, implement, or benefit from policies that impede a democratic 
transition," the official said, adding: "That's the template."

It was not immediately clear when the White House would announce the visa ban, 
or how many people it would prevent from traveling to the United States.

But sources following the issue expect the proclamation to come
in the next few days, and Burmese dissidents say relatively few
Burmese government officials or their relatives now visit the United States.

Legislators are currently considering a broad 1997 foreign aid bill that would 
permit US economic sanctions against Burma if the ruling junta the State Law 
and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) cracks down harder on its critics.

The provision won broad support after the Clinton administration and
legislators 
defeated an effort in July to ban all US trade with and investment in Burma.

The draft legislation would prohibit US investment in Burma if the Slorc
arrests, 
harms, or exiles democracy leader and Nobel peace prize- winner Aung San Suu 
Kyi or suppresses her followers on a large scale.

How broad a crackdown it would take to trigger sanctions, whenever the
provision 
becomes law, remains unclear.

After Slorc, which marks its eighth year in power this week,
jailed 30 opposition members in late August the State Department
said it was discussing economic sanctions against the regime with its allies.

Thailand and Japan, both large investors in the Southeast Asian country, also 
lodged rare expressions of criticism during a crackdown earlier this year.

**********************************************************

BKK POST: WHY THE ABSDF IS ONE AGAIN
September 22, 1996

INTERVIEW: New elected members of the All Burma Students
Democratic Front talk about past mistakes that led to the break-
up of the group in 1991, and about its future as one organization
following the success of their Reunification Congress/ 

When and why did the ABSDF split?

Aung Thu Nyein: ABSDF split into two groups during the third
congress in 1991. When we looked into the reasons, we found we
had not been truly democratic, and were lacking in political
maturity and a long-term strategy. We also lacked professionalism
and an organizational approach to our work.

Now you are reunited, what are your plans?
     
Dr. Naing Aung: Our first aim is to strive for unity among our
members and then among all our allies to launch a political
offensive against the Burmese military. Our continuing aim is to
pressure the military to respond to our calls for a tripartite dialogue.

What do you mean by a tripartite dialogue?
     
Dr. Naing Aung: It means talks must be held between Slorc, the
democratic forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic
nationalities who have  been fighting for democracy for nearly 50 years.
     
Getting back to the question of unity, recently 79  ABSDF
students surrendered to Slorc. Why and how did that happen, and
what's the present students' strength now?

Aung Thu Nyein: Since May, Slorc has been deploying more troops
in southern Burma. At the same time,    Slorc  set up the Coastal
Military Command. Strategically the coastal region is very
important to Slorc There are two reasons for this: Slorc has been
working to realize its aim to build a pipeline through that area
into Thailand and, second, deep-sea ports in that region. Since
the appointment of Brig-Gen. Thiha Thura Sitmaung as commander in
that division, he has stepped up campaigns against the ABSDF and
all the ethnic minorities. They have burned villages and
relocated the populace from whom we normally get support. When
these villages were destroyed, the ABSDF helped rebuild houses
and schools for them. While this was going on, we unavoidably
faced Slorc offensives. Maj Win  Naing a native of that area, was
one of our commanders. He was very active and his work has been
very successful. Slorc arrested his parents and his wife to force
him into surrendering. This and other factors left him and his
unit with no choice but to lay down their arms after they were
encircled by Slorc troops and eventually captured. If you had
seen the TV footage that Slorc produced you would notice that
most of them were family. members of the students and those who
had been relocated. As for the ABSDF soldiers who were said to
have surrendered only about 20 were seen on TV. This was because
they pressured our regiment into submission. It is not true, as
Slorc claims, the group surrendered of its own free will. They
were forced into it, and it was only part of the regiment, not
the entire group that surrendered.
     
Earlier I asked you about the strength of the student force.
     
Moe Thee Zun: We have about 2,200, including their families. This
includes students on the Burma-Bangladesh, Sino-Burmese and the
Thai-Burmese borders. The real fighting force is 1,800.
     
Do you know anything about the recently formed group called the
Democratic Students Organization?
     
Dr. Naing Aung: When the ABSDF split, a few students proclaimed
they remained neutral, meaning they didn't take sides. Those who
did not want to take sides joined other groups in the area. These
students are in the 6th Brigade vicinity. When we began to
organize the ABSDF Reunification Congress, we invited them to
attend and resolve whatever differences there were. Instead of
joining us in this congress, we heard that they had formed this
group called the DSO. We have told the alliance groups that we
wouldn't want any other student organization other than ABSDF in
this area. So once ABSDF is reunified, we would want everyone to
join us. Our idea is based on the fact that there should not be
other student organizations while ABSDF itself has taken up arms
and has been operating in this area. Although we do not deny the
rights of individuals to form any organization, we believe there
should be only one student organization if all these student
organizations have similar aims and objectives. We have a member
of the Democratic Alliance of Burma here. You can ask his opinion about this.

Myint Zaw: I am general-secretary of the Democratic Alliance of
Burma and a member of the ABSDF Reunification Commission
organized by the Democratic Alliance of Burma. Earlier, as the
ABSDF chairman mentioned, we have decided that there should not
be any other organization than the ABSDF which bears the name of
students. We have discussed it [DSO] and we have some thoughts on
what we should be doing with it. We understand this issue will be
resolved easily because all the alliances in the area [which is
also KNU territory] have decided there should be only one student
group, and also it should be understood that this is happening in
this area alone. We believe we can solve this problem easily. DAB
has decided to take care of the matter.
     
How did the voting go in the Reunification Congress that ended today?
     
Dr. Naing Aung: What I want to say is that the new leadership was
democratically elected. And I believe the new leadership was
elected by participants to the Congress bearing in mind that
unity is crucial to guarantee the future and survival of the ABSDF.
     
U Moe Thee Zun, you and Dr. Naing Aung used to be arch rivals,
what is the relationship today between both of you?

Moe Thee Zun: We are not rivals and I want you to know that 
we are comrades - in - arms. We had disagreed on certain
political issues that split us but even during that time we
always worked hand-in-hand on political issues. We have now
resolved the matter and there are no more differences between us. We are united.
     
Do you have any messages for Slorc, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the
international community?
     
Dr. Naing Aung: We believe this Congress is a unifying process. It
is a challenge and a political offensive against Slorc. It also
indicates that it supports the idea of national reconciliation
that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been calling for all along.
     
Moe Thee Zun: Also we would like to inform the people of Burma
that despite the hardships we have endured and the adversities we
have faced over the past eight years, we are determined to
continue with our struggle. Another thing is we are now well
established at our respective bases. Because of all these factors
we ask the people of Burma to apply more pressure on Slorc and to
give greater support to the students' movement.
     
We want the international community to know we are united and it
is now more important than ever that they apply more pressure on
Slorc so .it would respond to our calls [for tripartite talks].
Dr. Naing Aung: We believe that if we want to strive for unity we
can do so by setting aside our differences. We have adopted a
slogan at the Congress. It is: "From ABSDF Unity, to National 
Unity, from National Unity to Final Victory." Based on the belief
that Burma's political problems can be solved only by the Burmese
people and also when they [the people of Burma] expressed that it
is imperative that we be united, we began to strive to work
towards achieving this goal. What we would like to tell Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi is we have worked hard to establish unity among
ourselves. Likewise, we believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will strive
to lead the opposition forces against Slorc so there would be
greater backing from the people of Burma. What I would like to
say to the international community is sympathizing with our cause
is not  good enough, it is important that we receive its
wholehearted support to achieve democracy.
     
Myint Zaw: I would also like to say something to Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi, the freedom forces in Burma and the international community.
I believe this unity of the ABSDF is a step towards eventual
victory in gaining democracy in our country. All the
organizations have their own leaders and we have constantly
strove for unity not only with different groups but also among
all our alliances. The point I want to stress is this unity might
appear to be superficial to people in Burma and the international
community. I want to emphatically state that this reunification
is not superficial but true and solid. On this issue I would like
to guarantee, as a member of the DAB (Democratic Alliance of
Burma) that such is the case. The members of DAB are convinced
that this unity is long-term. We will work towards achieving
greater unity, not only within the ABSDF, but also among other
organizations. In the past few years we have come to realize our
mistakes and the experience gained from it. And because of this we believe we 
have nothing but to achieve success [because of this unity] in the future.   
 
***********************************************************

THE NATION: MALAYSIA ADDS TO IMAGE AS ASEAN'S LITTLE BIG MAN
September 20, 1996 (abridged)

Diplomatically, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad is walking tall, Ethan Casey
writes Kuala Lumpur.

Despite being the third-smallest member of the Association of Southeast
Asian nations (ASEAN) Malaysia cuts an impressive figure in the region and
abroad. This paradox was underscored recently by a string of regional
initiatives by the country's influential prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad.

Malaysia, with a population of 18 million, seized the diplomatic lead
earlier this year with an ambitious and long-term plan to develop the Mekong
River that included a continuous rail link from Singapore all the way to
southern China.

In August, when several high-ranking members of Burma's ruling military
junta visited, Mahathir rolled out the red carpet and used the occasion to
propose accelerating Burma's entry into ASEAN.

"Malaysians are very protocol conscious and he is considered a head of
state," said a Western diplomat, referring to Burmese leader General Than
Shwe. But the visit also brought into relief ASEAN'S policy of "constructive
engagement" with Burma and its unwillingness, especially Mahathir's to be
led by Westerns' views as to what courses of action Asian nations should
take toward each other.

Burma gained observer status at the annual ASEAN summit in Jakarta in July.
Burma, Cambodia and Laos all are slated to become full members before the
year 2000. But when Than Shwe and other junta members visited in August,
Mahathir endorsed the possibility that Burma may join as early as next year.
The move represents something akin to a nose-thumbing at the prevailing
Western policy of isolating Burma's regime.

After seeing Than Shwe off at the airport on Aug. 14, Mahathir told reporters
he was confident the United States would be unlikely to take concrete steps
to punish the junta.

"They have large investment in this region including in Burma," he noted.
"When they see oil, they will come."

Asked if there existed opposition within ASEAN on admitting Burma, Mahathir
said. "Perhaps there is.. but I think the objection is not very strong.
Actually, those attempting to obstruct Burma's entry are other foreign
countries."

"There are voices from outside, voices of those who might have mistaken 
Myanmar for the apartheid rule in South Africa and the largely effective
sanctions 
against the Pretoria regime. Sanctions worked against apartheid for the simple 
reason that there had been no economic or political grouping strong enough
to make 
that constructive engagement with Pretoria. ASEAN fills that gap where
Myanmar is 
concerned." 

******************************************************************

BSGM: LETTER TO MALAYSIAN GOVERNMENT ON ASEAN MEMBERSHIP
September 18, 1996 (Burma Solidarity Group of Malaysia)		

Thirty-three Non Government Organizations, Wednesday presented a 
memorandum to the government, calling for the suspension of the application 
made by Burma/Myanmar's State Law and Order Restoration Council for ASEAN 
membership.

The memorandum was delivered by a delegation of 20 Malaysian activists led by
ABIM (Malaysian Youth Muslim Movement) Secretary General Encik Ahmad 
Azam Abdul Rahman.

Encik Azam urged ASEAN member nations to ensure that Burma/Myanmar met 
certain conditions before it was allowed into ASEAN.

"It is essential that there be a political space for the people of Myanmar to
express their aspirations for democracy.

"The oppression of Muslims and the denial of citizenship to the Rohingya is a
great source of concern.  We don't want the well-intended efforts of ASEAN
nations to legitimize such violations," added Encik Azam.

The memorandum stated the notorious SLORC are using the guarantee of ASEAN
membership as a license to perpetrate further abuses.  It claimed the recent
violations constitutes a slap in the face for the proponents of the policy of
constructive engagement.

LETTER:

Dear Sir,
We are writing to respectfully urge that the Malaysian government reconsiders
its support of the application by Myanmar/Burma's State Law and Order
Restoration Council (SLORC) to join ASEAN.

We are convinced that the SLORC has no intention of implementing genuine change
in Myanmar/Burma.  In fact, since the regime gained both observer status at the
ASEAN Meeting in Jakarta in July and your endorsement for membership, the SLORC
has increased its harassment of the people of Myanmar/Burma in general, and
supporters of human rights and democracy in particular.

Within days of returning from his state visit to Malaysia, General Than Shwe
and his regime arrested 19 people.  Many more activists in areas north-west of
Yangon/Rangoon have been rounded up.  Our recent guests have insulted our
hospitality by returning home and imposing lengthy jail terms of between 7 to
10 years on 30 people.  The SLORC have not ruled out the possibility of
launching a further crackdown, perhaps even re-arresting democracy leader and
Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

It is a matter of concern that the forced labor, arbitrary killings, state-
endorsed rape, torture, forcible recruitment of children into SLORC's army and
illegal SLORC incursions into Thailand and Bangladesh continue.  These
violations and harassment's have affected both Muslim and non-Muslims alike.
However, we note with grave concern that Muslims, particularly those in Arakan
state, continue to be targeted by the SLORC, despite its public denials.

Clearly, the notorious SLORC are using the guarantee of ASEAN membership as a
license to further perpetrate violations and abuses against our 47 million
neighbors in Myanmar/Burma.  The SLORC has gleefully manipulated the well-
meant intentions, not just of our government, but also the governments of all
ASEAN members.  Its recent violations constitute a slap in the face for the
proponents of the policy of constructive engagement.

Therefore, on this eighth anniversary of SLORC's bloody assumption of power, we
urge you to initiate a suspension of all moves to process the SLORC's
application for ASEAN membership.  We wholeheartedly support the vision of an
ASEAN which will continue to work for social progress and cultural development,
an ASEAN that will continue to grow and work for the welfare of its citizens.
This is why we cannot diminish ourselves by embracing a regime which stands
against these ASEAN ideals.

Yours in peace.

Copies to:
Yang Amat Berhormat Dato' Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohamad - Prime Minister
Yang Amat Berhormat Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahi - Deputy Prime Minister

LIST OF ENDORSING ORGANIZATIONS:
ABIM (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia/Malaysian Muslim Youth Movement
ALIRAN
ASA Media Center
AWAM (All Women Action Society of Malaysia)
Burma Solidarity Group Malaysia
CAP (Consumers Association of Penang)
CENPEACE
Centre for Orang Asli Concerns
Democratic Action Party Socialist Youth
Democratic Action Party Wanita
Ideal
IIFSO (International Islamic Federation of Student Organisations - East Asia)
INSAN
Jammu-Kashmir Forum for Human Rights
JUST World Trust
Majilis Belia Malaysia (Malaysian Youth Council)
Malaysian Gurdwaras Council
MSRI (Malaysia Sociological Research Institute)
PENEROKA (Jawatankuasa Peneroka Bandar/Support Committee Urban Pioneers)
PERMIM (Association of Indian Muslim Malaysians)
PKPIM (National Union of Muslim Students Malaysia)
SAFDA (South-East Asia Forum for Development Alternatives - Malaysia)
Sahabat Alam Malaysia (Friends of the Earth Malaysia)
Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth
Society for Christian Reflection
SUARAM
Tamil Support Group for Human Rights
TENAGANITA
Third World Network
WAMY (World Assembly of Muslim Youth - East Asia)
World Tamil Relief Fund
YATI (Yayasan Wanita Islam / Muslim Women's Foundation)
Youth Center

Coordinated by
Debbie Stothard
Burma Solidarity Group Malaysia

*********************************************************

NATION: SLORC PREPARED TO HOLD ON TO POWER
September 22, 1996

RANGOON - A senior member of Burma's ruling military body said
the current government may stay on longer than planned if
"stooges" continue to disrupt the work of the national
convention, official media reported yesterday.

Gen. Maung Aye, vice-chairman of the ruling State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc), made the comments on behalf of Slorc
chairman Than Shwe in a speech to newly graduated army officers,
state-run media reported.

"Some stooges, who are relying on external elements, are
disturbing and hindering the activities of building a new modern
nation," he said. "By doing so they are obstructing and hindering
the national convention. If these hindrances and disruptions
continue, the present form of administration could be prolonged
and stay on," he said without elaborating. He also urged the
newly-commissioned officers to crush all internal and external
destructive elements as the common enemy. It was the second time in a week that 
a senior Slorc official has warned the administration might last for a while.

A national convention of mostly hand-picked delegates has been
meeting intermittently at the whim of the government since 1993
to draft guidelines for a new constitution. Nobel Peace Prize
laureate Aung San Suu Kyi angered the Slorc last November when
she pulled her National League for Democracy (NLD) party out of
the discussions, saying they were undemocratic and did not
represent the will of the people. 

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: LETTER-THAI GOVERNMENT LACKS SINCERITY
September 22, 1996

The Thai government, like the SLORC, seems to have no shame or
honor. Democracy requires that citizens seek public office not
to rule or govern, but to serve the people. It seems the Thai
government has failed this acid test of democracy.          

The best example of the Thai government's lack of respect for
democratic values is its Burma policy. Despite some cosmetic
changes in this policy, it is still basically helping the
     
A government which fully respects democratic values would suspend
participation in the Total-UNOCAL natural gas pipeline until
there is a political settlement in Burma.
     
One common view the Burmese Resistance shares with the SLORC is
that the Thai government lacks sincerity. Eventually democratic
values will prevail in Thailand because of Thailand's free press.
The free press is the principal building-block of democracy  in
Thailand, and also in Burma.

**********************************************************

BKK POST: NO SHORTAGE OF PETROL AND DIESEL OIL
September 22, 1996

A senior Burmese official said  there was no shortage of petrol or diesel
fuel in 
the country despite sharp  Jumps In prices on rumors of shortages, official 
media reported yesterday. State-run newspapers quoted Lt. Gen. Tin Oo,
Secretary 
Two of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), as denying 
the rumors.
     
"Fuel oil prices have been rising as there were rumors of a shortage of fuel
and 
diesel supply," he said in his capacity  as the chairman of the Central
Committee 
for Ensuring Smooth and Secure Transport.
     
"Those who wanted to take advantage of the political and economic
conditions are trying to manipulate fuel oil prices," he said.
     
Last week prices of petrol soared on the black market on panic
buying as consumers feared a shortage of supply.                

A gallon of on the black market was selling for 400-420 kyats on
Thursday, compared with 180-200 kyat about a month ago. On the
black market, one dollar bought about 170 kyats on Thursday while
the official rate is about six kyat to the dollar
               
Rumors have been circulating in Rangoon that a foreign company
recently stopped supplying crude to Burma.
     
Last Saturday, democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi told supporters
the military government owed $31 million to a foreign company
supplying essential chemicals, which is why supplies stopped.
     
Japan's Mitsui & Co Ltd. a key supplier of crude to Burma, said
on Friday Burma was behind in some of its payments for crude oil
and diesel fuel sold under annual term contracts.
     
"We believe this is due to delays in operational matters such as
issuing letters of credit," a Mitsui spokesman said in Tokyo.

He said Mitsui has fulfilled all obligations on the term contract
which expired on September 7, including cargo loading. 

***********************************************************

THE NATION: EXODUS FROM SHAN STATE
September 20, 1996

A Slorc-orchestrated relocation campaign along Burma's eastern frontier is
causing predictably dire results and sending thousands of Shans spilling
across Thailand's border. Bangkok and the UN, however, are not keen to
become involved. Aung Zaw reports.

Away from the glare of media attention that has focused on a reported huge
influx of Burmese illegal workers, thousands of Shan have been arriving in
Thailand as a result of a forced relocation program being implemented by
the military government in Burma.

The Rangoon-orchestrated push has already driven thousands of Shans into
Thailand and unless a solution is found soon thousands more are likely to
follow. The sorry mass of humanity is only the tip of internally displaced
Shans are also leading precarious lives inside Shan state.

Khun Kya Oo, chairman of  Volunteers for the Displaced Shans [VDS], recently
sent an urgent letter to representatives of the UN High Commissioner for
Refugees in Bangkok to publicize the plight of his countrymen. 

In his July 23 letter Khun Kya Oo stressed that many of the Shans pouring
into Thailand are not immigrant workers but refugees.

"They came to Thailand because of forced relocation and fear of persecution," 
he wrote, adding that the Shan refugees were in a desperate condition.

Interviews conducted by the Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF), Karen 
Human Rights Group (KHRG)and this reporter back up his claim that the 
Shans had no choice but to come to Thailand, hide in the jungle or be placed 
in new relocation sites. Many feared they would be killed if they remained in 
Shan state.

Since early March, the Slorc ordered villagers in central and southern Shan
State to abandon their homes and move to new sites. According to the SHRF,
at least 80,000 people have been relocated, and a conservative estimate says
that 20,000 of them have arrived in Thailand.

The reason: the Slorc wants to prevent villagers from supporting the Shan
resistance groups which are still active in central Shan State. After drug
warlord Khun Sa "surrendered" to Rangoon in January some of his followers
from the Mong Tai Army (MAT) broke away have continued to fight the 
Burmese military.

"In an apparent attempt to weaken all Shan forces and prevent any contact
with the local population Slorc began a massive campaign of forcibly
relocating civilian villages," the KHRG reported in its June journal.
 
But the Shan villagers have nothing do with Shan rebel forces says Shan
dissidents other than paying them food and cash when it is demanded.

In most cases the villagers have been given only three days to move by the
military with the order that if they come back: "You will be shot on sight."
According to refugee accounts some villagers have been killed when they went
back to see farms or houses. In other cases, they found nothing but the
burned remains of their villages. Though the junta has forced Shans to
relocate it has offer nothing at new sites, often existing villages along
the main roads. "No food, no shelter and we have no work so we earn no money
to buy food - Slorc uses us as forced labor," said Sai Lon sheltering in
Thailand. Initially they arrived at the new relocation sites they found only
shanty towns, whose inhabitants were begging along the sides of the roads.

Thai-based NGO worker says they have received information on one relocation
site there have been fatal out-breaks of cholera. "We stayed at the new site
for one or two weeks but we got angry and left," said Sai Lon.

Since they cannot go back to their villages the Shans are heading to
Thailand. According to KHRG, Slorc soldiers even told the refugees to go.
A report by KHRG told the story of how Shan boys walked through the border
untouched because they only had the ragged clothes on their backs. 

"Ten kilometers  further on a monk asked them where they were going, and
they replied: "Is Chiang Mai far?" In fact, Chiang Mai was 100 km away.

As of June, the residents of 450 villages had been ordered to move from the
Salween River 120 kilometers westward to Loi Kha and Mong Kung, from Lang
Ker and Mong Nai [just 60km north of the Thai border] northward for 180km to
Kay See Man Sam and the area west of the Mong Hsu ruby mines. 

According to the SHRF, Slorc troops carrying out the relocation include
Infantry and Light Infantry Division 246 in Kun Hing, 525, 248 and 518 in
Murng Nai, Light Infantry Division 66 and 247 in Nam Zarng, 515 in Lai Kha,
64 in Murng  Kerng and 524 in Kee See.

As recently as July 17 the local Slorc authorities issued an order for Wan
Pan village, which has 45 households and 292 villagers, to move to Murng Nwang.

Most of the villagers have been forced to leave without their belongings,
and large herds and livestock have been left behind to be claimed by SLORC
troops.

"There are killings and beatings. There is no way out to exist," said Sai
Lon who arrived here in July. 

In one case in July, Kehsi villagers sent an appeal letter to commander of
the eastern-command requesting the military postpone the forced relocation
program as a well-respected Mong Nang abbot had passed away. The abbot
received a highest title from the government. [Customarily cremation
ceremony of any abbot in Burma takes at least a year]. But the appeal was
turned down and there has no news on what had happened to the cremation.

When the Shan - Thai border was under the control of warlord Khun Sa Shans
didn't need to worry about being deported from Thailand.

The Shans who were pushed backed by Thai officials were able to establish
settlement in Khun Sa-controlled areas.

But now there is no more Khun Sa or MAT. In there place are Slorc soldiers.
According to the VDS statement and reliable Shan sources, one such refugee
settlement established early last year across the border from northern
Chiang Rai province was raided on July 2 by Slorc troops.

Shan groups describe  the recent situation as in chaos.

"Thousands of people who used to have farms and livestock are living in
shelters along the roads begging for food, and in the towns every house has
at least five families living in it," said an SHRF official.
Most of  the refugees  have come as entire families, including grandparents
and children. At one construction site in Chiang Mai, about 60 family
members arrived together. "We have nowhere to go, no home no future," said
Sai Noi, 20. 

"The issue of human rights in Shan state is too often ignored in favor of
the issue of drugs, and villagers are brutally abused with impunity as a
result, the KHRG report stated.

"The situation has reached  a critical point. The influx of Shan refugees is
unprecedented," said Khun Kyar Oo. Indeed, unless there is a manageable
policy to prevent further influx from Shan state Khun Kya Oo wrote in his
letter to the international agencies: "....soon there will be no more Shans
in Shan State."  

The recent arrivals from Shan state are not coming to seek odd jobs in
Thailand but are refugees. For the most part, they have found little help.

Most Shans who arrived in northern Thailand head to work at construction
sites, lychee orchards, sweatshop in Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Fang or further
away to Bangkok.

In Thailand, the Shans have found life distressingly similar to their home.
They are stateless and daily face the risk of arrest, raids, detention and
exploitation. In addition, there are reports that young Shan girls, some as
young as 12, are disappearing. They are believed to have been sold to the
brothels.  

In spite of appalling conditions being endured by the Shans there has so far
been no official response from the Thai government on the issue. Thailand's
official policy remains the same: Shans are migrant workers and Thailand's
local and central officials turning a blind eyes on the issue.
"There have been repeated large scale influxes of refugees from Shan state,
and the prison in Chiang Mai are full," Khun Kya Oo said.

"Thailand is continuing with its policy of pushing back refugees along the
Shan border irrespective of their reasons for fleeing. For instance, on July
18 and 19, Thai police raided Lahu villages in northern Chiang Mai province
and trucked more than 100 Lahu refugees who had fled Slorc abuses back to
the border.

"As a result, the refugees are forced to disperse as soon as they arrive to
avoid arrest as illegal immigrants, so there is little visible proof of
their existence," he said. 

At one construction site in Chiang Mai, approximately 70 Shan children
including babies have been suffering from a wide number of diseases. They
live in ramshackle huts receive no medical help. 

Nang Htwe, 34 remembers her house in Shan state. It had a farm, a house and
cattle. But that is all gone now.

Without any outside help the situation can get worse. Already, Khun Kya Oo
says some refugees died of treatable illnesses. Loong Seng, 66 from Nam Mo
village fell in shortly after  arriving in Thailand. He passed away in July
after he suffering stomach-ache and diarrhea. 

Recently, some Shan kids went sent to a Thai hospital where they received
treatment. An NGO worker who helped to send these children said: "The doctor
told their mothers to give them protein and eggs but how can they afford to
buy that?'. But most Shans won't dare to go to hospital as their status in
Thailand is illegal immigrants.

The most worrying question for NGOs, concerned organizations and observers
in Chiang Mai is how to tackle the issue before more refugees die. 

Khun Kya Oo stated clearly that it is imperative that immediate action be
taken to give assistance to these victims of the SLORC's campaign in Shan
State. Indeed, the UNHCR in Thailand has a huge responsibility to solve the
influx of Shan refugees. However, it is still a doubtful matter whether the
UNHCR can really tackle the issue while the Shans are still considered
illegal aliens.

As things stand at the moment, there is little hope of seeing any
substantial shift in Thai government policy towards Shans.

After Khun Kyar Oo sent his letter to UNHCR office in Bangkok some UNHCR
officials and NGO workers went to see Shans. "The UNHCR is supposed to
looking after the interest of refugees. They have their role to play," said
the Chiang Mai  NGO worker .

An NGO worker based in northern Thailand with almost 10 years experiences
summed up the situation: "First, the UNHCR and Thai government should
recognize that persecution going on in Shan state - secondly, they should
recognize large number of people are coming to Thailand because of
persecution is going on in Shan state - secondly, they should recognize that
a large number of people are coming to Thailand because of persecution;
thirdly, they should recognize the problems the Shans are facing here
(Thailand)."

The two immediate problems in Thailand are basically lack of security, and
lack of health care. In his petition, Khun Kyaw Oo concluded with two
requests. One is to set up refugee camps at suitable locations in the
province of Mae Hong Song, Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai and to allow NGOs
access to these camps  so that they can  provide basic humanitarian assistance. 

We have to find solutions - one option is to set up refugee camp. The
officials of the UNHCR and Thai government should take leadership role on
this issue.

"Everyone is taking the back seat. They haven't even admitted the problem,"
he said.

Sadly, even very few NGOs in Chiang Mai have paid much attention to the
Shans. Ironically, it is an open secret that most buildings in Chiang Mai
including hotels, guest houses, high-rise buildings including grand SEA
Games stadium, were built by Shans. In any case, says an observer in Chiang
Mai "We have to wait to see how the UNHCR and Thai government will react?." 

But he says: "Shans can no longer wait. Twelve-year-old girls kidnapped and
sold and more people are dying of diseases and illnesses in construction
sites. Concerned organizations need to do something." 

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