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FEER: Ethnic Scapegoat
Ethnic Scapegoat
Pent-up anger fuels anti-foreigner riots
By Bertil Lintner in Bangkok
April 10, 1997
March 27, Armed Forces Day in Burma, used to be a day of
parades,
with civilians garlanding soldiers in the streets of Rangoon.
But since the
army crushed a pro-democracy uprising in 1988, the soldiers
have been
parading inside a sealed-off park, while citizens watch the
event on
television.
This year, the polarization was even more evident. Helicopters
hovered
overhead and security was tight as the country recovered from
yet another
bout of unrest, this time involving Buddhist monks. And yet
again, the
ruling junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council, has
exacerbated
the crisis by refusing to address public grievances.
According to a Slorc information sheet dated March 25, the
violence
erupted when "a Buddhist girl was molested by a Muslim youth"
in the
northern city of Mandalay. Then, "elements bent on creating
unrest
exploited the situation." The Slorc bulletin said that mosques
were attacked
to create misunderstanding between Burma and Muslim countries
in
Asean, which the country is expected to join this year. As the
unrest
spread to towns all over Burma, the authorities stepped in to
"maintain law
and order" and to "protect Muslim communities."
Local sources, however, tell a different story. They say the
trouble began
earlier this year when the military decided to renovate the
Mahamuni
Pagoda in Mandalay. "But after the job was done, it looked
worse than
before," says a source from Mandalay. Rumours circulated that
precious
stones were missing from the pagoda's Buddha image.
The abbots then demanded a meeting with the Mandalay
commander,
Maj.-Gen. Ye Myint. They took the opportunity to raise other
questions,
among them the influx of foreigners to Mandalay. Since the
city opened up
to foreign trade in 1989, thousands of Chinese have moved in,
taking over
shops, property, hotels and restaurants. "Our city is being
swamped by
foreigners," an abbot is reported to have told the general.
Many Chinese arrive in Mandalay armed with Burmese identity
cards. "If a
person in Mandalay dies, his or her relatives send the ID card
to a broker in
Yunnan, who in turn sells it to a would-be Chinese emigrant
who suddenly
becomes a Burmese citizen," explains a Sino-Burmese who's
involved in the
business.
Other Chinese are former rebels of the defunct Communist Party
of Burma.
In exchange for making peace with the government, they've been
allowed
to engage in any kind of business, the most lucrative being
the Golden
Triangle drug trade.
It was in the context of foreigners swamping Mandalay that the
abbots
mentioned that a Buddhist girl was raped by some Muslims of
Indian
origin, who were freed after a 30,000-kyat ($4,778) bribe to
the police. "But
of all these issues, the military decided to announce only the
last one," the
source from Mandalay says. Pent-up frustration led to
widespread rioting,
with the Muslim minority bearing the brunt of the attacks.
The events show how sensitive the issue of Chinese migration
into
Mandalay is, says an Asian diplomat based in Rangoon, and how
a minor
incident can lead to nationwide unrest. Monks and other people
took to the
streets in Moulmein, Shwebo, Thazi, Amarapura, Sagaing and
even in
isolated towns in the Irrawaddy delta. "It's not difficult to
divert the anger
to the Muslims," says a Western diplomat in Rangoon. "The
Indians were
brought in by the British during the colonial days, and
anti-Indian
sentiments have been strong in Burma ever since."
The scapegoats were perhaps necessary to avoid a more serious
conflict,
involving the Chinese community in Burma. Close relations with
China are
the cornerstone of the regime's foreign policy. Burma and
China recently
signed a new border-cooperation agreement, and Luo Gan,
secretary-general of China's State Council, pledged a
million-renminbi
($121,000) loan to Slorc.
"We are aware of rising anti-Chinese sentiment," says one of
the many
Sino-Burmese who have lived in the country for generations.
Last
December, several Sino-Burmese expressed their concern to the
Chinese
embassy in Rangoon after the army used tanks to intimidate
student
demonstrators. "The tanks were Chinese-made, and any Chinese
association with the brutal nature of the regime could
backfire on the
Sino-Burmese community," says a Western visitor to Rangoon.
This time, Muslims were the victims of public anger. But if
popular
grievances are met with the same attitude by Slorc, there
could be more
trouble ahead.