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The BurmaNet News, May 6, 1997
- Subject: The BurmaNet News, May 6, 1997
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Wed, 07 May 1997 19:30:00
------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------
The BurmaNet News: May 6, 1997
Issue #713
HEADLINES:
==========
MAINICHI DAILY NEWS: WOMEN OF NLD EMBODY THE SPIRIT
SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A-0038
AFP: SLORC BLAMES DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI
AFP: CHINA TO BUILD CHANNEL TO INDIAN OCEAN
AFP: NORWAY TO WITHDRAW SPECIAL TRADE STATUS
FEER: SPEED DEMONS
THE NATION: WHEN GAS IS NOT SO NATURE FRIENDLY
THE NATION: FINDING A DISCREET WAY OUT
BEIJING XINHUA: BURMA JOURNALISTS DELEGATION LEAVES
BKK POST:LEADING THAI COMPANIES BACK BURMA
TT: US PRESSURE FORCES EARHART EMULATOR TO BYPASS
-----------------------------------------------------------------
MAINICHI DAILY NEWS: WOMEN OF NLD EMBODY THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM
May 5, 1997
By Aung San Suu Kyi
WOMEN OF NLD EMBODY THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM:
"Fighting Peacock Maidens"
Letter from Burma (No. 4) By Aung San Suu Kyi
May is the month of merry madness and darling buds when, in temperate
lands, people are turning their faces towards the kindly light of the spring
sky. The Burmese word /may/ means young woman or mother. It is a soft
sounding word with a spring flavor in a country that knows no spring, but
its softness belies the hard lot of many of our women, especially women
involved in politics. Some years ago, just before I was placed under house
arrest, I was sent a poem by somebody who called herself Fighting Peacock
Maiden. I do not know who she was and what role she played in the democracy
movement. Somehow I get the impression that she was young. But her
knowledge of the path of politics, perhaps a knowledge acquired through
poetic inspiration rather than practical experience, is mature and
disturbingly acute. She entitled her poem, "Thorn and Pride."
Grasp bravely
The signpost of pride,
Let it be steadfast;
As we struggle forward
To continue the journey
Another step.
There will be those who cling to us
There will be those who abandon us
There will be those who understand
There will be those full of wile.
People, people, so many people,
Those who will join hands with us,
those who will remain devoted,
And those who will fall away.
But ...
For the sake of that goal
Within our hearts,
Make the hard journey with conviction;
Turn away with equanimity from
The gossip, the innuendoes, the slander.
Holding fast to our conviction,
Grasp strongly
The signpost of pride.
Don't let it waver!
We dare
To stay here,
To blossom here,
To drop here.
How many of our women, in particular the mothers and wives of prisoners of
conscience, have to take that hard "another step" each day? A prisoner is
allowed a 15-minute visit from his family once a fortnight. The
preparations for this visit begin a few days in advance as mothers, wives,
sisters and daughters start shopping and cooking and packing the parcels of
food and medicine without which their loved ones would be unable to survive
the tough regime of Burmese jails.
The unfortunate ones who are kept in prisons far from their home towns -- a
gratuitous piece of cruelty -- can only look forward to a monthly visit at
best. Octogenarian mothers have made this bittersweet trip regularly,
determined to exchange a loving look and a smile of encouragement with sons
grown gaunt after years away from the comforts and the carefully prepared
food of home. Young wives, pretty brows furrowed with anxiety, try to
present a brave image of strength and health as they search for words that
will not betray the difficulties faced by families torn apart. Children
chatter inconsequentially, unconsciously following the lead of their elders
in the attempt to make the abnormal appear as everyday fare. And all the
while they are thinking of the years of separation that still stretch ahead.
I know a mother who made a vow to wear the tree bark brown color of ascetics
for the rest of her life if her son were not released by her 60th birthday.
That birthday has come and gone and her son remains in prison. She
continues to face each "another step" with pride, her sad face beautifully
above the somber color of her clothes.
During the elections of 1990, 15 women candidates were returned
successfully. All 15 belonged to the National League for Democracy. Of
these, five were imprisoned shortly after the elections and one was
disqualified on the pretext that her accounting of campaign expenses was
unsatisfactory. Thus within months of their election, a third of the women
members of Parliament were deprived of their positions and their liberty. A
high toll indeed.
Life is not easy for women political prisoners. They are kept together
with ordinary criminals and often subjected to humiliating treatment from
the wardens. Delicate young women used to a sheltered existence find
themselves consorting with murderers and have to learn the basic rules of
harmonious human relationships. One prisoner of conscience gave birth to
her baby in the jail hospital and, for the sake of the child, had to let her
family take it away from her after a couple of months. It needs fortitude
and good humor to cope with a prison environment and some of the women
proved to have ample reserves of both. There were those who danced at the
time of the Burmese New Year at the cost of a period of punishment in
solitary confinement -- and considered that they have done well out of the
bargain. They got their priorities correct.
But of course it is not all fun and games in a penal institution, far from
it. There must have been times when women confined by the walls of prison
and bound in uncongenial companionships must have longed for the wings of a
dove that they might fly to gentle lands ruled by compassion. There must
have been times when they wished that the gods were kindly beings who looked
down on mere mortals not with stern indifference but with sweet understanding.
For women not incarcerated in prison but fighting for their right to engage
in the everyday work of a political party, there are different kinds of
challenges. The women of the National League for Democracy are of all ages
and come from all strata of society and have learnt to approach their work
with an insouciant gaiety in the face of what might be euphemistically
termed "grave official disapproval." There are comfortable housewives, brisk
businesswomen, well qualified professionals, lively pensioners and dedicated
young students. They are joined together in the belief that it is their
duty to fight for the kind of society where they and their families are
respected for their human worth rather than for their social status. The
women often display impressive organizational capacity and initiative,
quietly finding their way around the restrictions placed on the activities
of the party.
The women of the NLD have demonstrated at several ceremonies organized by
the party in recent months that their artistic talents are not
inconsiderable. We discovered that we had choreographers, dancers and
singers. There were also several young women with a decided talent for
acting. One of them had to spend her nights plaiting ropes to support a
living for her elderly mother and herself but she did not miss coming to any
of the rehearsals for a play in which she portrayed a young village girl
engaged in resistance activities during the war.
For our water festival, we arranged an entertainment program that ranged
from pop songs to a Burmese version of Bernard Shaw's "Arms and the Man."
There was also a dance of peacock maidens, resplendent in shimmering
blue-green, symbolizing the beauty of committed struggle. I have no idea
where the Fighting Peacock Maiden who sent me the poem might be, but I would
like her to know that there are those who have not fallen away, who are
prepared to take another proud step toward that goal within their hearts,
with complete conviction but with a wonderful lightness of spirit.
************************************************
SLORC: INFORMATION SHEET NO. A-0038
May 5, 1997
Information Sheet
***************
No. A-0038 Date. 5 - 5- 97
Some members of the KNU- Kayin National Union ( the last remaining
outlawed organization ) forcibly stopped a passenger ferry boat plying
between Myeik and Taninthayee on the 1st of May ' 97 by using firearms.The
personal properties of the passengers were robbed and (11) persons including
the boat owner, (3) civil servants and (7) other passengers were taken away
as hostages and ransom were demanded for the release of (11) persons, it is
learnt.
__________________________________________
[excerpts from related article]
AFP: KAREN REBELS AMBUSH FERRY, DEMAND RANSOM FOR HOSTAGES, SLORC SAYS
May 5, 1997
KNU officials at the Thai border reached by telephone had no information
about the reported ambush.
Myeik is a coastal town located near the mouth of the Tenasserim river,
while Taninthayee is some 80 kilometres (50 miles) inland, 945 kilometres
(590 miles) south of Rangoon.
*******************************
AFP: SLORC BLAMES DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI FOR FAILED CEASEFIRE TALKS WITH KAREN.
May 4, 1997
RANGOON, May 4 - SLORC attacked Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her democratic
opposition Sunday for undermining the ruling junta's attempts to agree a
peace deal with the Karen National Union (KNU).
An editorial in the English-language edition of the official New Light of
Myanmar daily alleged her group persuaded the KNU, which has been fighting
Rangoon for almost 50 years, not to reach a ceasefire with the government.
Her group had "coaxed the KNU, the only armed group remaining to return to
the legal fold, to quit the peace parleys at the stage of almost making
peace," it said.
"Thus the cohorts of colonialists disrupted efforts of the Government for
forging national reconsolidation."
Some 15 ethnic insurgent groups have reached ceasefire deals with the ruling
junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) through a
combination of military pressure and promised development assistance.
Talks between the junta and KNU took place last year but the SLORC embarked
on a large-scale offensive against the Karens this February after the rebels
refused to budge from their position of not giving up armed struggle without
the prospect of substantive political dialogue.
The KNU claimed the SLORC began the offensive -- which has swept through
Karen enclaves along the Thai border and caused an exodus of thousands of
refugees -- although the KNU was seeking further talks.
**********************************
AFP: CHINA TO BUILD CHANNEL TO INDIAN OCEAN
May 5, 1997
BEIJING, May 5 (AFP) - China has reached an agreement with the Burmese
government on the joint development of the Irrawaddy River in order to open
up a transport corridor to the Indian Ocean, Xinhua reported
Monday.
"China and Myanmar (Burma) are to sign the land-river joint
transport agreement in the second half of this year," the news agency
said in a report from the southwestern province of Yunnan.
Under the scheme, the corridor will start from Kunming,
Yunnan's capital, and extend west through the province on existing roads
to Ruili, on the border with Burma. The 100-kilometre (60-mile) stretch
of Burmese road from Ruili to the city of Bhamo, which is on the
Irrawaddy River, will be improved and so will the inland port facilities
there. Some 1,300 kilometers (800 miles) down the river is Rangoon, the
capital of Burma and a sea port to Indian Ocean.
"There is no need to make a detour from Strait of Malacca to
enter or exit southwest China,"the news agency quoted a transport expert
as saying. "The land ports along the Sino-Myanmar border can be a trade
entrepot for surrounding inland provinces, including China's most
populous Sichuan Province and the underdeveloped Guizhou Province," he
added.
China is one of the few governments in the region that gives
its full support to the Burmese military junta and the news agency said
good political ties between the two nations had enable the project to go
ahead.
*********************************
AFP: NORWAY TO WITHDRAW SPECIAL TRADE STATUS FOR IRAN, BURMA
May 1, 1997 [slightly abridged]
Oslo, May 1 (AFP) -- Norway will withdraw Iran's and Burma's special
status for imports from developing countries because of human rights
violations, Norwegian Foreign Minister Bjoern Tore Godal said on Thursday.
Godal made the announcement on the so-called generalised system of
preferences (GSP) status during a speech making May Day.
"Norway has an active international commitment to human rights. We
want to promote this bilaterally through dialogue and positive methods.
But dialogue does not get through to certain regimes," he said.
Norway has as a result implemented a series of measures to cut off
export guarantees for trade and investment, and will oppose any new loans
from the World Bank to Iran, he said. It will also oppose Iranian
membership in the Asian Bank and block its membership in the World Trade
Organisation (WTO).
The EU, of which Norway is not a member, has decided to end
ministerial contacts and its "critical dialogue" with Iran over its alleged
role in the 1992 murder of four Kurdish dissidents in Germany.
Norway's representation in Tehran has since 1995 been reduced to the
charge d'affaires level.
Speaking of Burma, Godal said "the military regime is, among other
things, actively pursuing dissidents".
"We urge Norwegian companies not to trade or invest in the country in
today's situation," he added.
Norway has previously instituted an arms embargo and visa restrictions
for visitors from Burma, and cut off all high-level bilateral visits.
********************************************
FEER: SPEED DEMONS
May 8, 1997
By Bertil Lintner in Chiang Mai
Asia's newest drug scourge: mass-produced stimulants
It was not the first time Pao Yochang, the leader of the United Wa State
Army, had been summoned across the frontier for a meeting with Chinese
security officials. But this meeting, in early February, was different.
The Chinese did not want to chat about cross-border trade in consumer goods
or general security issues. Instead, they read Pao the riot act: If he
didn't stop the flow of drugs into Yunnan province, they would no longer
allow rice and other food into his territory in the hills of northeastern Burma.
The reason for China's concern: Its drug problems are getting out of hand,
particularly in Yunnan. According to China's National Institute on Drug
Dependency, the number of drug addicts in the country has grown from 70,000
in 1989 to more than half a million today-and narcotics experts consider
this a very conservative estimate. Burma is the main source of the heroin
entering China, and it is widely expected that it will see another bumper
harvest of opium.
But there's a new drug scourge from laboratories in the Wa Hills that's
flooding China and the rest of the region: methamphetamines, highly potent
stimulants that are smoked or taken orally.
In Thailand, these narcotics have become known as Yaa Baa, or Mad Medicine,"
and warning signs are prominently displayed all over the northern part of
the country. According to a survey by the Thai Development Research
Institute, Thailand now has at least 257,000 yaa baa users, surpassing its
214,000 heroin addicts.
"The use of amphetamine-type stimulants usually spreads when a country goes
through rapid industrial development," says Richard Dickins of the United
Nations International Drug Control Programme in Bangkok. "Workers take it to
keep going."
Since World War II, stimulant use has surged in east Asia- first in Japan,
later in Taiwan and South Korea. In Thailand, the first users were
long-distance truck and bus drivers, but in the early 1990's, factory
workers and even students began taking stimulants. In China, the market
developed later, but long-distance transport and increasing
industrialisation suggest enormous market potential.
The first methamphetamine laboratories in the Wa Hills were established
three or four years ago, according to drug enforcement officials in Chiang
Mai, Since then, huge facilities have been set up near Ho Tao, southeast of
the Wa army's base at Panghsang. "There are lots of specialist chemists
there," says one drug-enforcement officer. "The business is booming."
>From Ho Tao, the drugs are either smuggled across the border into China, or
transported via the drug-running centre of Mong La down to the Mekong river.
Intelligence officers in northern Thailand report that traffickers have
built huge warehouses at Muang Mom on the Lao side of the river. The drugs
that go south enter Thailand through a variety of border-crossing points,
some as far downriver as Nakhon Phanom and Mukdahan.
The business is growing fast: As many as 200,000 pills were seized in a
single car near Chiang Khan in February. In 1994, Thai police registered
13,508 arrests or seizures, mostly in Bangkok and the central plains. In
1996, there were 51,015 cases, with a particularly high concentration in the
north.
For traffickers, yaa baa has certain advantages over heroin. Laboratories
can be smaller and much more mobile than heroin factories.
The manufacturing process is more flexible: While heroin requires large
quantities of raw opium, amphetamines and methamphetamines are derived from
ephedrine, which can be produced synthetically or by extraction from the
ephedra plant, which grows wild all over southern China and the Yunnan frontier.
Furthermore, the main market for heroin lies overseas, necessitating
extensive smuggling networks. By contrast, methamphetamines are sold
locally, with quick returns on the investment. A tablet costs only 3-8 baht
(10-30 cents) to produce. Street prices are 8-16 baht near the laboratories
in Burma and 70-120 baht in Thailand.
Many drug manufacturers in Burma are adding methamphetamines to their
traditional heroin business. But the fact that these drugs are hitting local
people, including middle-class youth, has prompted Thai authorities to take
vigorous action. Apart from the warning posters, authorities have also
initiated street plays, exhibitions and campaigns in the schools to warn
young people of the dangers of yaa baa.
"It really makes you mad," says a former addict in Chiang Mai. He is
young-and so are most addicts; the average age of yaa baa users seeking
treatment in Thailand is only 20. Violent incidents involving addicts have
become commonplace all over the country. A pamphlet points out that these
stimulants lead to aggressive behaviour, insomnia, severe depression and
behaviour, resembling paranoid schizophrenia.
But concern for society's well-being has never been the traffickers strong
suit. Intelligence sources in Chiang Mai emphasize that ceasefire agreements
between the Burmese government and the UWSA and other drug-trafficking
organisations makes them almost immune to persecution. "They're carrying out
their deadly trade with impunity," one official sighs.
So far, only China has directly confronted the traffickers. But it remains
to be seen whether their warnings will work. Given the scale of money the
trade involves-and rampant corruption among border officials-China's
security apparatus faces an uphill battle. Sources in Chiang Mai say the
situation along the Yunnan frontier remains depressingly normal. (FEER)
****************************************
THE NATION: WHEN GAS IS NOT SO NATURE FRIENDLY
May 5, 1997
Comment/James Fahn
Debate over the Burma gas pipeline project has been dominated by politics
but there are serious environmental issues at stake, too. This is the first
of a two-part series.
It was hardly a surprise when Deputy Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej and
Industry Minister Korn Dabbaransi recently attacked environmental critics of
the Yadana gas pipeline, claiming they were "dancing to the tune of Burmese
opposition groups". From the moment this project was thought up, it has been
overwhelmed by politics on all sides.
The pipeline, which will transport natural gas from Burma's Gulf of Martaban
through Kanchanaburi province to a Thai power plant in Ratchaburi, has
become the main symbol of Thailand's policy of constructive engagement.
Opponents of Burma's ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council claim it
will almost single-handedly prop up the regime by supplying it with US$200
million (Bt5.2 billion) in revenue. They also say human rights violations -
including forced relocation of villages - were committed to clear the way
for the pipeline.
Supporters of the project - which is being carried out by the France-based
Total, US-based Unocal and the Petroleum Authority of Thailand's Exploration
and Production Co (PTTEP) - respond that by fostering economic development
in Burma, the pipeline and gas production agreement will eventually help
lead to greater political openness. They deny any human rights abuses have
occurred, claiming the developers have chipped in to improve the living
standards of local people.
These are important issues, of great interest to people all over the world.
But there are also some crucial environmental issues surrounding the Yadana
project.
Gas is generally cleaner to burn than coal or oil, but producing it can be a
dirty business, as shown in the Gulf of Thailand where Total and Unocal have
admitted to dumping mercury into the sea. Building the pipeline will also
cause problems, not just for Burmese and Thai people living along the route,
but for Thailand as a whole and for anyone who cares about the survival of
endangered species.
Samak, who is supposed to be the administration's point man on the
environment, is apparently unaware of this shows. But many Thai officials
are in fact to blame. The pipeline project was first publicly proposed in
1990. The Petroleum Authority of Thailand (PTT), which is building the
pipeline on the Thai side, has had seven years to study the environmental
situation and prepare local villagers for the project. But it had
accomplished neither task by the time its deadline for beginning
construction arrived earlier this year.
A technical hearing to gather local views was only organised at the last
minute, and in a highly irregular move the Office of Environmental Policy
and Planning (OEPP) approved the project on condition that the PTT would
carry out further wildlife studies.
When the state-owned PTT negotiated the contract to buy the natural gas
several years ago, the Thai government was only concerned about two things:
promoting economic links with Burma to justify the constructive engagement
policy, and getting a cheap price for the gas.
In its eagerness to complete the deal, the Thai government arguably
subverted due process. First the PTT signed a contract -later accorded
"special approval" by the Cabinet, to use Korn's own words - which locked it
into a schedule that the threatens huge penalties if the Thai pipeline
project is not finished on time.
Then, in a non-transparent process, they agreed to build the pipeline based
on Burmese specifications. The major considerations for the Burmese side
were to make both the underwater pipeline - which is expensive - and the
overland route, which is insecure, as short as possible. So the pipeline
runs virtually due east from the Yadana field to Ban I-Tong, on the border
in Kanchanaburi.
Unfortunately, from there it has to pass through a 1A watershed region and a
pristine forest that is home to several endemic and endangered species,
including Kitti's hog-nosed bat - the world's smallest mammal, found only in
the limestone caves around Rajini crab. The area is also seismically active,
adding another element of insecurity to the project.
>From the Thai perspective, it would have been much better to bring the
pipeline in at Ratchaburi's Suan Phung district, where it would have run a
shorter distance, without passing through pristine forest, to the power plant.
Once the entry point was decided, however, there was no avoiding damage to
the forest. And the PTT has not explained how it plans to keep the illegal
poachers, loggers and settlers from moving into the virgin forest, as they
always do when it is opened up for development.
The whole Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) was called into question,
not just by NGOs, but by the OEPP itself, whose expert committee rejected
the report three times. Carried out by Team Engineering Consultants, the
report was obviously lacking. It did not state what mitigation efforts the
contractors would take to reduce the risk of landslides or the damage to
forest and wildlife.
The EIA also claimed the pipeline would not pose any threat to Kitti's
hog-nosed bat or the Rajini crab, said Wildlife Fund Thailand's Suraphol
Duangkhae, simply because when the consultants walked along the route, they
didn't spot any endangered animals. Proper wildlife studies, he pointed out,
can require years of work in the field.
The PTT had the time to carry them out, but it didn't have a sense of
urgency. The oil company knew the OEPP would succumb to political pressure
and pass the EIA rather than cause a delay in construction that would force
the payment of penalties. And that is exactly what happened. The OEPP meekly
accepted the PTT's promise to carry out further studies, and passed the
report to the National Environment Board, which approved it forthwith.
Meanwhile, we simply don't know what the environmental situation is in
Burma, as the area is off-limits to outsiders.
What we do know is that the tense political and security situation in Burma
has once again damaged Thailand: in physical terms, it has meant the
pipeline will damage local forest more than necessary; and in social terms,
the official obsession with constructive engagement has prevented the
project from being carried out with proper public participation.
In this light, the comments by Samak and Korn - which suggest it is okay to
complain about social and environmental problems, but not about the
political conflict which has exacerbated them - make even less sense.
Everyone knew that the Yadana project would have profound implications for
Burma, but it has also shown once and for all that the process for approving
development projects in Thailand is broken, and must be fixed. (TN)
*******************************************************
THE NATION: FINDING A DISCREET WAY OUT OF A STICKY SITUATION
May 3, 1997
Asean member countries are having hard time when it comes to the three
prospective members. A special correspondent suggests one way of saving
face: Extend 'associate membership to Burma, Cambodia and Laos.
On May 31, the seven foreign minister of the Asean held an informal meeting
in Kuala Lumpur to decide whether or not to admit Burma, Cambodia and Laos
into the regional body in July in this year at the annual meeting of Asean
foreign ministers in the Malaysian capital.
If the foreign ministers decide to give the green light, Asean will, in
July, be transformed into a truly regional organisation, comprising all 20
countries of the Southeast Asian region - namely, Brunei, Burma, Cambodia,
Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
The admissions will also help provide one more reason for Asean to
celebrate the 30th anniversary of its founding this year.
However, what seems to be the prelude to an auspicious occasion is also the
prologue to controversy and complications.
Observer, both inside and outside of Asean, are not convinced that the
admission of the three countries at this time will be beneficial to Asean
and, in some cases, to the peoples of the prospective members.
With less then three months to go before the annual meeting, many still
doubt that Burma, Cambodia and Laos are ready and able to assume the
political and economic responsibilities of Asean membership.
More importantly, these observers believe that the three countries are not
in a position to help contribute to the strengthening of the purposes,
principles, objectives and activities of Asean.
On the contrary, they are seen as possible impediments or a "slowdown"
factor in whatever goals Asean seeks to achieve.
In other words, if admitted now, Burma, Cambodia and Laos are more likely
to be liabilities, rather than assets, to Asean.
INHERENT WEAKNESSES
One need not to be very observant to see the inherent weaknesses of these
three countries.
Burma, which is said to be the most economically prepared to enter Asean,
is governed by an autocratic rule which is despised by much of the
international community.
Furthermore, it is still unclear how much Burma is going to be willing to
liberalise its financial and monetary systems.
Cambodia, whose political and economic infrastructures have yet to rise
from the ruins of the genocide years under the Khmer Rough, is constantly at
the verge of a civil war.
And Laos, which has a GNP per capita of little over US$300 (Bt7,800), is
turning slowly towards a market economy while still holding on tightly to
its fraternal ties with the few remaining socialist regimes in the world,
particularly Cuba.
To say that these facts ad figures are irrelevant because Asean adheres to
a policy of non-interference in the affairs of others would be tantamount to
refusing to acknowledge the truth.
ASEAN SELF-EVALUATION
Whether or not Asean recognises such weaknesses, the fact remains that
Asean is going to be more or less affected by them.
The question is: Is Asean ready to admit the three countries and accept
their inherent weaknesses as Asean's own?
Asean officials should spend the remaining weeks before July in coming up
with a answer to this questions as well as in conducting a study on the
possible repercussions that the membership of candidate countries could have
on the functions of Asean.
But whatever the observers have to say, it is most likely that during their
informal meeting at the end to this month Asean foreign ministers will agree
to admit Burma, Cambodia and Laos at the annual meeting of Asean foreign
ministers in July.
This seems to be the case because, in principle, the decision has already
been made at the highest level of Asean leadership. During their informal
summit meeting in Jakarta in November last year, Asean heads of government
decided that the three countries should be admitted "simultaneously".
Since this decision was made, Asean officials have continuously painted
themselves into a corner by taking turns giving support and assurances to
their counterparts in the prospective countries that their applications
should materialise this year.
Therefore, in Kuala Lumpur, the foreign ministers will be left with no
other choice but to reiterate their support for the admission of Burma,
Cambodia and Laos within this year. To backtrack from the assurances given
would be a major diplomatic faux pas which could be detrimental to the
credibility of Asean and that of its individual leaders.
However, what this article seeks to argue is that the situation is not
completely hopeless. There is still time for Asean to get its act together
and come up with a logical alternative to granting "full membership" to
these three countries.
The alternative can be in the form of an "associate membership". This
proposed category of membership is basically designed to be a face-saving
mechanism and, at the same time, a device which would help but time for all
concerned.
Similar to "full membership", the "associate" option would entitle a
newcomer to enjoy all the rights and privileges the Asean membership has to
offer.
"ASSOCIATE MEMBER'S PLACE
They would be allowed to participate in all Asean activities and sit in all
Asean meetings at all levels, including the senior officials' meetings which
is often where the important political questions are discussed.
The only disadvantage for "associate members" is that they would not be
allowed to participate in decision-making sessions.
In order for "associate membership" to work, Asean will have to come up
with two sets of criteria for prospective members to fulfil.
One to qualify them for membership and the other to determine that they are
ready to leave the "associate" category for "full membership".
For instance, the substantive progress that Burma, Cambodia and Laos have
thus far made in preparing themselves for entry into Asean could be used to
determine that the three countries are now qualified for the "associate
membership".
However, in order to be able to move on to "full membership", the three
countries should be in the position to assure their Asean counterparts of a
smooth transition to that category.
For example, after a prescribed period of time, associate members should be
able to show their fellow Asean members that - for the purpose of Asean
economic co-operation - necessary adjustments have been made in their rules
and regulations.
BUYING TIME
A condition such as this would help buy time for Asean in cases where there
are unfolding events in and surrounding applicant countries.
For instance, in the case of Burma: Asean should be able to ensure that,
once admitted as an Asean member, Burmese officials will be granted visas to
attend dialogue meetings in the US and in countries which are members of the
European Union.
In the Cambodian case, Asean should want to have a better idea on how
stable the government of that country will be in the long run and that the
instability in that country will not be a burden to Asean, something which
is unlikely to become clear until after the upcoming general elections next
year.
Of course, the new category of membership and the sets of criteria would
certainly cause some dissatisfaction among the prospective members. However,
desperate times require desperate measures.
Furthermore, the idea should be able to provide a good compromise for the
situation at hand.
It is much better that Asean risk upsetting its neighbours than risk
exposing itself to unprecedented instability and disharmony within the
association.
Whether Asean leaders are willing to admit it or not, they have picked the
worst possible timing to invite Burma, Cambodia and Laos into their fold.
A dignified escape from this predicament is not easy, but not all that
impossible. All Asean has to do is to accept that blunder, count its losses
and wait until the right opportunity arrives. (TN)
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BEIJING XINHUA: BURMA JOURNALISTS DELEGATION LEAVES FOR CHINA VISIT
April 30, 1997
Yangon [Rangoon], April 30 (XINHUA) -- A five-member Myanmar
[Burma] journalists delegation, led by U Hla Tun, director of Myanmar's
state-run News and Periodicals Enterprise (NPE), left here today on a 10-day
visit to China.
Under the cultural exchange program of China and Myanmar, the
Myanmar delegation is to pay the visit at the invitation of the All-China
Journalists Association.
The delegation will tour Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou, and visit
some economic zones, factories, rural areas and news media units in
China.
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BKK POST:LEADING THAI COMPANIES BACK BURMA'S ADMISSION
May 5, 1997
Achara Ashay Agachat
Leading Thai companies support Asean's planned admission of
Burma.
They believe the move will persuade the country to adopt
international standards and strengthen business ties.
Boon Rawd president, Santi Bhirom-Bhakdi, conceded it would take
some time for Burma to adapt to international rules because the
country had isolated itself for more than 30 years.
But Adirek Sripratak, who is in charge of Charin Pokphand Group's
agro-industry business in this region, expressed confidence that
membership of Asean and exposure to international rules would
encourage Burma to reform its ways.
Both businessmen stressed that the establishment of mutual trust
at the political level was an important step to better economic relations.
Asean is pressing ahead with plans to admit Burma despite the
United States' opposition. During a special meeting on May 31,
Asean's foreign ministers are due to come up with the timeframe
for admitting Burma, as well as Cambodia and Laos.
Asean currently groups Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysai, the
Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
Mr Adirek said Burma's joining Asean would be a win-win
situation for all members, although some may gain more than others.
For the CP group, Asean's admission of Burma is "more than
welcome" because it believes that whoever is in power, whether
the generals or the pro-democracy group, the country's farmers
and consumers needed looking after.
CP plans to invest US$10 million in Burma this year on chicken
husbandry and an animal feed mill.
Boon Rwd's Mr Santi, hailed Burma's prospective membership of
Asean as important to business. "We have to establish mutual trust and good
feelings first, then economic relations will follow," he said.
Diplomacy should be conducted for the sake of economic interests,
Mr Adirek added.
Mr Santi admitted that Burma did not have much in the way of
purchasing power yet but was optimistic about the prospects. "We
have to inject money into the country first. After three to five
years, I believe economic development will roll off," he said.
Mr Santi said Burmese leaders were well-educated and imaginative and
realised they had to adjust.
Boon Rawd's subsidiary, Chiang Mai Malting, is now investing
dozens of millions of baht in orchard and seed planting in Heho
in the northern Shan state.
After becoming an Asean member Burma would "have to be have
better especially in the human rights respect," Mr Santi added.
Thailand should invest in Burma, in the same way that Japan had
invested in Thailand, he said.
Mr Adirek noted that the volume of Thai-Burmese border trade
already amounted to billions of baht even though construction of
the Mae Sot bridge had yet to be completed.
"The figure could rise to see trillions of baht if the two sides
establish good understanding and transportation links," he said.
Mr Santi, who has 15 years of contacts with Burmese leaders,
stressed the need to adhere to the principle of non-interference.
"We should not interfere with internal affairs, what we can do is
give humanitarian aid."
CP's Mr Adirek said he was concerned about Burma's present
economic situation including the unrealistic value of its currency and the
way the Burmese government was dealing with the poor infrastructure.
However, ,he was more positive about the macro situation.
"They're just opening up.." he said. "Their concept of international
trade may not be as sharp as that of the Vietnamese, but in the longer term
the situation will improve."
Both executives agreed that there would be no back tracking on
Burma.
"If the US and the EU boycott Burma there will be some impact.
But as Burma will join Asean it will raise Burma's bargaining
power as well," Mr Adirek added.
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THAILAND TIMES: US PRESSURE FORCES EARHART EMULATOR
TO BYPASS BURMA
May 3, 1997
Agence France-Presse
BANGKOK: An American woman hoping to trace the flight path of famed
US aviator Amelia Earhart around the globe, arrived in Bangkok yesterday
after her plans to visit Burma were downed by renewed US pressure on the
Burmese junta.
Linda Finch, a pilot and aviation historian, flew into the Thai capital from
the northern city of Chiang Mai, a last-minute entry on her itinerary
following a US government request to skip the Burma portion of the
journey.
"We didn't go to Myanmar (Burma) because the US government asked us
not to," she told reporters after arriving in her restored Lockheed Electra
IOE- the same aircraft flown by Earhart in her ill fated journey.
The US government announced two weeks ago it would clamp economic
sanctions on Burma - where Earhart had made two stops in her
circumnavigation bid in 1937- over its continued repression of the political
opposition.
Earhart, who had broken a string of flying records across the United States
and the Atlantic before attempting to circle the globe, disappeared without
trace with her navigator after taking off form New Guinea on July 2, 1937.
Heading for Howland Island in the Pacific, it was the second last leg on a
trip which had taken Earhart across 22,000 statue miles.
Finch's aircraft, which was bought and restored to appear as it would have
in 1937 is powered by the same model of Pratt and Whitney Wasp engines
used by Earhart in her failed round the world bid.
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