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The BurmaNet News, May 26, 1997




------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------     
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"     
----------------------------------------------------------     
     
The BurmaNet News: May 26, 1997     
Issue #732
   
HEADLINES:     
==========   
REUTER: BURMA OPPOSITION BRACES FOR GATHERING
PRESS STATEMENT: MR. LIM KIT SIANG, OPPOSITION LEADER
THE NATION: DO MUOI'S HEALTH ENDS BURMA VISIT
BORDER SOURCE: BORDER SITUATION UPDATE
BKK POST: PROTEST NOTE SENT OVER BURMA'S ACT
BKK POST: CABINET TO REVIEW CITIZENSHIP  FOR DISPLACED
MON NATIONAL RELIEF COMMITTEE: MONTHLY REPORT
BKK POST: ESCAPE PLAYS BIT PART IN MAJOR PRODUCTION
ASIA TIMES: YANGON MOVING TO THE SUBURBS 
ABSDF ANNOUNCEMENT: KARENNI REPORT AVAILABLE
-----------------------------------------------------------------   

REUTER: BURMA OPPOSITION BRACES FOR KEY PARTY GATHERING 
May 25, 1997 [slightly abridged]

 BANGKOK, May 25 (Reuter) - Burma's opposition, led by Aung
 San Suu Kyi, said on Sunday it would go ahead with a party meeting
 this week despite the detention of 192 members by the ruling
 military.

 ``We are all waiting to see what happens tonight and tomorrow to
 see if the authorities will stop the planned party meeting in Aung San
 Suu Kyi's (house) compound,'' a senior leader of the opposition
 National League for Democracy (NLD) told Reuters.

 ``So far there have been no new detentions that we heard of in
 addition to the 192 we know of,'' he said in Rangoon.

 The party gathering set for May 27-28 is planned to coincide with  the
seventh anniversary of the NLD's landslide 1990 election victory  which the
ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) never recognised.

 The NLD has had few opportunities to gather in a large group since it won
the 1990 election as the military has thwarted previous attempts.

 The NLD claimed that those detained were either restricted to their
 homes or confined at specific places.

 Despite the detentions, other senior NLD members who managed to reach the
party headquarters in Rangoon had discussed its political, economic, legal
and justice reports as planned ahead of a general meeting set for May 27-28,
the senior NLD official said.

 Aung San Suu Kyi was not available for comment.

 The NLD official said that security around Suu Kyi's lakeside residence at
University Avenue was tight but some party members were able to visit her
after stringent checks.

 ``So far they have not detained any Rangoon township NLD members but we
don't know if this is a sign that they may allow the party congress to go
on,'' he added.

 NLD officials said that even if the planned meeting was stopped by the
authorities on Tuesday, senior party members who had not been detained by
the authorities had met in the capital late last week had already agreed on
various strategies.

 ``We predicted this situation a bit earlier and therefore managed to hold
discussions in advance on some papers intended to be read at the formal (May
27) meeting,'' said a Rangoon division NLD member of parliament.

Last year, 261 party members, mostly MPs, were arrested ahead of a similar
gathering. But the meeting took place anyway and Suu Kyi announced the NLD
planned to continue its efforts to bring democracy to Burma despite the
crackdowns.

 Although the SLORC released most of the NLD members it arrested
 last May, some were charged and given long jail terms. Others,
 mainly MPs, were forced to sign papers saying they would resign
 from the party. 

********************************************

PRESS STATEMENT: MR. LIM KIT SIANG, OPPOSITION LEADER OF MALAYSIA 
May 25, 1997

                             DEMOCRATIC ACTION PARTY

Media Statement by Parliamentary Opposition Leader, DAP Secretary-General
and MP for Tanjong, Lim Kit Siang, in Petaling Jaya on Sunday, 25th May 1997:

ASEAN leaders must take serious view of the latest SLORC mass arrests of NLD
leaders and defer all consideration of Burma's entry into ASEAN for this
year to safeguard the good name and international reputation of ASEAN
=====================================================

Yesterday, the official press of the Myanmese military junta, New Light of
Myanmar  hailed ASEAN solidarity behind the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) and declared:  "Asean-10 will soon become a reality, all of
us being able to keep at bay any and all who would commit treachery to
compromise regional peace, harmony and prosperity"

The editorial in the state-run newspaper also said: "Today, when the world
must seek a new political order free from big-power hegemony, all emerging
nations must unite in the kind of alliance that seeks friends yet give no
breach for sinister designs and acts of subversion openly orchestrated and
perpetrated."

The overwhelming majority of thinking and decent people  of ASEAN nations
must find this editorial obnoxious and  revolting, for this SLORC newspaper
was  flaunting to the world that the Myanmese military junta had the
unqualified support of the ASEAN governments for all its actions, including
the repression and violation of the human rights of the people of Burma.

This implication  that SLORC had the understanding if not the open support
for  its latest crackdown on opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy, with some 200 supporters reportedly detained ahead of
a party function marking the seventh anniversary of the NLD's 1990 general
election victory, a victory that was never honoured by the junta, is a major
slur and blemish of ASEAN's international reputation.

ASEAN's good name and international reputation risk being seriously
compromised if ASEAN governments condone, whether explicity or tacitly, the
latest crackdown against democracy activists in Burma.

It is time for opinion-leaders in all sectors of society in every ASEAN
nation to make their reservations, unhappiness and downright opposition to
the admission of Burma into ASEAN this year heard - loud and clear.

On May 31, Asean Foreign Ministers' are scheduled to meet in Kuala Lumpur to
discuss the timing of admission of Burma, Cambodia and Laos, which  are
expected at the annual Asean meeting in July or possibly at an informal
summit later in the year.

The latest crackdown by the SLORC in Burma, in utter disregard of regional
and international opinion that the Myanmese military junta should accept the
basic norms of civilised national and international behaviour, has
completely destroyed the myth that ASEAN's constructive engagement policy
had made any tangible progress in contributing to democratic reforms or
national reconciliation In Burma.
 
ASEAN nations must let SLORC rulers know in no uncertain terms that unless
they co-operate with ASEAN governments to produce results in ASEAN's
constructive engagement policy on Burma, with  visible progress in
democratic reforms and national reconciliation, it is not in anybody's
interest for Burma to be admitted into ASEAN at this stage.

[passage omitted quoted from the Singapore Straits Times editorial "Myanmar
has to earn its keep", see The BurmaNet News Issue 730]

It is time for all decent and peace-and-justice loving people of ASEAN to
speak up to urge their respective governments to defer any consideration of
admission of Burma into ASEAN this year unless and until SLORC proves its
sincerity and seriousness in wanting to co-operate with ASEAN to make a
success of the ASEAN constructive engagement policy on  Burma with tangible
progress in the fields of democratic reforms and national reconciliation.

The latest anti-NLD crackdown on the eve of ASEAN's expected admission of
SLORC into the regional organisation should open the eyes of SLORC's
strongest advocates and defenders in ASEAN that such an admission would send
a completely wrong message as it would be interpreted as a victory for SLORC
and would only encourage the Myanmese military junta to embark on a new and
more serious crackdown against NLD, pro-democracy activists and the ethnic
minorities.

Is this what the ASEAN governments want to encourage SLORC to do after Burma
has been formally admitted into ASEAN either in July or November this year?
                                                  Lim Kit Siang

**************************************

THE NATION: DO MUOI'S HEALTH ENDS BURMA VISIT
May 25, 1997
Agence France-Presse

RANGOON -Vietnamese communist party secretary-general Do Muoi cut
short an official visit to Burma due to ill-health and flew back to Hanoi
yesterday afternoon, Burmese Foreign Ministry sources said.

The condition of Do Muoi, 81, was not serious, the sources said, quoting
members of the Vietnamese chief's personal medical team accompanying him.

"Do Muoi started having headaches since yesterday afternoon and
accordingly his doctors advised him to cut short his trip," the sources
said. A witness said that the Do Muoi departed by special aircraft at 2.30
pm (3 pm Bangkok time) from Rangoon airport, with high-ranking members of
the Burmese junta in attendance. 

The party leader arrived in Rangoon on Thursday and was scheduled to visit
Pagan and Mandalay before returning to Vietnam today. Despite the shortened
visit, the trip was described as successful in forging unity between Burma
and Vietnam against foreign "acts of domination and oppression," a Foreign
Ministry official said.

Do Muoi was the second high-ranking Hanoi official to visit Burma's
rulingjunta, in what was widely viewed as a firm gesture of support to
Burma's bid to enter the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean)
later this year. He had met Senior General Than Shwe, chairman of the junta,
officially known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), and
first secretary Lt Gen Khin Nyunt on Thursday.

On Friday he had visited Rangoon's Shwedagon Pagoda and also toured some
industrial estates in satellite towns on the outskirts of the city, the
official media reported. His curtailed visit came less than a week before
Asean foreign ministers meet in Kuala Lumpur on Saturday to discuss the
timing of the Burma, Cambodia and Laos' admission to the grouping.

Asean currently comprises Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines,
Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

***********************************************

BORDER SOURCE: BORDER SITUATION UPDATE
May 23, 1997

REFUGEES ARRIVING AT KANCHANABURI, RATCHABURI AND PROVINCES TO THE SOUTH

KANCHANABURI PROVINCE

Thu Ka
This camp, near Nai E Taung, was amalgamated with Htee Lai Pah camp (Umphang
area) and moved to a new site at Maw Raka.  Maw Raka is located just 2km
inside the border demarcation line, adjacent to a Border Patrol Police post.
The post is well-manned most of the time.  One concern over the location of
the site is its close proximity to Halockanee, which is just across the
border.  130 SLORC soldiers were present in the refugee camp at Halockanee
as recently as last week.  The site is easily accessible from Huay Malai,
and therefore convenient for hospital referrals to the mission hospital.

The move was made on 19.5.97.  Unfortunately, that day there was heavy rain
and the army trucks could not reach the site to pick up the refugees.  The
latter were then faced with a long walk in heavy rain, down to a site which
the trucks could reach.  The last refugees arrived at the site as late as 4
am the following day.  Colonel Mamat of the 9th Division told the refugees
that the site was temporary and that they should not erect bamboo shelters.
The 9th Division soldiers ordered the refugees to tear down the few shelters
already erected.

The refugees will be supplied with heavy grade plastic by assisting NGOs.

The combined population of the two camps at the new site is 1,508. This
suggests that many refugees chose to disappear into Thailand, or took the
risk of returning to Burma.

Pu Muang
The residents of Pu Muang remain in a state of uncertainty regarding whether
or not they will be moved to the new site at Htam Hin.  On 20.5.97 a high
ranking Major General of the Thai Armed Forces Joint Command arrived at the
camp by helicopter.  When asked by the refugees whether or not they would be
moved to the new site he reportedly replied, "you would be better off
staying where you are, or going back to Burma".  If the camp is not allowed
to join the other two camps at Htam Hin the problem of divided families will
remain.

The population remains at 2,469.

RATCHABURI PROVINCE

Huay Sut
This camp of 2,723 people was finally moved to a new site near Htam Hin on
20.5.97.  The move was organised by the local authorities, in cooperation
with NGOs and the military.

Everyone is to be congratulated on the smoothness of the operation, and the
care and concern shown for the refugees during the upheaval.  Despite rain,
most of the refugees were off the old site by late afternoon.  A shortage of
bamboo poles and new heavier plastic sheet meant that some had to spend the
first night at Htam Hin sheltering under the remains of old plastic.  MSF
were at the site and set up water distribution points and latrines.  A
clinic was arranged and was admitting patients.  The new site is definitely
more secure as it is further from the border.   

Ban Bo Wi
This camp was moved to the new location before Huay Sut, on 16.5.97.  The
residents were well set up at the new place after a few days.  The heavier
grade plastic has improved the rain worthiness of the shelter, though thatch
roofs would undoubtedly be cooler.  Eventually all people at the new site
will form a joint committee and begin setting up schools for the children.

The camp was reportedly moving new arrivals still coming over the border.
Any further arrivals will be transported to the new site by the Thai
authorities.  Once again, all parties concerned should be congratulated on
the smoothness of the operation, and the concern for the refugees' welfare
demonstrated during the transfer.

The total population of this camp at the time of arrival at the new site is
estimated at 2,500.  A new census will be taken when all sections of the
camp have settled in.

The refugees are not allowed to bury their dead at the new site, but instead
must burn them over old car tyres.  There were only 2-3 patients in the
in-patient wing of the clinic.

PRACHUAB KHIRI KHAN PROVINCE

Htee Yaw Kee
The population at this site is now said to be 1,022, consisting of 223
families.  The population further south, at Ma Khe Paw, has reportedly been
ordered by the local authorities to join together with the group at Htee Yaw
Kee.  The combined population would be 1,189 if they joined.  All the
refugees on the Thai side of the border are new arrivals, yet NGO access is
still not possible.

The group includes 27 pregnant women and 10 handicapped people.  

CHOMPHON PROVINCE

Kho Thet Loo
The population remains stable at 278.  The SLORC troops are said to have
entered the Karen 12th Battalion Headquarters across the border from the
refugee area on 14.5.97.  It is not clear at this point whether the Karen
forces have regained control or not.  The area is difficult for NGOs to
service due to the small number of refugees and the long distance from Bangkok.

The total number of refugees in the southern provinces of Thailand who
exited from Mergui Tavoy district now stands at 10,567.

*************************************** 

BKK POST: PROTEST NOTE SENT OVER BURMA'S ACT
May 25, 1997
Mae Sot

Thai border authorities sent a second protest note to their Burmese
counterparts yesterday after Burmese soldiers defied a request to stop
dredging work on the Moei River to change its course.

The protest note was sent to Burmese border committee officials in Myawaddy
after the soldiers extended dredging work by 300 metres at Ban Tha Sai Luad.

Local residents who stand to lose the land to Burma have lodged a complaint
with local authorities to stop the dredging.

Burmese soldiers moved in heavy machinery on Friday and began dredging the
river in a bid to change its course.

Border conflicts have intensified after the Moei River which is a natural
boundary between Thailand and Burma at this border front changed course
after a major flood two years ago

Twelve families of Thai villagers stand to lose their land to Burma if the
river changes its course along the dredging line drawn by the Burmese soldiers.

************************************************

BKK POST: CABINET TO REVIEW CITIZENSHIP  FOR DISPLACED PERSONS
May 25, 1997

The Interior Ministry and the National Security Council will seek cabinet
approval to grant Thai citizenship to about 8,000 displaced persons of Mon
and Karen origin living in Prachuab Khiri Khan, Chumphon, Ranong and Tak
provinces, a ministry source said.

Those who are entitled to Thai citizenship entered Thailand before March 19,
1976.

These people have Thai relatives and in fact were born Thai, but they were
displaced following the border demarcation between Thailand and Britain,
when the latter ruled Burma.

The displaced people have faced many problems such as education and
employment because they have no ID.

************************************************** 

MON NATIONAL RELIEF COMMITTEE: MONTHLY REPORT
April, 1997
 [BurmaNet Editor's Note - This text has been edited for clarity]

Monthly Report of Mon National Relief Committee (April, 1997) 

Mon. Refugees Fled into Thai Soil

Since the Mon Army, Mergui District (MAMD) split off from the New 
Mon State Party and took control in Mergui District area where the Mon 
and other ethnic refugees were taking refuge, the wars in the area have 
resumed again. After the  split, the safety of the refugees was in doubt. In
December, the SLORC local troops launched a new military offensive against
the MAMD area, but the breakaway group protected their territory.
Accompanying the operation, several Karen, Tavoy, Thai (of Burma) and Mon
villages were relocated and many hundreds of refugees also arrived to the
border area under control of MAMD.

After the offensive in December, the SLORC troops resumed another
intensive offensive again in the third week of April to occupy the whole
area. Most refugees who are residing on the border area under control of
MAMD also suffered because of this new offensive. To defeat MAMD militarily,
the SLORC troops also arrested and used civilian porters for their operation.

Actually, the new offensive started in mid-April, after over a month of
planning. The initial aim of the SLORC troops was to occupy the ABSDF and
KNU bases along the border area, and the second priority was to occupy the
MAMD bases. The operation was organized by Coastal Region Military Command
which is based in Mergui town, capital of Tenasserim Division, and it
combined three battalions (LIB 626, 358 and 224) to conduct the offensive.
The whole operation was managed by Col. Aung Khin and he kept his troops for
a two-week offensive. In operation, the SLORC used a total of 12 companies
of troops from those battalions and each battalion had to provide 4
companies. It used about 800 troops and arrested about 300 villagers to be
porters from Mergui, Tavoy and Yebyu townships of Tenasserim Division and
brought them to the frontline. Those civilian porters were forced to carry
ammunitions and supplies for the military and sometimes the soldiers also
used them as human shields or mine-sweepers when they moved advance across
battlefields with rebels' land-mines.

On April 13, the SLORC troops turned their operation to MAMD and kept 
ahead to occupy the headquarters of MAMD, situated in Huai Phak 
area after their occupation of some KNU, Muslim and ABSDF student bases
surrounding its control area. The Huai Phak (see map) is situated in the
border area opposite of Thep Sakae District of Prachuab Kirichan Province.
By firing motor shells and marching advance to MAMD military camp, SLORC
tried for three days to occupy. In advancing toward the camp, the Burmese
troops forced civilian porters to walk ahead of them and some porters also
died because of land-mine explosions. Starting from April 23 up to 25, SLORC
tried to occupy the base but later failed and turned its operation to
another MAMD military camp again.

On April 26, it began a new battle in Naung Hui camp of MAMD and shelled a
small village situated in the area because the military camp was also based
close to that village. All villagers from the whole village had to flee into
Thai soil or were internally displaced. On the same day, they  occupied the
military base of MAMD and burnt all of the houses in the village to ashes.
One hardwood factory owned by a Thai company was 
also burnt down. Before the ceasefire agreement, the villagers received 
income by working as day labourers in the factory but after the ceasefire 
logging concessions in the area were closed by both Thai and Burmese 
authorities. Since then, the villagers have faced difficulties surviving and 
at the same time, they still could not return back to their native places 
because of various kinds of on-going abuses.

After the occupation of Naung Hui area including MAMD military base 
and refugee village, SLORC also shelled to Chaung Chi area (see map) where
most refugee villagers were situating. To get the military base, its troops
fired with motor shells into villages such as Kwan Raeh Mon. Kwan Seik Mon
and Mai Att. Those villages were established for several years and all
buildings were destroyed within one day on April 27. About afternoon  time,
the villagers fled into Thai territory to seek a safe haven. While group
after group of villagers from the Chaung Chi area fled into Thai territory,
two children died on the way due to fatigue. After the 
occupation of the area, the Burmese troops burnt down all houses, rice-
store, schools, hospitals, monasteries and other buildings which left the 
villages in ashes. The villagers also lost the belongings they leftin their 
houses.

As a result, some 800 refugees created makeshift shelters in the border
police checkpoint in Thai territory for nearly one week and then they had to
return to their unsafe villages after the Burmese troops resumed back. Some
refugees were also displaced in jungle inside the area.  While refugees are
remaining in Thai territory, they have faced shortages of foods, shelters
and medicines. The refugees were also suffered from 
various kinds of diseases because of lack of medicine. The Thai authorities
provided them with a small amount of medicine and food which did not meet
their needs.

The MNRC and also other international aid agencies could not get enough
chance to help those refugees as the Thai authorities denied access. The
relief workers were just allowed a short visit, such as to arrange for a
meeting with those refugees. Even the group of civilian fled from fear of
well-documented persecution of the military regime that rules their country
of origin, they were never recognized as refugees or asylum seekers. In the
end, they had to return back to their unsafe villagers again after they had
no more choice.

Lack of protection to Burmese Ethnic Refugees
According to the well-documented sources, including some governments 
and human rights monitoring organizations, Burma, ruled by a 
military regime, has one of the worst human rights records in the world.
Since it seized State power in 1988, the military regime SLORC has been
constantly condemned by international community for its numerous acts of
arbitrary execution, arrest, killing, torture, rape, forced labour and
unceasing tax collection. Because of various kinds of mentioned abuses
conducted by SLORC troops against civilians in rural area especially to
ethnic community who are residing in war confrontation zones, those
villagers had to escape from their home villages. Such abuses have been
committed as systematic persecution under the program of SLORC's ethnic
cleansing policy and as a result ten of thousands of ethnic refugees have
fled into border area or Thai territory for many years.

At the same time, Thailand also created a better relationship with Burmese
commanders of SLORC with business purposes and the ethnic refugees 
have been denied access into Thailand or refuge inside Thai soil while it 
has pressured the ethnic armed forces to agree on ceasefire with SLORC. 
In 1997, after the intensive offensives launched by SLORC against ethnic 
armed forces such as Karenni, Karen and breakaway Mon group, many 
thousands of refugees left their homes and tried to cross into Thailand. 
Many of them have been denied entry into Thailand and were also subject to
refoulement by Thai authorities.

In January 1997, there was a big offensive launched by SLORC troops 
against Karenni refugees who are in unsafe Thai territory. Some refugees
were killed in the unexpected attack by Burmese troops and the Thai border
police could not protect the refugees and prevent the advance of Burmese
troops. After the attack, they were not moved from that unsafe camp to a
more safer area deep inside of Thailand. Such terrorists' raid on refugees
made them to be fear all the time although they are in Thai soil. But the
Thai authorities disagreed to move them and put them in the former places.

Similarly, the Karen refugees have been attacked by Burmese troops 
several times. Because of SLORC's intensive offensives launched against the
KNU, ten of thousands of local villagers also abandoned their native homes
and tried to take refuge in Thai territory. There is evidence that since
February after the SLORC troops launched more offensives that several
refugees who stayed inside Burmese territory or in camps on Thai soil were
in danger. In February, Karen women and children who fled 
from KNU No. 4 Brigade were separated from men and all male refugees 
between the ages of 13 and 60 years were forced back into dangerous area of
Burma. In March, a group 1,800 Karen men, women and children who fled into
Thong Pha Phum District were also forced back into Burma.

In April, while the refugee villages under control of MAMD were burnt down
by SLORC troops, about 800 Mon refugees reached Thai territory and Thai
authorities provided them temporary shelters close to a border police
checkpoint. But they could stay only temporarily and they were forced to
resettle in Halockhani, a Mon refugee camp in border area of Kanchanaburi
Province, and the authorities refused to provide them a safe place in Thai
territory. Later, they had to return to their unsafe villages that were
already burnt down by SLORC troops.

Although Thailand is a member of the UNHCR Executive Committee 
(EXCOM), it did not provide protection to Burmese ethnic refugees. Since 
it is a member of EXCOM, Thailand also has an obligation according to 
international law related to refugee convention and protocol. The principle
of non-refoulement is also important in international law and a State like
Thailand, whether it has ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention or 1967
protocol, or not, should respect the non-refoulement principle. The
principle applies to all States to respect the safety of asylum seekers who
escaped from war of their origin country and unrest political situation.

Otherwise, as a signatory member of Convention on the Rights of the Child
and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Thailand has
denied the rights of refugee children as it attempted to separate families
in when it tried to push the refugees back to Burma. The refoulement of boys
under 18 years old was against the rights of children and it was evidence of
violating international law. Many boys between 13 and 18 years old were
pushed back to unsafe places.

In Article 16 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it mentioned that
"the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is
entitled protection by society and the State", the refoulement of some
family members is in violation of the principles of  human rights. Thailand,
as an active member of United Nations, should respect the
international human rights instruments and provide humanitarian
consideration to Burmese ethnic refugees.

The problems including unceasing influx of refugees related to 
decade-long protracted civil war in Burma have not been solved yet. 
Without solving these problem and promising to guarantee ethnic equal 
racial rights and restoration of democratic system in Burma, the Burmese 
ethnic people will continue to suffer at the hands of the  Burmese Army and
the refugee problem will remain like before. The international community
including Thailand should learn the root problem of Burma and help achieve
national reconciliation in the whole country.

Refugee Population of the four camps as of April 1997 is:
	Camp	Family	Adult	Children	Total
					M   F	M     F
1  Bee Ree	415	   486  543	688   772	2489
2  Tavoy		685	   878 1087  	989  1144	4098
3  Prachaub	491	   452  558	702   771	2483
4  Halockhani 	1011  	1324 1376 	1686 1733	6119

Total:		2602 	  3140 3564	 4065 4420	15,189

http://www2.gol.com/users/brelief/Index.htm

***********************************************

BKK POST: ESCAPE PLAYS BIT PART IN MAJOR PRODUCTION
May 23, 1997
Nusara Thaitawat

Will justice be served? Will old friends share the microphone at future
Asean karaoke sessions? The plot has many twists.

	The events surrounding the arrest in Thailand of alleged drug kingpin Li
Yun-chung, his planned extradition to the United States to face charges, his
release on bail and flight to Burma, and his re-arrest in Rangoon before
being handed over to the Thai prime minister are the stuff of Hollywood
gangster movies.
	Drugs, money, corruption, a dictatorship, legal loopholes, geo-politics -
all are elements of this fascinating plot.
	According to a source close to the Thai-US talks on Li's extradition,
Thailand had even proposed adding yet another incredible twist, this one
reminiscent of US involvement in regional politics during the 1960s and '70s.
	Li was to be secretly airlifted by the Thai Air Force direct from Rangoon
to U-Tapao naval base in Chon Buri where he was to be handed over to US
authorities. From there, he was to be flown out of the country on a US
military aircraft returning thousands of troops after their completion on
May 24 of the annual Thai-US joint military exercise Cobra Gold.
	"This proposal was made to avoid lengthy legal proceedings (involving
extradition)," according to the source who requested anonymity.
	"It could have been done without anyone knowing. The presence of US
military aircraft is not unusual during Cobra Gold. The public only would
have found out after Li popped up in the US to stand trial, and it could be
denied he ever transitted Thailand."
	It is not clear how high in the US administration this proposal was allowed
to rise before it was declined in favour of a promise to speed up
extradition proceedings.
	These proceedings usually take several months and possibly years but on
Monday it took only one hearing for the court to rule in favour of
extradition, facilitated in part by Li's decision to waive all rights to
fight the move.
	The offer to whisk Li to U-Tapao and then out of the country, said to be a
military idea, was intended to repair the country's reputation after Li
allegedly bought his freedom by being granted bail and, possibly, out of an
eagerness to help the US authorities.
	Li, alias Pongsak Rojanasaksakul, and alleged accomplice Cha Chung- chang,
alias Prapan Thongchaisawang, were arrested on July 23, 1996 at the request
of the US after they were indicted in that country for allegedly
masterminding the import of 468kg of heroin in 1991 to Hayward, California.
The two are also credited with importing 35kg of heroin seized in New Jersey
in 1992, 168kg seized in New Orleans in 1993 and 72kg seized in Singapore in
March 1996.
	Thailand's offer to rush Li out of the country is seen by many people as an
insult to the country's sovereignty. How could state employees offer to
break the law just to help the US capture an alleged drug dealer, however
important he is thought to be? What would Thailand gain?
	But in the end, rather than pretend to know nothing about Li's re-arrest,
the Chavalit Yongchaiyudh administration opted for an extravagant 
publicity stunt, something which could distract the masses from its failure
to do anything about the nation's problems at home during its five months in
office.
	Li, who had been re-arrested in Rangoon as long as a month ago, emerged
from  special Air Force aircraft at Don Muang's military wing into the glare
of he media cameras.
	Members of the Army Special Force, wearing dark glasses and waving M-16
assault rifles, escorted him to where Prime Minister Chavalit was giving a
press conference and formed a tight guard around him.
	The message the Chavalit administration tried to sell was its seriousness
in tackling drug trafficking and its commitment to helping the world community.
	More importantly, he wanted to show Thailand could talk reason with Burma's
ruling junta, the State Law and Order Restoration Council - identifying the
key negotiator as Army Commander Chettha Thanajaro - even in the face of
international isolation of the regime.
	But Li's handover failed to have the desired effect.
	On Tuesday, US president Bill Clinton went ahead with economic 
sanctions against Burma which include prohibiting any US citizen from
investing in the development of that country's oil resources. He told
Congress he was taking the action because of "serious abuses" by the
military junta against its political opponents.
	Drug agencies in the US might cite Li's case to support their argument that
more co-operation with Burma would benefit America's unending war on drugs.
Burma is the world's largest heroin producer and the US its main market. A
senior local narcotics officer also suggested Slorc should receive more help
to fight drugs just as Thailand has since the early 1970s.
	"It has so many problems," he said.
	But an international drug expert based in Bangkok described Slorc's
decision to hand over Li as "a cheap favour, doing anything they can that
doesn't cost too much".
	Narcotics officers say Li crossed into Burma a few days after he was
granted bail on February 7, and that Slorc knew of his wish to settle down
in Rangoon in the same manner as former drug warlords Lo Hsing-han and Khun
Sa. Slorc initially denied Li was in the Burmese capital.
	"I would be extremely surprised if Slorc didn't know about Li and
others,"said the drug expert.
	"Li thought he could settle down in Rangoon and be protected in the same
way as Khun Sa, but he's a lightweight, he doesn't have damaging inside
information like Khun Sa."
	A western police source based in Bangkok said Li for all intents and
purposes was kidnapped and handed over to the Thai authorities without legal
protection.
	At the regional level, the handover is unlikely to have any impact on
Burma's bid to join the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) 
this year.
	"Burma's already a de facto member of Asean," said one analyst.
	Asean's support for Burma's membership remains firm despite its many
diversions intended to mislead the international community that there is
room for hope it might not be admitted.
	These diversions have included suggestions Burma might not be ready
technically to join Asean's economic co-operation schemes and the 
grouping of it together with Cambodia and Laos for simultaneous admission
when all three are "ready".
	Following Li's return, Gen Chavalit must now ensure those involved in his
escape are punished and that such incidents are not allowed to recur. He
must also boost the morale of officers who work hard to fight crime.
	Li's case should serve as a lesson to both crime suspects and the brokers
who make millions of baht by using their close connections to arrange for
suspects' escape that the days of money ruling over the law are at an end.
	Slorc, which is accused of condoning drug trafficking and harbouring drug
warlords, also will have to follow up with concrete measures of its own.
	Whether his return was a spontaneous gesture or a well-scripted 
performance, Li appeared almost humble back here in Thailand.
	"I want to apologise to the Thai nation for the embarrassment I caused," he
told the media. "I'm ready to be extradited to the US... I acted alone."
	He most certainly did not act alone. And so now we wait for the next key
element of any gangster production - the attempt to silence the potential
informer. The 15 days Li must now spend in jail pending extradition to the
US are surely to be the longest of his life. (BP)

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ASIA TIMES: YANGON MOVING TO THE SUBURBS 
May 19, 1997
Stephen Brookes

Two years ago, the muddy 184-hectare site on the outskirts of Yangon was 
home to a few dozen paddy farmers, living in thatch huts in the mud. 
Today - drained, landscaped and completely overhauled - more than a 
thousand new houses are sprouting there, transforming it into Myanmar's 
newest phenomenon: A middle class housing development.

   "This city desperately needs affordable housing," said Martin Pun, chief
executive officer of Serge Pun Associates (SPA), which is developing the
project. "There are a lot of young couples still living in their parents'
houses. So we made a proposal to the government, and they showed us this
property. There was nothing here but water, so we started by draining the 
land and putting in the infrastructure, and now we've sold more than 800 
houses. They're selling at a rate of about two every day." 

   The SPA development, known as FMI City, was the first attempt to bring
modern, low-cost housing to the masses in Myanmar, but now it's only one 
of almost a dozen similar projects in and around Yangon. Close by is the 
80-hectare Nawaday Garden Housing Project, as well as a low-income, 
1,300-unit development called Kyansittha. Government-sponsored devel- 
opments are adding another 20,000 low-cost homes and apartments in 
Yangon.

   And largely in response to an influx of foreign investors, upper-income
housing is also being built. Ground has been broken north of the airport for 
an upscale, 485-hectare development called Mingalardon Garden City 
Project. SPA is also building a more expensive housing community called 
the Hlaing River Golf and Country Estate, and is finishing an apartment 
and office complex in an historic building near the heart of the city. The 
buyers, they said, would be a mix of domestic and foreign investors.

   "There's a boom in housing now at all levels, as the economy develops," 
said Set Maung, a senior economic advisor to the ruling State Law and 
Order Restoration Council. "People have more money to spend; these 
houses wouldn't be going up if there wasn't a demand for them."

   The houses start at US$ 20,000 and prices rise to more than US$ 
200,000, depending on the location, size and other amenities, developers 
said. Generally, a 20 percent downpayment is made, with 30 percent paid 
in the next 90 days and the rest as a 10-year mortgage. Both the FMI City 
and Nawaday Garden projects have ties with banks that provide mortgages.


   Developers said they were aiming for a mix of middle, upper and lower 
class housing, and were building commercial facilities like shops, banks, 
restaurants and post offices. FMI City will include a sports stadium, 
Nawaday Garden boasts a community center and Mingalardon Garden City 
has commissioned golf course architects Nelson & Haworth to build 
an 18-hole course in the center of the development.

   The Mingalardon project, which will be adjacent to a massive new 
industrial park being built by Japan's Mitsui, is the brainchild of Myanmar 
developer Khin Shwe. "This will be a pioneer city in Myanmar," he said, 
guiding a visitor around the still-virgin grounds. Despite the fact that the 
project was only launched in February and no houses have been built or 
infrastructure installed, more than 500 of the 1,000 sq m lots had been 
bought, he said.

   "We sold the first 150 lots in two days," he said. "People have money to
invest, and this is a good investment. We're right near the Mitsui industrial
zone, there will be an international-standard golf course, and the
International School is relocating here." He said he expected most buyers 
to be foreigners seeking a high standard of living.

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ABSDF ANNOUNCEMENT: KARENNI REPORT AVAILABLE
May 23, 1997

Dear Friends,

We would like to inform you that we are distributing the ABSDF Karenni
Report, FORCED RELOCATION AND HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN KARENNI STATE, free of
charge for addresses within Thailand.  If you would like the report mailed
to an overseas address we will need to charge for postage.  Our mailing
address is :

P.O.Box 42
Huamark P.O
Bangkok 10243
Thailand

Thanks for your attention,

Bangkok Office
ABSDF

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