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More News about Burma (r)



17th June 1997
Asia Times
Myanmar opens insurance door with joint venture

Stephen Brookes, Yangon, 17th June 1997


------------------------------------------------------------------------



<Picture>Japan's Yasuda Fire and Marine Insurance agreed last week to 
set up a joint-venture company with Myanma Insurance in a move that may 
signal an opening up of Myanmar's state-held insurance sector. 

The new company - the first insurance joint venture in Myanmar - is 
likely to be set up within six months, officials at Myanma Insurance 
said. No name or financing details for the company have been settled, 
they said. 

At a June 12 ceremony marking the agreement, Minister for Finance and 
Revenue Brigadier-General Win Tin said: "As the economy expands and 
becomes more complex, more insurance activities" were needed. "Now is 
the proper time for Myanma Insurance to have a business partner, since 
the advent of the market economic system has caused government 
organizations to undergo drastic changes to be aligned with market 
mechanisms." 

Insurance has been a monopoly of the state in Myanmar for more than 
three decades. Under the Investment Law of 1988, foreign investors are 
required to take machinery, fire, marine and personal accident insurance 
with Myanma Insurance, and the company's turnover is more than US$100 
million annually. 

The Myanmar Insurance Law of 1993 paved the way for privatization of the 
insurance industry, and in June 1996 new regulations opening up part of 
the insurance market were announced. 

Actual privatization of the insurance industry has been stalled, 
however, and foreign insurers are only allowed to set up representative 
offices. 

"Private insurance companies are not allowed to set up yet," said Deputy 
Managing Director of Myanma Insurance, Maung Thein. 

"New regulations are expected soon. But we expect that the joint venture 
will settle the problem of getting reinsurance," he added. "Life will be 
much easier." 

Reinsurance enables insurers - in this case Myanma - who have sold 
policies covering any number of risks, to effectively insure themselves 
against possible payouts on those risks. In doing so they spread the 
risk they are covering, and therefore increase the amount of coverage 
they can offer. Domestic reinsurance is not available in Myanmar and 
therefore companies need to approach established reinsurance markets in 
Japan, the United States or Europe - hence this latest tie-up. 

Without reinsurance, a domestic industry is effectively suffocated by 
its own limitations. 

Local insurance companies now act as insurance buyers for foreign 
investors, arranging full coverage through a foreign reinsurer while 
paying fronting fees to Myanma Insurance. 

Yasuda's representative office in Yangon refused comment on the new 
venture, but in a written statement Yasuda said that it had "high 
expectations of what this pioneer company can do to assist the 
development of the Myanmar insurance industry. 

"The establishment of a joint-venture insurance company in Myanmar will 
allow Yasuda to strengthen its worldwide network and improve its client 
services such as the provision of insurance cover, and claims handling," 
the company added. "This, in turn, will support the growing Japanese 
trend toward investment in Asia." 

A number of Japanese companies including Mitsui and Sumitomo had 
expressed interest in forming a joint venture with Myanma Insurance, 
said Maung Thein. Yasuda was picked, he said, because it was the second 
largest insurance company in Japan, and the first to have a 
representative stationed in Yangon. 

In remarks at the signing ceremony, Win Tin noted Yasuda had "exhibited 
its goodwill and enthusiasm towards our country in the most perceptible 
manner".

Asia Week (June 20th, 1997)
THE DISSIDENT

Aung San Suu Kyi


------------------------------------------------------------------------
IT IS HARD TO TELL WHEN AUNG SAN SUU KYI FINALLY CONFIRMED THAT HER FATE 
WAS BOUND UP WITH THE CAUSE OF DEMOCRACY IN HER COUNTRY. Perhaps it was 
on July 23, 1988, when strongman Ne Win announced that he was stepping 
down after 26 years of debilitating socialist rule. His surprise retreat 
triggered a frenzy of pro-democracy demonstrations. In the ensuing 
crackdown, soldiers killed as many as 3,000 people. 

Perhaps it was on Aug. 26, 1988, when Suu Kyi addressed a half-million 
demonstrators at Shwedagon Pagoda. With the crowd's chants of Daw Aye 
Daw Aye ("Our Rights! Our Rights!") ringing in her ears, she called for 
the resignation of the government and democracy for Myanmar. On Sept. 
18, the military seized power in another round of bloodletting. 

What is clear is that at some point during those fateful months, Suu 
Kyi, daughter of Myanmar's independence hero Aung San, decided to take 
on the generals. It hardly seemed an even match: the delicate-boned, 
1.6-meter-tall Oxford academic against soldiers schooled in repression 
and little else. Yet the crowds she drew, the attention she commanded 
and the courage she displayed and instilled in others, inevitably led to 
her becoming the standard-bearer for the fledgling democracy movement. 
When two truckloads of troops pulled up and aimed their weapons at a 
crowd she was addressing, she could coolly respond: "We are grateful to 
those who are giving the people practice in being brave." 

Such spirit was not allowed to go unchecked. In June 1989, when she was 
first arrested, 100 unarmed supporters clashed with police to try to 
snatch her back. She was detained for only an hour then. But a month 
later, the State Law and Order Restoration Council, or SLORC, as the 
junta calls itself, put her under house arrest that persists to this 
day.

The generals miscalculated if they thought detention would blunt her 
appeal. They miscalculated again when they carried through on their 
pledge to stage Myanmar's first multi-party elections in 30 years. 
Perhaps they thought that with well over 2,000 candidates from at least 
100 political parties in the race, there was little chance of a 
one-sided result. 

But Myanmar's 40 million people were of a single mind. In the May 1990 
polls, Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won 392 of the 485 
parliamentary seats. The military-backed National Unity Party won just 
10. SLORC responded by refusing to honor the election results and 
jailing NLD leaders, along with most of their elected representatives. 

Such flagrant denial of the popular will drew international condemnation 
for SLORC, and mounting tributes for the woman who dared defy them. In 
October 1991, Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Said the 
Norwegian Nobel Committee: "Suu Kyi's struggle is one of the most 
extraordinary examples of civil courage in Asia in recent decades. She 
has become an important symbol in the struggle against oppression." 

Suu Kyi did not plan to become a political activist, let alone a 
national hero. She had left her home in England to go to Myanmar's 
capital, Yangon, in 1988 to look after her ailing mother. She had spent 
most of the previous 28 years outside her homeland, returning just eight 
times. SLORC tried to use that against her, saying she was a foreigner 
with no real interest in Myanmar. They also criticized her for marrying 
a foreigner, Oxford don Michael Aris, a Briton. They have two children.

But Suu Kyi was very much her father's daughter. Born June 19, 1945, she 
was barely 2 years old when Gen. Aung San was gunned down while planning 
for the country's soon-to-be-granted independence. He is easily the most 
revered political figure in Myanmar history. Suu Kyi was researching a 
book on his life when she chanced upon a revolution-in-the-making. 

She said she wanted to bring her people "freedom from fear." The simple 
message she preached matched her own elegance. "What we want are basic 
freedoms," she said. "A government that fails to protect political and 
democratic rights will never be able to protect the people's economic 
rights." 

Her jailers cannot bear to speak her name. In interviews, they refer to 
Suu Kyi as "the factor" or "the very specific problem." Problem, yes -- 
and one that literally refuses to go away. SLORC offered her freedom if 
she left the country. But the sparrow -- who can be as stubborn in her 
convictions as the toughest soldier -- chose to remain in her cage, 
demanding the military open political talks. "I want to confront them 
across the table," she told a visiting U.S. congressman.

This July will see the sixth anniversary of her arrest. For a time last 
year, it looked as if a truce might be in the works: Suu Kyi met with 
SLORC leaders for what she said was the first time since her detention 
began. Two meetings, both televised, raised hopes that she might be 
released. Instead, the only thing raised was the level of rhetoric 
against her. 

By early this year, Suu Kyi was back to being, in SLORC's words, "the 
foreigner who should go back to Britain." But the ongoing detention, 
meant to remove her as a vocal conscience and government critic, has 
served only to ensure that she will attain a stature rivaling her 
father's. Once again, the generals have miscalculated.

Business Time (Thailand)
4 Jun 1997 



Easing ties on the side

S'pore, M'sia ministers tackle bilateral tiffs during Asean meeting 
breaks 





M
INISTERS meet not only to address Asean matters. They also use the 
comfort of such occasions to tackle bilateral tiffs among them. 

If it's not done at the conference table, it will be through "golf 
diplomacy". Or at times even "dinner diplomacy", as was the case at the 
special Asean foreign ministers meeting last weekend in Kuala Lumpur. 

In the course of a working dinner on Friday night, Malaysian Foreign 
Minister Abdullah Badawi asked his Singapore counterpart, S Jayakumar, 
whether they could meet the next day to discuss the current row between 
their two countries. 

Earlier in the day, Singapore had sought "urgent clarification" from the 
Malaysian government over reports that Singaporeans in Johor had not 
been allowed to leave for Singapore by immigration officials. So the two 
ministers met for 20 minutes on Saturday morning, taking advantage of a 
break in the Asean talks. 

Later, both ministers -- they are known to get along well -- came out 
looking satisfied that something had been accomplished merely by 
touching base again since they last met in New Delhi on the fringe of 
the Non-Aligned Meeting. 

"Badawi and I agreed in New Delhi," Prof Jayakumar said, "that during 
this period when we are going through difficult bilateral relations, it 
is important for the foreign ministers to keep the lines of 
communication open and to manage this period as best as possible." 

While there would be problems from time to time, he added, it was 
important that "we manage it in the overall long-term relationship 
because there is tremendous potential for cooperation". 

Speaking in his turn, Mr Abdullah rendered his version of the meeting: 
"I am very happy that we had a chance to meet when we know that, 
Singapore and Malaysia, we have some small problems that have affected 
our bilateral relations." 

It was important that this meeting was held, he added, and in an 
atmosphere of friendship. They had the responsibility to manage 
relations, he said, as their two countries had a mutual desire to have 
better ties "because good relations are to the advantage of both 
Malaysia and Singapore". 

"It's important that Jaya and I talk things over and also see what is 
really happening. It's a chance for us to exchange information and try 
to understand what is really happening," Mr Abdullah said. 

Having said just enough for the press to hear, the two ministers chose 
to say no more. "We have to keep some parts of our discussion 
confidential because that is the value of bilateral relations," said 
Prof Jayakumar. So far, it is still not known what they said to each 
other on the greens. 

* * * *


ON the same day the media reported the Singapore-Malaysia meeting, a 
leading Malay-language newspaper in Kuala Lumpur ran a commentary 
calling for more maturity on both sides in handling bilateral spats. 

Writing in his weekly column, Komentar, Berita Minggu Malaysia's 
editor-in-chief A Nazri Abdullah said problems between the two countries 
would recur, but there was a need for neighbours to show more restraint 
as well as more patience towards each other. 


Describing as "a mistake" recent cartoons in another Malaysian newspaper 
to which Thailand had taken offence, the writer called for more 
sensitivity among journalists, whether they were writers or cartoonists. 

"Do not think we are free to write or draw as we like because as human 
beings, we too are exposed to mistakes," he lectured. 

Turning to the issue of maturity in handling difficulties in 
Malaysia-Singapore relations, he wrote: "There is no need to shout out 
to sue Lee Kuan Yew, or cut the water supply, or stop Singapore Airlines 
from flying into Malaysia because all this is not going to happen."

Hong Kong Standard 
Indonesia issues shoot-at-sight orders on rioters

JAKARTA: Indonesian authorities have pledged to track down those 
responsible for weekend riots in East Java and ordered troops to 
shoot-at-sight if there are more disturbances, official media and 
newspapers reported on Tuesday. 

A Muslim crowd in Bangkalan on the island of Madura rioted on Saturday 
night after a service to commemorate the death of local religious leader 
Amin Imron, who was also a member of the regional assembly for the 
Muslim-backed United Development Party (PPP). 

Authorities have arrested 15 people for the violence, in which a number 
of shops, a Protestant church and a Buddhist temple were burned. 

``We are ready to take stern action against rioters in accordance with 
existing regulations. We have deployed police elite forces, 
detectives...to anticipate and hunt masterminds of the riots,'' East 
Java police chief Major-General Sumarsono was quoted as saying on Monday 
by the official Antara news agency. 

Republika newspaper said the military had also issued a shoot-at-sight 
order to contain unrest. 

The paper gave no further details. 

Some news reports said the Bangkalan riot was sparked by anger that 
civic authorities had held a celebration after the town was named one of 
the cleanest in Indonesia. 

Muslims felt the celebration should have been delayed until after the 
Islamic 40-day mourning period for Amin Imron. 

On Friday, at least eight people were hurt, mainly by gunfire, in a riot 
by PPP supporters in the town of Jember in East Java. 

The rioters were angered by rumours that the PPP may not receive any 
seats in the local legislature after a poll last month held alongside 
general elections. 

Indonesia's ruling Golkar party swept the national poll with over 74 
percent of the vote, while the PPP got just under 23 percent. 

The only other party legally entitled to contest the election, the 
fragmented Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), got about three percent. 
Some PPP leaders have said the elections were marked by rigging and 
voter intimidation. - Reuter

South China Morning Post
Tuesday  June 17  1997

Burma 
Refugees moved to safer site 



AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE in Bangkok 
Thailand yesterday began to relocate 2,400 Karen refugees from a camp 
near the Burmese border to a larger and safer centre further inside Thai 
territory, a senior military official said.

Thailand's Ninth Army Infantry division started early yesterday to truck 
refugees from the Phu Muang border camp in the western province of 
Kanchanaburi to Tham Hin camp in Ratchaburi province to the south.

Colonel Somdej Seumak, the division commander, said they were being 
relocated to Tham Hin, 10 kilometres from the frontier, because it was 
safer for both refugees and aid workers.

He added it would be easier to take care of the refugees if they were 
kept together in one place.

The 2,400 refugees were among the more than 10,000 Karens who fled this 
year's Burmese Government offensive against the rebel Karen National 
Union, the only major insurgent group still to reach a cease-fire with 
Rangoon.

They joined about 5,000 refugees already staying at Tham Hin, 
effectively consolidating all the Karen refugees who fled the 
insurgents' Fourth Brigade Division.



"THERE WILL BE NO REAL DEMOCRACY IF WE CAN'T GURANTEE THE RIGHTS OF THE 
MINORITY ETHNIC PEOPLE.  ONLY UNDERSTANDING THEIR SUFFERING AND HELPING 
THEM TO EXERCISE THEIR RIGHTS WILL ASSIST PREVENTING FROM THE 
DISINTEGRATION AND THE SESESSION."  "WITHOUT UNDERSTANDING THEIR 
STRENGTH, WE CAN'T TOPPLE THE SLORC AND BURMA WILL NEVER BE IN PEACE."



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