HITTING BELOW THE BELT PRINCIPLE TA (r)

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FOREWORD 

After reading the pamphlet distributed by the military junta, the State Law
and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), attacking the honour of Nobel Peace
Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, I felt a compelling need to write this tract. 

During the pro-democracy uprising, I had the chance to meet Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi on several occasions. After the SLORC's brutal seizure of state power,
there were no more meetings. After leaving for the liberated area on October
30, 1988, I had never written about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi , favourably or
otherwise, as I never felt any need for it. 

While in Bangkok in March 1995, I came across a pamphlet in English written
and distributed by the SLORC under the assumed name of Mr. Htoon Shwe,
denouncing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. As a result, I was reminded of previous
meetings with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. At those meetings, I had observed and
admired Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's honesty, uprightness, reverence, good-will,
sense of sacrifice, humanism, perseverance, sense of responsibility, and her
capacity to differentiate between right and wrong. As this tract is based on
personal views and perspectives resulting from those brief meetings, I am
ready to admit that it is not a perfect analysis. However, this essay was
written in the 

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belief that it can be of some value. I hope that those who are not familiar
with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will come to understand the truth about her by
reading this objective presentation, instead of being misled by the
misrepresentations presented in the SLORC's defamatory attack under the
assumed name of Mr. Htoon Shwe. 

It is not only against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi that the SLORC has used this
lowly means of denunciation. The following are other examples. 

In 1978, the military dictatorship previous to SLORC began its attempt to
control the Sangha (community of Buddhist monks) in the name of "purifying"
the religion. Realizing the real intent of the military clique, some members
of the Sangha desired not to participate and made excuses to attempt to stay
out of the matter. Their Holinesses the Reverend Abbot of Mahasi Yeiktha and
the Reverend Abbot of Tri-pitikadara of Minghun were among those who shunned
involvement. Knowing that its plan would not succeed without the
participation of the two Holinesses, the military junta, with the intention
of forcing the participation of the two abbots, made similar derogatory
attacks against them. 

The military junta intimidated the two with power, distributing leaflets
accusing the Abbot of Mahasi of Rangoon of talking with the "nat" spirits
and the Abbot of Tri-pitikadara of Minghun of being involved in some
unfavourable occurrence two years after entering the monkhood. Many aged
members of high attainment within the Sangha were also disparaged by the
junta using this vile means of attack. According to the members of the
Sangha who were followers of the Abbot of Tri-pitikadara of Minghun, the
Abbot wept because he was so ashamed of the attacks. 

Therefore, the SLORC's crude use of disparaging propaganda of the SLORC
against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not something new or surprising. However, it
is necessary for all concerned to make an effort to bring out the truth. I
will reprint here only the excerpts from the derogatory pamphlet that I
think are necessary to make my point. 

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DEROGATORY ATTACK SPREAD 

BY MR. HTOON SHWE 



Aung San Suu Kyi was born on the 19th of June, 1945. She attended St.
Francis Convent and Methodist English High School, Rangoon. In 1960 when her
mother Daw Khin Kyi was appointed Myanmar's Ambassador to India, she
accompanied her to India and continued her studies at St. Joseph's Convent,
St. Mary's Convent and Lady Shri Ram College, New Delhi. Then at St. Hugh's
College, Oxford from 1964 until 1967 and received a B.A degree from Oxford,
after which any student would automatically obtain an M.A. degree. Aung San
Suu Kyi did not really obtain an M.A. degree. 

Lord and Lady Gore Booth acted as guardian of Aung San Suu Kyi when she was
studying at Oxford. Mr. and Mrs.Gore Booth became friends with her mother
Daw Khin Kyi while they were resident in Yangon when Mr. Gore Booth was
Britain's Ambassador to Myanmar. After working at the University of London,
with the help of the secretary General U Thant, she worked at 

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the United Nation's general office, at New York. During her stay at New
York, she was always seen in the company of a black Cuban diplomat who was
her constant companion and the couple socialised together amongst the New
Yorkers and the diplomatic circle. Eventually she married Michael Aris, a
British Jew, on the 31st of December 1971. 

Before 1988 Aung San Suu Kyi had very little contact with Myanmar and the
people of Myanmar. During her twenty-seven years of absence from Myanmar,
she had only made eight short visits to Myanmar and had laid a wreath only
once at her father's tomb on a Martyr's Day in Rangoon, in 1986. 

During March 1988 her mother Daw Khin Kyi suffered a stroke and only when
the Minister of Home Affairs persuaded her and arranged for her air ticket
did she arrive in Yangon on the 2nd of April 1988. At that time, the
underground organizations were secretly instigating the students to create
more trouble in connection with a brawl that started at a teashop between a
few students and local people. On the other hand, Myanmar terrorists and
expatriates who had returned to Burma in 1980 under a General Amnesty had
already begun a secret movement since 1983 and were waiting for a chance to
do politics in Myanmar. The terrorist BBC Htwe Myint encouraged Suu Kyi to
take part in the politics of Myanmar. Htwe Myint was sentenced to death by a
court of law for smuggling explosives into Myanmar but he was later released
under a General Amnesty granted by the State Council in 1980. As he knew
very well that as a terrorist he would not be accepted politically, he had
to encourage Aung San Suu Kyi to enter into politics. This situation has
given British Jew Michael Aris, an unknown scholar in Tibetan art and
culture, a chance to get into the international limelight that he had not
even dreamt of before 1988. It was a well-known fact within the diplomatic
circle and the people of the neighbouring countries of Bhutan in the early
seventies that Michael Aris, who claimed to be a Tibetan expert, deceived
the Tibetans and some Tibetan monks into parting with their valuable
religious artifacts, works of art and antiques. They handed over the said
objects for the purpose of research, index and documentation. The invaluable
religious artifacts were handed over to Mr. Michael Aris and his wife Aung
San Suu Kyi who was also known then as a daughter of National Leader,
General Aung San of Myanmar. The couple left with a colossal amount of reli 

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gious artifacts and they have never returned to Bhutan. Those religious
artifacts were also never given back to their lawful owners by the couple. 

With the hope of gaining fame and fortune, in August 1988, Aung San Suu Kyi
entered into politics by signing a joint statement made by her and Htwe
Myint and distributed the statement to the people. 

What was Aung San Suu Kyi doing before August 1988? Where was she living?
Has she ever helped or worked for the welfare of the people of Myanmar? If
she had thought in those days that the people of Myanmar were being
oppressed under the Burma Socialist Programme Party, did she do anything to
help the people of Myanmar? In fact, she was permanently resident in the
United Kingdom and was never included as a member of any household within
the Union of Myanmar. At that time she was studying and later on attempted
to get a job but she failed to do so. Later she married a British Jew,
Michael Aris and raised two children and became a frustrated housewife. She
never attempted to make friends with the Myanmarese residing in Britain nor
did she have any interest in the people of Myanmar living within or outside
Myanmar. 

Aung San Suu Kyi was neither an academic nor a professional lady. She had
held no responsible job under any government or an organization. Only in
1988 did she seize the chance of getting into the political field of Myanmar
and on the band-wagon and took the opportunity of pretending to be
interested in the affairs of the country and the people. She instantly
claimed to be a patriotic person. 

When Suu Kyi entered into politics in Myanmar, she made an alliance with a
former Communist Party politburo member Thakin Tin Mya who also held a high
ranking position under the Burma Socialist Programme Party and she worked
closely with him with a view of gaining a high position in the political
field of Myanmar. She had aligned herself with terrorists, communists and
others who have betrayed the army and the opportunistic ex-army officials.
Who in their right senses would believe and accept that it was for the
purpose of getting democracy for Myanmar? Only those foreigners who know
nothing about her background would probably believe in her. 

Until 1991, when Aung San Suu Kyi gained a Nobel Peace 


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