The BurmaNet News - 3 February, 199

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------------------------------ BurmaNet -----------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies
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The BurmaNet News, 3 February, 1998
Issue #926

Noted in passing:

"The Government's longstanding severe repression of human rights continued
during the year. Citizens continued to live subject at any time and without
appeal to the arbitrary and sometimes brutal dictates of the military
dictatorship."
(see US DEPARTMENT OF STATE: BURMA COUNTRY REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES
FOR 1997 - PART 1)

HEADLINES:
==========
ASIAWEEK: KEEPING TIGHT REINS ON BURMESE OFFICIALS
BKK POST: FIVE-LETTER WORD IN THE DRUGS WAR
BKK POST: THAI-BURMESE BORDER TROOPS TO LEAVE
THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: MOGE SIGNS PRODUCTION
THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: BANKING SERVICES EXPANDED
THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: LONDON-MYANMAR OPEN

Illegal Immigrant Issues:
THE NATION: NEPAL, THAILAND TO CEMENT TIES
BKK POST: NEW WAY TO REPATRIATE IMMIGRANTS 
BKK POST: LITTLE BURMA IN THAILAND
BKK POST: ECONOMIC SLUMP FORCES ALIEN WORKERS TO

US DEPARTMENT OF STATE: BURMA COUNTRY REPORT ON
HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1997 - PART 1
US DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE: NEWS BRIEFING
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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ASIAWEEK: KEEPING TIGHT REINS ON BURMESE OFFICIALS
6 February, 1998

When Myanmar's former dictator Ne Win visited his old friend President
Suharto in September, he was reportedly told that then Burmese commerce
minister Tun Kyi had been involved in arranging a large delivery of fuel
from Pertamina, Indonesia's national oil company, and that payment had not
been received.

Within weeks of Ne Win's return to Yangon, Tun Kyi was sacked and is
currently in detention pending the outcome of investigations into his
activities. Which activities are not exactly known. Several members of his
family and friends were also indicted. Last week, his daughter Kyi Kyi Than
and her husband Khin Maung Zaw fled to Thailand with their children to
escape prosecution. A well-known Yangon night-club, Mr. Guitar, run by Tun
Kyi's daughter-in-law was also shut down.

Myanmar does have some oil of its own - fields around Magway supply about
10,000 barrels a day, and are still under development. Deputy energy
minister Tin Tun - who, by the way, denies that Myanmar bought the disputed
oil from Indonesia or that bills were left unpaid - says the country needs
only 20,000 barrels daily right now; industry sources say it is more like
30,000. 

Either way, where does the money to buy the extra fuel come from? One of
the junta's main trading partners, South Korea, recently stepped in to help
Yangon settle the out-standing bill with Jakarta. 

But given Seoul's own problems, that is unlikely to happen again.
Meanwhile, the junta is taking no chances: as part of a government-wide
corruption crackdown, top bureaucrats and ministers, especially in the
commerce sector, are under tight observation.

******************************************************

BKK POST: FIVE-LETTER WORD IN THE DRUGS WAR
2 February, 1998

For the past 30 years, Thailand has managed to maintain a consistently
aggressive anti-drug strategy. This effort has sharply reduced the
production of drugs. But this long, costly struggle has had no effect on
the flood of narcotics coming into the country. The reason is Thailand's
neighbour, Burma.

It has taken more than a generation, and the combined efforts of
citizens and authorities, to achieve the successes of the
anti-narcotics struggle. The dedication of a large number of
people and significant expenditures from public monies have had
positive effects. Yet most of our gains remain hollow because the
country remains a drug market.

Drug supplies from outside our border inundate Thailand. Our
youths are constantly bombarded with new drugs. Our officials are
continually egged towards a path of corruption. It is no wonder
that many citizens take the drugs that are pushed, pitched and
promoted to young people. There is no mystery about why some of
our police and public servants cooperate with drug peddlers in
exchange for massive amounts of money.

Today's problems of drug use and trafficking mask the solid
achievements we have made in 30 years. Opium and heroin
production has shrunk to practically nothing. Our government,
military and civil service branches are no longer laughingstocks
of the world for their corruption and aid to drug makers, sellers
and smugglers.
     
Thailand has feed thousands of farm families virtually enslaved
by drug traffickers. The country has built roads and bridges,
encouraged free markets, and provided expertise so that farmers
could switch from low-paying opium to a multitude of other crops.
Thailand is no longer the provider to the world of the white
powder that kills. Instead, it provides orchids, coffee and Mc
Donald's french fires. 
     
Yet, despite the huge advances, our country is at risk. The
Ministry of Education says that more than 100,000 school-age
Thais use drugs, particularly amphetamines. In some northern
villages, every citizen is addicted to heroin.

It is clear to any news reader that drug use among the idle
children of the  rich is widespread. It is equally obvious that
such drug use is spreading. This leaves Thailand with much to
achieve in the struggle against narcotics and drugs trafficking.
We must deal, seriously, with the defects in Thai society that
lead citizens to drug use.

But there is one stark fact that is accomplice to our internal
problems. Until Burma changes its ways, drugs and drug abuse will
remain major threats. Our neighbour is the world's largest
producer of opium and heroin. In exchange for their money, the;
Burmese government cooperates closely with the world's most 
notorious drug traffickers.

Particularly since it joined Asean with the shameful backing of
our Foreign Ministry Burma has repeatedly promised to limit, and
wipe out, drug production and trafficking. Unfortunately, the
Burmese government has done no such thing.

The State Peace and Development Council has failed to reduce
opium or heroin production. Even tourists can see the open drug
trafficking at the Thai border town of Tachilek. Drug lords such
as Lo Hsing Han have gained influence in Rangoon. A Singapore
study said that Burmese police seize only .25 percent of the
annual amphetamine production, .01 percent of opium, and less
than .005 percent of heroin exports.

Burma will get full credit for its anti-drug actions when it
starts to display such actions. Drug trafficking is not an
internal affair of the Rangoon regime. It is an Asia-wide, and
worldwide, problem. Asean's silence on this problem must stop.
Halting drug exports is a fitting topic for Asean action.

*************************************************************

BKK POST: THAI-BURMESE BORDER TROOPS TO LEAVE DISPUTED ISLANDS
2 February, 1998
by Supamart Kasem in Mae Sot, Tak

Thailand and Burma have agreed to withdraw their troops 'from the
two disputed islands. in the Moei river at Mae Sot district from
early yesterday morning following a direct intervention by the
army commanders of the two countries.

The agreement was-reached on Saturday when the local Thai-Burmese
Border Committee met in Myawaddy opposite Mae Sot.

The meeting, co-chaired by Thai TBC chairman Col Chatchapat
Yaemngamriab and Burmese counterpart Lt-Col Saing Phone, agreed
to comply with their commanders' orders for the two sides to
withdraw their troops and weapons from the two disputed island
while civilians were allowed to stay. 

************************************************************

THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: MOGE SIGNS PRODUCTION SHARING CONTRACT FOR OIL
WITH BRITISH, ISRAELI OIL COMPANIES 
31 January, 1998 [abridged]
 
YANGON, 30 Jan - Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise today signed a production
sharing contract for exploration and production of oil with the consortium
of Westborne Oil Limited and A&T Exploration Company Limited of Britain and
Capital Investment Development Corporation of Israel.

Under the contract, MOGE and the consortium led by Westborne will jointly
undertake exploration and production of oil in RSF-8 Block, Minbu District,
Magway Division, on a production sharing basis.


************************************************************

THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: BANKING SERVICES EXPANDED IN MYANMAR FOR
CONVENIENCE AND RELIANCE OF CLIENTS
1 February, 1998)

YANGON, 31 Jan - Asia Wealth Bank Limited opened its branch on Lower
Pazundaung Road, Pazundaung Township, today.

Minister U Khin Maung Thein, U Khon Hsin Ran (a) U Win Maung and U Aik Tun
formally opened Pazundaung AWB branch.

In his address, Minister U Khin Maung Thein said banking services are being
expanded and carried out successfully in Myanmar while some countries are
facing problems in banking such as bankruptcies.

He said efforts would be made to improve banking services through innovations.

AWB, founded on 2 May 1995, has now opened 12 branches including those in
Mandalay, Taunggyi, Mawlamyine, Pyay, Bago and Kawthoung, and the present one.

According to statistics, AWB had only K 60 million initial capital and now
its reserve is K 686.68 million; the deposit is over K l8 billion and loans
over K 12 billion, registering as the bank with the largest deposit and
loan among the private banks.

Minister U Khin Maung Thein also pointed out the need for the bank to try
its best to minimize its running cost.

He said the bank is also using modern banking innovations such as credit
cards, smart cards and call deposits for customer satisfaction and
convenience and spoke of the need to work together with other private banks
in the tasks to be implemented in cooperation with ASEAN members.

Though the current Asian financial crisis affected Myanmar just a little, all
must be well-prepared for a worse scenario, he said, noting that all must
also overcome the unscrupulous persons' subversive acts spreading rumours
to destabilize the money market.

************************************************************

THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: LONDON-MYANMAR OPEN PROFESSIONAL GOLF TOURNAMENT
COORDINATION MEETING
2 February, 1998

YANGON, 1 Feb - A coordination meeting on the third London-Myanmar Open
Professional Golf Tournament to be jointly organized by Myanmar Golf
Federation and Asia Professional Golfers Association (APGA) was held at
Bagan Golf Course in Bagan this evening, attended by Patron of Organizing
Leading Committee for Golf Tournament Secretary-1 of the State Peace and
Development Council Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt.

Speaking on the occasion, the Secretary-1 said the London-Myanmar Open
Professional Golf Tournament 1997 was successfully held in Yangon, and the
third Tournament 1998 would be held from 5 to 8 March in Bagan in central
Myanmar, and added that, the world nations would then witness stability and
development of Myanmar.

He said the participants and visitors would also witness the rich ancient
cultural heritage in Bagan, restoration of the heritage through the third
tournament, which would refute falsehood about Bagan spread by destructive
elements.

Bagan and Mandalay are well known for their ancient cultural heritage in
the world, the world will know the true situation of Bagan and Myanmar
through the third tournament to be held in Bagan and it will contribute to
Myanmar's tourism industry, he added.

He urged the officials to coordinate and cooperate to achieve success of the
tournament, and called on the golfers to take part in the tournament
studying Myanma cultural heritage.

*************************************************************

THE NATION: NEPAL, THAILAND TO CEMENT TIES
2 February, 1998 [abridged]
by Rita Patiyasevi

A key aim of the visit of the Nepalese foreign minister is to request that
Thailand grant citizenship to some 1,000 stateless Nepalese in
Kanchanaburi, reports The Nation's RITA PATIYASEVI.

Nepalese Foreign Minister Kamal Thapa arrived yesterday for a two-day
official visit aimed at strengthening political and economic relations.

Thapa, who leads a seven-member delegation of senior ministry officials and
top business groups, will sign an agreement on the avoidance of double
taxation with his counterpart, Surin	Pitsuwan, to boost bilateral trade and
investment.

Nepalese ambassador Janak Bahadur Singh	said high on the agenda will be
discussions on trade and investment potential, cooperation between the
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), and matters relating to
stateless people of Nepalese origin.

Thapa will reiterate its special request for Thailand to grant citizenship
to a group of Nepalese who have been living in the country for more than
five decades.

About 1,100 people of Nepalese origin are living in the Kanchanaburi area
as refugees. Some arrived in the 1930s, while others came during the second
world war between 1940-1941 as mining workers at the time when Britain
still ruled India and Burma. Still others entered Thailand from Burma to
escape the political repression under Burmese military strongman Gen Ne Win.

The Nepalese mining workers who were employed by Indian companies in the
Kanchanaburi area are believed to be the first batch of workers to be
engaged in mining in Thailand.

Since 1969, the Nepalese government has been asking Thailand to grant
citizenship to these stateless Nepalese. An official request was made to
former Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanonda during his 1983 trip to Nepal.

The call was also conveyed by King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, who
visited Thailand in 1984.

Considering the close relationship between the two countries and a
reassurance from the Foreign Ministry that the process was being considered
by the Interior Ministry, Nepal did not push Thailand, and talks on the
issue were kept off the agenda during the visit of former Prime Minister
Girija Prasad Koirala in 1991.

Nepalese authorities have since been informed that Thailand was considering
the case of 1,100 Nepalese who entered the country before 1976. So far,
some 1,106 have received identity cards which are renewable every six years.

The ethnic Nepalese are also treated more leniently than other refugees
from Burma and receive education and work permits to work outside of
Kanchanaburi.

But despite Thailand's reassurance that the problem will be solved and that
the offspring of the Nepalese refugees will receive certificates of
citizenship, it has yet to materialise. The process may take even longer
than expected as Thailand plans to consider the Nepalese case along with
other Burmese refugees who entered the country before March 9, 1976.

Last year, Thailand granted citizenship to some 7,000 refugees from Burma
who were of Thai origin. But the rest of the refugees from Burma, including
the Nepalese, will have to wait for the government's approval.

******************************************************

BKK POST: NEW WAY TO REPATRIATE IMMIGRANTS 
2 February, 1998
by Anucha Charoenpho

ILLEGAL WORKERS LURED THROUGH INCENTIVES

Immigration police have come up with a new strategy to encourage
legal and illegal immigrants working in the country to return to
their mother lands voluntarily

Instead of launching drastic crackdowns on illegal workers,
police now  use a psychological approach to deal with these alien
workers who entered the country during the time of the economic
boom.

Immigration Police Bureau Commissioner Pol Lt-Gen Chidchai
Wannasathit, who initiated the idea, said immigration police have
been instructed to provide full assistance to alien workers
wanting to return home.

Travel expenses and free meals would be given as incentives to
immigrant workers who expressed their willingness to return to
their countries.

"This new approach is more effective and less costly than other
measures. In the suppression strategy, we can arrest only illegal
workers, not legal ones. The crackdown does not only consume
time, but also budgets. After they are arrested, illegal workers
will be sent to detention centres before being repatriated.

"Pending the repatriation, we have to provide free food to these
workers which cost about 45-50 baht a day per person. The longer
they are detained, the more we have to pay. In addition, we have
only a few detention centres which are mostly jam packed with
workers," pointed out the bureau commissioner.

The bureau had sought a 111-million-baht budget from the
government to repatriate foreign workers, but only 50 million
baht were allocated, said Pol Lt-Gen Chidchai.

In the psychological approach, authorities will pay only travel
expenses and free meals on the day workers leave for their
countries.

Pol Lt-Gen Chidchai believed the government's policy to
repatriate 300,000 illegal alien workers within six months would
be achieved soon through the new approach.

To prevent other Burmese immigrants from sneaking through the
country, Pol Lt-Gen Chidchai said he has liaised with
non-governmental organisations, the army and concerned agencies
to help keep a close  watch on the movement of human smuggling
gangs.

The Police Region 7, which is responsible for western provinces
bordering Burma, has also been asked to deploy more officials  at
border passes to prevent the influx of Burmese into the country.

More than 800,000 foreign workers mostly from Burma, Laos,
Cambodia, India, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Bangadesh have
been working legally and illegally in Thailand.

Thailand, suffering from its worst economic downturn in decades,
began a crackdown on illegal workers in November in an effort to
curb skyrocketing unemployment.

*************************************************************

BKK POST: LITTLE BURMA IN THAILAND
2 February, 1998
by Anucha Charoenpo & Wassayos Ngarmkham

LIFE FOR BURMESE IN GHETTO COMMUNITY

The first glimpse of a small community in the middle of Samut
Sakhon's Mahachai will make any visitors think they have wandered
into Burma.

It is the biggest Burmese ghetto in the province where tens of
thousands of them work in the shrimp industry. It is also known
as "Little Burma"  for local residents there.

They speak, act and are dressed like the way they do at home. Men
and women wear well-known sarongs although the latter are in more
colourful ones. Burmese music can be heard from tape recorders
and Burmese; flicks are available on video cassettes.
     
Sundays are a day-off for them after a long and tedious work with
slime.

However, most family women are busy with their household chores
and their  babies.  Several others are dressed up to seek
entertainment in town. 

Men, young and old, usually hang out in coffee shops to discuss
topics which ranges from romance to Burmese politics.

Widely discussed now is the Thai government's  policy to
repatriate illegal alien workers, said Myint Wai, a Burmese
guide. 

At these shops, they can also  dine. The shops serve coffee or
tea with milk and pairs of doughnuts. A popular Burmese dish is
pasta which is served with dips and fresh vegetables. 
     
According to Myint Wai, Burmese workers usually eat a full bowl
of rice before work because they need energy. That amount of rice
is equal to the amount a normal Thai would eat the whole day.

The community, known as Talad Kung, is near a shrimp pier where
they work. It is reportedly under  control by a local Thai known
as tycoon Mor. 

In an I shape, it comprises long rows of four-storey buildings on 
one side and a long row of single-storey house on the other. 
     
About 10-15 people, men and women, share a room which costs about
3,000-4,000 baht per month. There are about 400 rooms available.

However, those who cannot afford a more decent one, seek shelters
in buildings which are still under construction. The rooms are
free too.

It is brightly lit day and night here and it is' quite noisy.
Most of those who live here work on shifts each of which lasts
about 10-12 hours.

Thong, 23, has been working here for five years for a shrimp
company and receives 5,000 baht per month.

He shares a room with 13 others at a price of 3,000 baht per
month.

For Thong, life here is easier than that in Burma and money is
also better.

He said he came to Thailand because he wants to save money for
his mother. With monthly expenses deducted, he can save about
3,000-4,000 baht per month.

Ko Niak, another Burmese man in his late twenties, has moved
here for one year with his wife.

"I came here because I wanted money," he said, adding that he
earns about 1,500 baht a day. However, how much he earns also
depends on police crackdowns on illegal labour.

He said during the crackdown, he prefers to close the shop
because illegal workers would not show up in the market.

Like other communities, this ghetto also has a man who keeps
things running. The Burmese man will see to it that water,
electricity, rent  and telephone bills are paid.

*************************************************************

BKK POST: ECONOMIC SLUMP FORCES ALIEN WORKERS TO RETURN TO HOMELANDS
2 February, 1998  
by Onnucha Hutasingh & Anucha Charoenpho

Thailand's economic crisis has not only made about one million
Thais unemployed but also sent a horde of foreign labour back
home over the past six months. Until now the Labour Ministry
cannot figure out the number of laid-off foreign workers, mostly
from the construction industry. 
     
Many Burmese workers have to go home and most of them choose to
enter Burma through border checkpoints in Sangkhla Buri district
of Kanchanaburi for safety reason. But they must face another
problem money extortion from Thai officials.

"On their way from Bangkok to here, they must pay money (to
officials at every checkpoint) and pay huge sums of money at
checkpoints in Sai Yok and Sangkhla Buri districts as the passes
are overseen by many agencies, a Mon villager in Sangkhla Buri
said.

Burmese workers who account for 75 percent of about one
million-foreign workers in Thailand have been going home for the
past two months. The average number of Burmese labour facing
extortion reaches 60-70per day and most of them have to give tens
of thousands baht.

However, many Burmese workers are aware of the extortion and
become more careful about their trips to Burma.

According to some Mon villagers at Ban Wang Ka, Burmese workers
turn to transfer their money via a bank in Sangkhla Buri district
and rent vehicles to deliver their belongings to Sangkhla Buri
while they take interprovincial buses to border check points.

To ensure safety for their money, many workers turn to use
illegal money transaction services. Some job brokers demand
2,500-3,000 baht from each worker for sending his/her cash from
Bangkok to Burma via Sangkhla Buri but the money owners must
later take money in Burmese currency after arriving in Burma.

Meanwhile, an immigration police officer from Kanchanaburi
accepted that officials from all concerned agencies in this
western province had  actually extorted money and valuables of
foreign workers wanting to go home at every checkpoint.

***********************************************************

US DEPARTMENT OF STATE: BURMA COUNTRY REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR
1997 - PART 1
30 January, 1998
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
 
BURMA
Burma continued to be ruled by a highly authoritarian military regime. The
military Government known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC) seized power in September 1988 after harshly suppressing massive
prodemocracy demonstrations. In November the SLORC announced that the
military Government had been renamed the State Peace and Development
Council (SPDC). The regime is headed by armed forces commander General Than
Shwe and composed of top military officers. Retired dictator General Ne
Win, whose idiosyncratic policies had isolated Burma and driven the country
into deep economic decline, may continue to wield considerable influence.
The judiciary is not independent of the executive.
 
The SLORC permitted a relatively free election in 1990, but it failed to
honor the results--which were an overwhelming rejection of military
rule--and cede power to the victorious prodemocracy forces. Instead, the
SLORC attacked the coalition of winning parties and their leaders through
intimidation, detention, and house arrest, and redoubled efforts to
consolidate and perpetuate its rule. In 1993 the SLORC established the
"National Convention," a body ostensibly tasked with drafting a new
constitution. The SLORC carefully handpicked the delegates, overwhelmingly
made up of military officers, and stage-managed the constitutional
convention's proceedings, ignoring even limited opposition views. Although
the National Convention has not been reconvened since 1996, the military
government appears determined to draft a constitution that will ensure a
dominant role for the military services in the country's future political
structure.
 
The Government reinforces its firm military rule with a pervasive security
apparatus led by the military intelligence organization, the Directorate of
Defense Services Intelligence (DDSI). Control is buttressed by selective
restrictions on contact with foreigners, surveillance of government
employees and private citizens, harassment of political activists,
intimidation, arrest, detention, and physical abuse. The Government
justifies its security measures as necessary to maintain order and national
unity. However, most major insurgent groups have reached individual
accommodations with the SLORC in recent years, which provide varying levels
of stability and autonomy from central government control. Members of the
security forces committed numerous, serious human rights abuses.
 
Burma is a poor country, with an estimated average per capita income of
$200 to 300 per year on an exchange rate basis and $700 to $900 on a
purchasing-power-parity basis. Primarily an agricultural country, it also
has substantial mineral, fishing, and timber resources. Since 1988 the
Government has partly opened the economy to permit expansion of the small
private sector and attract foreign investment. Some economic improvement
has ensued, but major obstacles to economic reform persist. These include
extensive overt and covert state involvement in economic activity, state
monopolization of leading exports, a bloated bureaucracy prone to arbitrary
and opaque governance, corruption, poor human and physical infrastructure,
and disproportionately large military spending.
 
The Government's longstanding severe repression of human rights continued
during the year. Citizens continued to live subject at any time and without
appeal to the arbitrary and sometimes brutal dictates of the military
dictatorship. Citizens do not have the right to change their government.
The SLORC has given no sign of a willingness to cede its hold on absolute
power. There continue to be credible reports, particularly in ethnic
minority-dominated areas, that soldiers committed serious human rights
abuses, including extrajudicial killings and rape. Disappearances
continued, and members of the security forces beat and otherwise abused
detainees. Prison conditions remained harsh. Arbitrary arrests and
detentions continued for expression of dissenting political views. Many
hundreds--if not more--political prisoners remained in prison, including
approximately 31 parliamentarians elected in 1990. Since May 1996, at least
340 persons have been arrested and imprisoned for political reasons, and
may remain in prison at year's end. The judiciary is subject to executive
influence, and the Government infringes on citizens' rights to privacy.
 
The SLORC maintained and at times intensified its restrictions on basic
rights of free speech, press, assembly, and association. Political party
activity remained severely restricted. Although the authorities recognize
the chief opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), as a
legal entity, they prevented the party from conducting normal day-to-day
political activities. The Government closed many party offices throughout
the country with no apparent legal justification. The regime refused to
recognize the legal political status of key NLD party leaders, such as its
General Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi and the two party cochairmen, and it
severely constrained their activities through security measures and
threats. The regime stopped a party conference held on May 27 to mark the
seventh anniversary of the 1990 elections by the use of physical restraints
on NLD party members. The authorities detained or threatened to detain as
many as 300 Members of Parliament-elect (M.P.?s-elect) and party activists
from outside Rangoon to deter attendance. They also progressively tightened
restrictions imposed in late 1996 on Aung San Suu Kyi's freedom to leave
her compound and her ability to receive visitors. Although the Government
eased restrictions on NLD gatherings in September that allowed the party to
hold a congress marking the ninth anniversary of its founding, this action
was only temporary, as authorities blocked subsequent meetings.
 
The SLORC's repression of the NLD continued with the forcible closure of
NLD offices upcountry and harassment of NLD members for petty offenses. It
forced NLD members to work as military porters and arrested and convicted
NLD supporters of political crimes, especially those associated personally
with Aung San Suu Kyi.
 
The Government imposed restrictions on certain religious minorities. In
March the authorities did little to halt attacks on Muslims by Buddhist
monks. The authorities initially did little to stop the rioting, and in
some cases stood by and watched the looting of Muslim property, although
they did deter physical harm to Muslims themselves. An estimated 42 mosques
were damaged or destroyed throughout the country. The Government restricted
freedom of movement. Thousands of citizens fled army attacks against
insurgents, and remained in refugee camps in Thailand at year's end.

Discrimination against women and ethnic minorities, violence against women,
trafficking in women and girls, and widespread adult and child prostitution
are problems. The Government restricts worker rights, bans unions, and uses
forced labor for public works and to produce food for military garrisons.

The forced use of citizens as porters by the army--with attendant
maltreatment, illness, and even death for those compelled to
serve--remained a common practice. The Government did not enforce 1996
military directives to cease the practice of forced civilian labor, and the
practice remains widespread. Child labor is also a problem. The use of
forced civilian labor on projects appeared to decrease.
 
During the SLORC's antiinsurgency operations, military forces were
responsible for arbitrary killings, rape, village relocations, the
destruction of homes and property, and forced labor inflicted on ethnic
minorities.
 
Insurgent forces committed numerous abuses, including killings, rapes, and
other atrocities.
 
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
 
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
 
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
There continued to be many credible reports of brutality and the killing of
civilians by soldiers, particularly in areas dominated by ethnic
minorities. Brutal treatment by soldiers also caused deaths among those
impressed as military porters in areas held by ethnic insurgents. In
February soldiers detained approximately 50 NLD leaders and members from
Toungoo in Rago Division. Of this group, 14 persons were forced into
porterage; three persons reportedly died as a result. In May in Bago
Division, soldiers detained a group of 36 NLD members from Kyaukyi. Eight
persons were taken as porters; one of them died while working as a porter.

The Government's general disregard for human rights has created a climate
that is clearly conducive to such abuses.
 
The military forces disregard the safety of noncombatants, and thousands of
refugees continue to flee into neighboring Thailand.
 
Various insurgent groups also committed extrajudicial killings.
 
b. Disappearance
As in previous years, private citizens and political activists continued to
"disappear" temporarily, for periods ranging from several hours to several
weeks. DDSI officials usually apprehended individuals for questioning
without the knowledge of their family members. In many, although not all
cases, they released them soon afterward. Such action was usually intended
to prevent free political expression or assembly. At the same time, large
numbers of persons continued to be forcibly seized by soldiers for
porterage or related duties, often without the knowledge of their family
members. The whereabouts of those conscripted, as well as of prisoners
transferred for labor or porterage duties, remain unknown.
 
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The authorities routinely subjected detainees to harsh interrogation
techniques designed to intimidate and disorient. The most common forms of
mistreatment were sleep and food deprivation coupled with around-the-clock
questioning; some detainees were also kicked and beaten. Political
detainees were held incommunicado for long periods. Credible reports
continue that prisoners are forced to squat or assume stressful,
uncomfortable, or painful positions for lengthy periods.
 
There continued to be credible reports that security forces subjected
ordinary citizens to harassment and physical abuse. The military forces
routinely confiscated property, cash, and food, and used coercive and
abusive recruitment methods to procure porters. Those forced into porterage
or other duties faced extremely difficult conditions and mistreatment that
sometimes resulted in death (see Section 1.a.). There were many reports
that soldiers raped women who were members of ethnic minorities.
 
Prison conditions remained harsh. The regimen at Insein Prison near Rangoon
remained extremely harsh including the lack of exercise, mosquito nets, and
reading materials for some prisoners, poor nutrition, inadequate medical
care, and the use of solitary confinement and "doggie cells," (small
enclosures that remind citizens of kennels used during World War II) as
punishment. A small number of prominent political prisoners were housed in
separate bungalow accommodations on the prison compound. All prisoners were
usually permitted to receive medicine as well as supplemental food brought
by their families during 15-minute visits permitted every 2 weeks, although
there are occasional reports that guards demand bribes for that privilege.
 
Conditions for political prisoners were reported to be much harsher at some
upcountry locations than in Rangoon; Thayet and Thayawaddy prisons are
cited most often in this regard. In April the authorities transferred
approximately 150 prisoners--including 59 NLD members--from Insein to
upcountry prisons. The inevitable consequence for most prisoners of the
transfer from Rangoon was additional hardship in the form of reduced access
to family support, food, medicine, and clothing. However, there have been
reports that prison conditions for a number of political prisoners improved
late in the year.
 
U Tin Shwe (Monywa), a former NLD central executive committee member, died
in Insein prison on June 8. A founding member of the NLD, Tin Shwe had been
arrested in 1990 and was serving an 18-year sentence when he died of heart
disease at age 68. After receiving cardiac treatment at Insein Hospital in
April, his family asked the authorities to allow specialists to see Tin
Shwe outside the prison; however, authorities denied permission. After
prolonged deterioration, he died in custody, the sixth NLD member to die in
prison since 1988. In September the authorities did provide timely medical
treatment to NLD founding member U Win Tin, Aung San Suu Kyi's cousin, Cho
Aung Than, Dr. Aung Sint, and three other political prisoners at Rangoon
General Hospital.
 
The Government does not permit prison visits by human rights monitors.
 
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
 There is no provision in the law for judicial determination of the legality
of detention. The SLORC routinely practiced arbitrary arrest and
incommunicado detention. Prior to being charged, detainees rarely had
access to legal counsel or their families and political detainees have no
opportunity to obtain release on bail. Political detainees are held
incommunicado for long periods. Even after being charged, detainees rarely
have benefit of counsel.
 
As in 1996, the authorities carried out a campaign of detention and
intimidation to prevent the NLD from holding a party conference. Prior to
the NLD's planned celebration on May 27 to mark the seventh anniversary of
the 1990 election, the SLORC detained more than 300 NLD Members of
Parliament-Elect (M.P.'s-Elect) and activists outside Rangoon and
threatened others to prevent them from attending the event. Although the
authorities subsequently released all the detainees, their detentions
violated the NLD's right as a legal party to hold a political gathering
(see Section 2.b.).
 
In February the authorities arrested four prominent NLD M.P.'s-Elect--all
of whom are medical doctors--on charges that appeared designed to harass
them because of their affiliation with the NLD. One doctor, who is also a
party organizer for Rangoon Division, was jailed for 40 days on charges of
operating a clinic without a license; eventually he was able to prove that
he had applied for a license. While charges against the physician and two
of his colleagues were later dismissed for lack of evidence, another
physician with ties to the NLD was convicted on a suspected false charge of
"negligent homicide" and sentenced to 4 years in prison. He had given an
injection to a vagrant who ignored his advice to seek immediate treatment
in a hospital and subsequently died.
 
The military forces forcibly seized citizens to serve as porters during
military operations; at times the brutal treatment that they suffered
caused the death of such persons (see Sections 1.a., 1.b., and 1.c.).
 
Forced exile is not used as a method of political control. However in 1990,
when the SLORC refused to recognize the results of the elections and
pressured successful candidates to resign, some candidates, as well as
thousands of political activists, responded by going into exile rather than
face threats.
 
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
 The judiciary is not independent of the executive. The SLORC names
justices to the Supreme Court who, in turn, appoint lower court judges with
the approval of the SLORC. Pervasive corruption further serves to undermine
the impartiality of the justice system.
 
The court system, as inherited from the United Kingdom and subsequently
restructured, comprised courts at the township, district, state, and
national levels. Throughout the year, the Government continued to rule by
decree and was not bound by any constitutional provisions providing for
fair public trials or any other rights. Although remnants of the
British-era legal system were formally in place, the court system and its
operation remained seriously flawed, particularly in the handling of
political cases. Unprofessional behavior by some court officials, the
misuse of overly broad laws, and the manipulation of the courts for
political ends continued to deprive citizens of the right to a fair trial
and the rule of law.
 
Some basic due process rights, including the right to a public trial and to
be represented by a defense attorney, were generally respected, except in
political cases that authorities deemed especially sensitive. Defense
attorneys are permitted to call and cross-examine witnesses, but their
primary purpose is to bargain with the judge to obtain the shortest
possible sentence for their clients. Most court proceedings are open to the
public. However, in political cases, trials are held in courtrooms on
prison compounds and are not open to the public. In these instances,
defense counsel appears to serve no purpose other than to provide moral
support, since reliable reports indicate that verdicts are dictated by
higher authorities.
 
The arrest and conviction of three associates of Aung San Suu Kyi
illustrates the opaque nature of the judicial process under the SLORC
regime, which denies defendants in political cases the right to a fair
public trial. In June the SLORC arrested Cho Aung Than, his sister Nge Ma
Ma Than, and her husband, Myint Swe. Authorities tried and sentenced them
to 10 years in prison on charges of "unlawful association" and of allegedly
having assisted foreigners (representatives of non-governmental
organizations (NGO's)) in transferring money to Aung San Suu Kyi. Cho Aung
Than and Nge Ma Ma Than are Aung San Suu Kyi's cousins. A fourth alleged
coconspirator, Myo Aung Thant, was also sentenced to 10 years'
imprisonment, in addition to life imprisonment for alleged involvement in
terrorist attacks. These included a package bomb killing of the daughter of
SLORC official Tin Oo in April. The closed and opaque judicial process in
these cases cast serious doubt on the legitimacy of the proceedings.
 
In December the SLORC commuted the sentences of those prisoners serving
terms longer than 10 years. Approximately 60 students and political
prisoners arrested between 1988 and 1992 had their sentences reduced,
making them eligible for release within the next few years.
 
There are unconfirmed estimates of as many as 1,000 political prisoners.
Since May 1996, at least 340 political prisoners have been arrested; most
remain confined. Of the total, 93 are students, 18 are NLD
parliamentarians-elect, and 229 are NLD members, supporters, and activists.

Of this total, 52 students, all the parliamentarians-elect, and 110 NLD
members and supporters have been tried and sentenced. The status of the
remaining persons in custody is not known.
 
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The military authorities ruled unchecked by any outside authority, and the
State continued to interfere extensively and arbitrarily in the lives of
private citizens. Through its extensive intelligence network and
administrative procedures, the Government closely monitored the travel and
activities of many citizens, particularly those known to be politically
active. Authorities sometimes enter homes during night hours to check
registration documents of occupants as a form of monitoring personal
movements. Security personnel selectively screened private correspondence
and telephone calls and conducted warrantless searches of private premises
and other property. At times the Government attempted to jam foreign radio
broadcasts, and citizens were generally unable to subscribe directly to
foreign publications (see Section 2.a.). Government employees are generally
required to obtain advance permission before meeting with foreigners.
 
The military services forced citizens-including women and children-to work
as military porters under harsh conditions (see Sections 1.a, 1.b., and
1.g.).
 
To make way for commercial or public construction, and in some cases for
security reasons, the SLORC continued to move people out of cities to
peripheral new town settlements, although on a smaller scale than during
the early 1990's. While facilities in some of these areas have improved
over time, residents targeted for displacement continued to be given no
option but to move, usually on short notice. The military authorities also
continued the widespread and frequent practice of forcible relocation of
rural villages in ethnic minority areas in response to security concerns.
This practice was particularly widespread and egregious in the Shan, Kayah,
and Karen states, where tens of thousands of villagers were displaced or
herded into smaller settlements in strategic areas.
 
In a number of urban areas, residents were compelled to cede land for
road-widening projects approved without any public consultation or
endorsement. Other long-term city residents were required to cede land for
commercial redevelopment and were compensated at only a fraction of the
value of their lost homes. For example, the Government forced residents in
the Hledan market area of Rangoon to relocate to make way for an apartment
complex without paying compensation for their homes; residents were given
the option to buy new apartments outside the city. In rural areas, military
personnel at times confiscated livestock and food supplies. The armed
forces also forcibly relocated many villages and citizens during its
campaign against insurgents (see Section 1.g.).
 
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal
Conflicts
 For nearly 5 decades, the army has battled diverse ethnic insurgencies.
These ethnic minority insurgent groups have sought to gain greater
autonomy, or in some cases, independence from the dominant ethnic Burman
majority. In 1989 the SLORC began a policy of seeking cease-fire agreements
with most ethnic insurgent groups along the borders.
 
Following the breakdown of its cease-fire with the separatist Karenni
National Progressive Party (KNPP) in 1995, the army began an offensive in
1996 against the KNPP that continued through year's end. As part of its
campaign to deny the guerrillas local support, the military forces forcibly
relocated hundreds of villages and tens of thousands of Karenni civilians.
In central and southern Shan state, the military forces continued to engage
the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), a remnant of Khun Sa's
narcotics-linked former Mong Tai Army, and began a campaign of relocation
against the villagers in the region. Many thousands have been forced to
move from their villages. There are credible reports of retaliatory
killings, rapes, and other atrocities committed by the army against
civilians.
 
The Karen National Union (KNU) is the largest single insurgent group that
continues to fight against central government rule. In January the fourth
round of cease-fire talks between the KNU and the SLORC broke down. In
February the army launched an offensive that pushed the KNU out of its last
strongholds in Karen state. The KNU lost control of most of its former
territory along the Thai border. As a result, over 20,000 Karen civilians
fled to Thailand.
 
In conjunction with the military's campaigns against the Karen, Karenni,
and Shan insurgents, it was standard practice for the military forces to
coerce civilians into working as porters in rural areas in or near combat
zones. According to testimony collected by international human rights NGO's
from refugees, the men--and sometimes women and children as well--who were
forced to labor as porters often suffered beatings and, on occasion, died
as a result of their mistreatment by soldiers (see Sections 1.a, 1.b., and
1.c.). There were reports that soldiers raped female members of ethnic
minorities in contested areas.
 
In the regions controlled by insurgent groups engaged in narcotics
trafficking, civilians were reliably reported to have been subjected to
forced labor as well by those groups.
 
Antigovernment insurgent groups were also responsible for violence,
including the deployment of land mines that caused both civilian and
military deaths. The SURA insurgents committed retaliatory killings, rapes,
and other atrocities against civilians.
 
End of Part 1 (Part 2 will appear in tomorrow's edition)

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US DEPARTMENT OF DEFENCE: NEWS BRIEFING
29 January, 1998

Q: Mr. Secretary, what are the U.S. security policies concerning 
Burma and Cambodia, and were there any discussions with the Thai leaders 
yesterday?

COHEN: The subject of Burma did come up in our discussions with 
Foreign Minister Surin. And he indicated, of course, that Burma has 
been admitted to ASEAN, and I also discussed this issue with the King. 
And the purpose of course on the part of the ASEAN nations is to 
encourage Burma to come into and adopt the standards that other members 
of the ASEAN have maintained and to try to encourage moderation and 
modification of their policies. To the extent that that is successful, 
obviously the United States would welcome a change in the oppressive 
behavior on the part of the Burma government of the past, and if that is 
a trend, then it would be a very positive one. We will have to wait and 
see what the outcome of that is, but that has been the motivation 
behind the ASEAN countries to invite Burma in --  believing that they can
help modify and moderate their behavior toward their citizens. If that is a
positive result, then we would obviously welcome it.

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