The BurmaNet News - 9 February, 199

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------------------------------ BurmaNet -----------------------------
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies
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The BurmaNet News, 9 February, 1998
Issue #930

Noted in passing:

"The real tragedy of Burma is that it is a country of the educated ruled by
the uneducated." - Burton Levin, former US ambassador to Burma once said.
(see ASIAWEEK: THE YOUNG AND THE RESTLESS)

HEADLINES:
==========
ASIAWEEK: COUNTRY IN LIMBO
ASIAWEEK: A MAN OF SOME INFLUENCE, WHAT NE WIN WANTS
ASIAWEEK: FIVE WHO CALL THE SHOTS, SKETCHES OF THE
ASIAWEEK: THE YOUNG AND THE RESTLESS
BKK POST: BURMA LACKS QUALIFIED CIVIL SERVANTS
BKK POST: FROM SLORC TO SPDC: THE ONLY CHANGE IS NAME
BKK POST: HUMAN RIGHTS ARE A CONCERN TO ALL
SPDC: INFORMATION SHEET NO.A-0309 (I)
THE NATION: ACTIVIST IS BEING UNJUSTLY HELD IN BURMESE
BKK POST: BURMA STILL CONTINUING DAM WORK
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ASIAWEEK: COUNTRY IN LIMBO
13 February, 1998
by Roger Mitton in Yangon


In Myanmar it is not safe to assume anything, especially about politics

"IT'S ABOUT SIX POINT SOMETHING," says Kyaw Kyaw Maung,
governor of the Central Bank of Myanmar. Pressed for the official dollar 
exchange rate of the kyat, he repeats: "Six point something, six point 
something." Deputy finance minister Brig.-Gen. Than Tun echoes the
governor. Neither care to be too specific about the unofficial exchange
rate (more than 300 to the dollar), the level of foreign reserves or even
the inflation rate. 

The vagueness, from men who should know instantly and exactly such
crucial statistics, characterizes Myanmar 50 years after Independence. 
Nothing is definite; everything is open to interpretation. Confusion can be
found everywhere in this resource-rich but desperately poor nation. 
"Never assume anything," says Maurie Drew, country manager for Asia
Pacific Energy Co. "Nothing is quite what it seems."

Security has improved, although antagonism among the minority ethnic 
groups toward the majority Burmans still exists. Planes flying into Yangon
are often full. But in the capital, many restaurants and bright new hotels 
appear empty. Censorship is rigid; yet ubiquitous satellite dishes beam in
world news in real time. Despite economic hardship, sidewalk merchants
arebusy and the streets are jammed with traffic. The quality of roads is 
better than it used to be, but even First Secretary Khin Nyunt said recently
that "Myanmar's infrastructure is far behind the times." Schools have so 
few resources that most parents pay for extra private tuition for their
children.
Says a top civil servant: "The education system is really very sick." Yet the
level of spoken English is better than in neighboring Thailand. Universities
have remained closed since student protests in December 1996. But "in the 
very near future the universities will re-open," says cabinet minister 
Gen. David Abel.

In a country where even tertiary education is uncertain, it is no wonder that
people glean whatever information they can from whatever clues are 
available. There is so little transparency, and so much obfuscation and
dissembling, that no one is ever sure of anything. This is certainly the case
when it comes to explaining the recent changes in the military government. 

On Nov. 15, Myanmar's State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC),
a group of generals who had ruled since 1988, was replaced by a State Peace 
and Development Council. Some top-ranking generals were sacked and 
several have been detained while under investigation for bribery. The cabinet
--which administers the decisions of the Council -- was also revamped. The
makeover is not just cosmetic. "Definitely not." says one senior envoy. 
"It is very substantive." But what does it mean and why did it happen now?

Some suggest reclusive former dictator Gen. Ne Win, who stepped down in
1988, told Khin Nyunt it was time to act; but, as usual, this is disputed. 
Minister Abel gives the official line that SLORC had completed its task of 
restoring law and order. "Everything is about 95% peaceful now," he says.
"So we can take a further step forward to bring peace and development. 
That's why we changed." Actually, there were other reasons. Namely, to get
rid of that reviled acronym SLORC, to remove several flagrantly corrupt 
ministers, and to try to reinvigorate the process of government. In attempting
to do this, the roles of the new 19-member Council  and the 41-member 
cabinet have been clearly delineated for the first time. 

The country is effectively run by five Yangon-based generals: 
Council chairman Than Shwe, vice-chairman Maung Aye, and secretaries
1, 2 and 3 -- Khin Nyunt, Tin Oo and Win Myint. They comprise Myanmar's
so-called politburo, and they are the only ones who hold positions in the 
Council and also sit in on cabinet sessions. The other 14 Council members
are the regional military commanders. Since most of these are based far from
Yangon, it is likely the whole council will meet just three or four times a
year. 

The new line-up may improve efficiency. Says one regional commander who
is a new council member: "In the past, ministers sometimes never responded to
our requests. Now, if there is a problem with a minister, we can go
straight to
Gen. Than Shwe who promises an answer in 24 hours." Since many new 
ministers are former commanders of similar rank and age as their replacements
in the field, there is greater rapport between Yangon and the regions. "
[The changes have] brought more effective decision-making," says a Western
diplomat. "The officials are more accountable to each other." New regional 
commanders and ministers are also supposed to be more responsive to the 
minorities and follow through on government promises of economic 
development in their areas. 

The changes were also part of an anti-corruption push that led to the
downfall of the ministers of commerce, tourism, agriculture, forestry
and transport. Says Tin Tun, the deputy energy minister: "A lot of 
people who were found guilty of corruption have been jailed. You 
have to keep a check on everybody." Another military leader told 
Asiaweek: "We are doing a kind of house-cleaning. Investigations
are going on and we'll await the outcome." More than 40 top officials
are being probed. Some believe that secretary-2, Lt.-Gen. Tin Oo, 
National Planning Minister Soe Tha, and Yangon Mayor Ko Lay 
may be under investigation, but officials deny this. 

The new arrangement also means that the five-member "politburo"
-- who attend Thursday morning cabinet meetings -- will have a 
relatively free hand to oversee the affairs of state. The five have
different degrees of power. Who really runs Myanmar from among
this group? Says an Asian diplomat: "It's more than one, less than five."
Many speculate that intelligence chief Khin Nyunt and armed forces 
head Maung Aye call the shots, with Than Shwe balancing the two. 

The changes have restored Khin Nyunt (or S-1 as he is universally known)
to a dominant position. Many new ministers and commanders are more
comfortable with the pragmatic, reform-minded S-1 than with the 
conservative, hold-the-line Maung Aye (who is said to take a dim view
of Khin Nyunt's support for dialogue with certain elements in the 
National League for Democracy). But Khin Nyunt is seen as a 
"white collar" officer who cannot rally the battle-hardened veterans under
Maung Aye. As one diplomat says: "Maung Aye may be charmless, but
he's effective. He's a good soldier, and he keeps the armed forces together."
However, Maung Aye's poor English and lack of an international 
perspective mean he can never represent the new, more outward-looking,
market-oriented Myanmar that was inducted into ASEAN last July. 
"There has been a change in attitude since it became a member," 
says a senior Thai foreign ministry official. "The government is 
more trusting." 

Many say the military's greatest concern is not the NLD, volatile students
or moody monks (who may reflect public discontent), and certainly not
criticism from the West, but rather a split within its own ranks. But talk
of divisions has quieted. Says a senior officer in Khin Nyunt's new
think-tank, the Office of Strategic Studies: "It is wishful thinking. We
have a collective leadership, and while there may be differences,
once a consensus is reached, all will back it up." 

Whatever their differences, Maung Aye and Khin Nyunt need each other
-- and need the dull but steady Than Shwe for balance. Of this key trio, 
it is Khin Nyunt who is most visible. Every day the government-run 
newspaper, New Light of Myanmar, carries numerous pictures of S-1
opening health centers, welcoming dignitaries, inaugurating new bridges
-- and, most prominent, meeting religious leaders. The monks are deeply 
respected in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar and keeping them content
is a major preoccupation of the junta. Says a diplomat: "The generals 
meet the people all the time. They are not aloof." Minister Abel says: 
"The military is very popular with the people." 

Not all agree. Complaints about the junta's performance abound. 
Forced labor and 116,000 refugees along the Thai border bring shame
to Yangon. The economic upswing -- GDP growth averaged 7% for the
past five years -- has tailed off. Inflation is officially 26%, unofficially
about 38%. Even Khin Nyunt has said that the country "is weak in foreign
exchange savings and reserves." Tourism is down. More important, so 
too is the rice harvest. This year no rice will be exported to conserve
stocks 
for domestic use and prevent possible unrest. Still, Central Bank Governor
Kyaw Kyaw Maung says: "Things overall are quite good, not bad. 
Why all the complaining?" 

Oppositionists could tell him. In December, several NLD members were
given lengthy jail terms in what many view as an ongoing political witchhunt.
The movements of NLD Sec.-Gen. Aung San Suu Kyi remain severely 
circumscribed. Sitting at the dinner table with his family, a Yangon
businessman says: "Suu Kyi is still very popular, 95% of the population
is behind her. I am optimistic change is coming. These men are leading us
nowhere." Miriam Marshall Segal, chair of Myanmar Business and Trade
Consulting, Inc., disputes this. Says she: "They are doing good for the 
country, and I don't think anyone else could do it better." 

At least the generals have abandoned doctrinaire socialism and are working 
toward multi-party elections. Slowly. Says Deputy Energy Minister Tin Tun:
"Let me say very clearly our population still needs a lot of political
education."
When the time does come, the generals will not bow out entirely. Says one
officer: "In the new Constitution there [will be] a clause saying the military
should play a leading role in national politics." Following the Indonesian 
model, a quarter of the seats in parliament will be reserved for the armed
forces.

Exiled pro-democracy leader Ba Thaung, the country's former U.N. ambassador,
scoffs at the notion. "Indonesian-style democracy will not work in Myanmar," 
he says. "Without a negotiated political settlement, the country's problems
will
never be solved." He points to the astonishing turnout and result of the 1990
elections, which saw Suu Kyi's NLD sweep 80% of the seats. But the military
insists that it must have a presence to ensure the nation's integrity. "We
will be
a stabilizing body," says one officer. 

Democracy, Myanmar-style, may not quiet the critics though. And that rankles.
Says Lt.-Col. Hla Min of the Office of Strategic Studies: "We are a soft
target. 
Sanctions are imposed on us, while other countries in the region where
there are 
human rights abuses and no elections are given most favored nation status."

The government likes to point out that France, Holland, the United Kingdom 
and the United States are among Myanmar's biggest business partners. 
One senior officer murmurs: "The hypocrisy is astonishing." Sitting at home,
deprived of power even though her party won a landslide election victory
eight 
years ago, Suu Kyi might say the same about the military's claim to be 
moving toward democracy. Both sides plead sincerity. Confusion and 
contradiction. Modern Myanmar.

***********************************************************

ASIAWEEK: A MAN OF SOME INFLUENCE, WHAT NE WIN WANTS
MAY STILL MATTER
13 February, 1998

ALTHOUGH HE OFFICIALLY STEPPED down amid growing turmoil
In 1988, Myanmar's former dictator, Gen. Ne Win, 86, continues to cast a 
shadow over the country. Did the reclusive Ne Win really order the current
military junta to make last November's dramatic changes? Says an Asian 
diplomat: "The jury is still out on that." The generals themselves deny
it. Cabinet minister Gen. David Abel says: "He is a man of very clear 
decision. When he left, he just got up on the stage and said, 'I am 
responsible for what is happening and I'm out. Thank God, 
I've turned my back on politics.'"

Others disagree. Says another diplomat: "He's involved, definitely." 
Some say he should become more involved and suggest he promote a 
rapprochement between the NLD's Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta.
Says a top civil servant: "Everyone hopes he can bring Khin Nyunt and
Suu Kyi together, since he is close to S-1 and he knew her father." Military
men dismiss the idea. 

Just who is Ne Win? He was born in a town north of Yangon to an 
ordinary family. His real name is Maung Shu Maung but, like other
independence fighters, he adopted a nom de guerre; "Ne Win" means
"bright sun." While working as a postal clerk, he was swept up in the
fight for freedom. Ne Win came to power by force in 1962 and ruled
with an iron fist for 26 years. 

Economic problems led to widespread unrest in 1988 and by July the
general stepped down. Many wish he had done so sooner. Says Ba 
Thaung, a former U.N. ambassador: "He has always been a very 
stubborn man."

And one unbothered by conventions. The number of his wives is a 
matter of jovial conjecture -- most say between four and six. His 
second and most influential wife was the American-educated Khin 
May Than. They had three children, including his favorite daughter,
Sandar Win, a hotelier and powerful figure in Yangon. 

Last September, Ne Win visited his old chums, Singapore Senior
Minister Lee Kuan Yew and Indonesia's President Suharto, both of 
whom reportedly complained about the rampant bribery in Myanmar.
Afterward, Ne Win told Khin Nyunt that corruption had to be rooted out.
So it came to pass on Nov. 15. 

It may well have happened. Even if it didn't, the generals may not mind 
the rumors. They prefer the military to believe that Ne Win has approved,
if not directed, their more portentous decisions. Such is the wily old 
dictator's clout these days.
                                                                          
************************************************************

ASIAWEEK: FIVE WHO CALL THE SHOTS, SKETCHES OF THE 
STRONGEST OF THE STRONGMEN
13 February, 1998

MYANMAR IS RULED BY a 19-man State Peace & Development 
Council. In truth five members run the show, perhaps guided occasionally
by former ruler Gen. Ne Win. The power quintet:

Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt. At 58, the thin-lipped Secretary-1 of the ruling 
Council (known as S-1) appears to be the top man for affairs of state 
and policy-making. Still sometimes derided, however, as "the little guy
under Ne Win." Charming, intelligent, wry sense of humor, excellent 
English, but shy and cautious with strangers. Intelligence services head 
since 1983. Seen as robustly anti-corruption. Weakness: no real power 
base among active army units, which may be fatal to his vision to open up
Myanmar. Likes to read. Avoids pork and beef, and every Monday goes
strictly vegetarian.

Gen. Maung Aye. Council vice chairman and, more importantly, head of 
the armed forces, the single most important job in the country. Charmless
but respected by fellow officers and liked by ordinary grunts. Admired for
holding together the army's many factions and often recalcitrant regional 
commanders -- and for making sure its budget is not cut. In his early 60s.

Senior Gen. Than Shwe. Council chairman and head of state. On paper, 
the most powerful man, but in reality seen as a portly father figure whose
main role is to balance the Khin Nyunt and Maung Aye factions. Genial 
and speaks good English. Now 65, he tires easily, though rumors of his
questionable health are overstated.

Lt.-Gen. Tin Oo. Secretary-2 of the Council. In his 60s, Tin Oo is aligned 
with the more dogmatic Maung Aye camp. Last year he was the victim of 
at least one assassination attempt. In April, his daughter was killed by a 
letter bomb intended for him, and rumor has it that in December he received
a light flesh wound from a gun attack at his home. Tainted with allegations
of corruption, partly due to opulent life-style of family and partly due to
the
attempts on his life -- which some feel may be from businessmen whom he 
has crossed.

Lt.-Gen Win Myint. Secretary-3. Cheery and plump. Has retained his 
powerful post as adjutant-general, which gives him clout to control 
appointments in the military. Avoids limelight, but is regarded, aside 
from his soulmate S-1, as the brightest man in the top five. In his late 50s.

*******************************************************

ASIAWEEK: THE YOUNG AND THE RESTLESS
13 February, 1998
by Jose Manuel Tesoro

With all universities closed, students can only imagine what might be

DREAMS DIE EASILY IN Myanmar. They dry up like fallen leaves, 
vanish like dust. Kyaw remembers when hisambition expired, how
quickly it faded despite how long it had been nurtured. As a child in 
Rakhine, an isolated region in his country's far west, Kyaw often 
wondered about the world beyond Myanmar's closed and wary borders. 
"I wanted to become a diplomat," says the slight, tall, dark-skinned 
Burmese, now in his late 20s. He studied hard and won a place at 
Yangon University, which admits only the country's top-scoring 
students.

But in his second year there, among worldlier and wiser classmates, he 
learned the truth. Despite his intelligence and his effort, he lacked the 
one thing that would enable him to realize his ambition. "I did not have 
any kap," he says -- glue, Burmese slang for connections, patrons. 
Without  a well-placed family friend or relative to speed his way into
the foreign service,  Kyaw understood his aspiration could never be 
reality. He now spends his time as a tour guide, chaperoning 
middle-aged foreigners around his country while he searches for 
another future.

Kyaw is one of thousands of young Burmese for whom a university 
education has not been an initiation for the intellect but a lesson in 
frustration and disappointment. Their education is stultifying instead
of stimulating. And even if they work hard, they find that jobs after 
graduation depend more on connections than on qualifications. Their 
frustration has often erupted into rage.

In December 1996, after a series of student demonstrations, Myanmar's 
largest universities were shut on the orders of the ruling military junta, 
which now calls itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). 
Students were sent home, some said to have been flown back on 
government expense.

Throughout last year, rumors spread that schools would soon reopen, 
but colleges are still shuttered. Many students have long given up on 
their education. This closure, after all, is the third in a decade. Since the
junta took over, Myanmar's schools have been closed as long as they 
have been open. Students stay home, working and waiting. For what? 
No one really has an answer. "We cannot define the shape of the future,"
says Kyaw of his generation. "We cannot plan, only react."

"The real tragedy of Burma," Burton Levin, former U.S. ambassador to 
Myanmar, once said, "is that it is a country of the educated ruled by the 
uneducated." Disillusioned by their government, yet unable to change it, 
and discouraged by their fate, yet unable to escape it, Myanmar's future 
teachers, traders and leaders have been idle and embittered for over a year. 
As long as they are kept at bay, the country's longstanding social and 
political stalemate between its people and their rulers may never
be settled.

When demonstrations erupted in June 1988, universities were shut down. 
It was not until three years later that the junta reopened them. To handle the
backlog of students, schools drastically cut down the content of their
courses, 
squeezing a full year of work into half just to have students graduate. The 
quick courses did nothing for student enthusiasm. A professor who taught at 
the time says her charges had "windy minds." Abbreviated school lasted until
1994, when rallies in support of opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize 
winner Aung San Suu Kyi led to another brief closure.

The most recent demonstrations, in December 1996, were ostensibly to 
demand an officially recognized student union. Yangon University has 
not had one since 1962. That year, four months after army commander 
Gen. Ne Win took over, soldiers dynamited the Student Union building. 
Thar Nyunt Oo, one of the December protest leaders, fled to Thailand after the
army dispersed the demonstrators. On a crackling phone line from northern 
Thailand, he talks about why he and his fellows took to the streets. "If we 
have a student union," he says, "we can demand our desire. "Democratization 
would be one request, but so, too, would be a decent education.

The reason for student dissatisfaction is simple. Since the very beginnings
of 
army rule, education has become little more than a paper accreditation.
Maung, a former physics student, scoffs: "There are only two times you need
your degree -- to put after your name when you get married and then to use 
in your obituary." Maung, whose family comes from northern Myamar, now
works at a hotel, a job he started before the schools were shuttered. He
loves 
his work, and appears almost relieved that he does not have to worry about 
coursework, which he considers worthless. At the university, he says, 
"we have one test tube for ten students."

He feels that the system, which allows students to choose only certain 
courses depending on their scores in the college entrance exams, has done 
him a disservice. The highest scorers can enter the institutes of medicine 
or engineering, while those with scores below that can only apply to the 
arts and sciences universities. Physics was the most prestigious of the 
courses Maung's marks would allow him to take. But, he asks, "If I study
physics or chemistry, what can I use it for?" So his focus is on earning.
He says he is no different from many in his generation: "We think about
How to make money even though we are very young."

Making money is not easy. The economy can only offer menial jobs, such as
driving cabs, answering phones or manning hotel reception desks. Thus
Myanmar's best and brightest can be found outside the country -- in
Thailand, England, Japan or Malaysia. It is well-known among Myanmar
medical students that passports are difficult to obtain. The government
fears that if doctors go abroad, they might never return.

Weak or non-existent student unions, rigid curriculums and the mismatch
between education and economic needs are not unique to Myanmar. 
"These are structural problems that affect post-colonial nations," explains
Martin Smith, a writer for the World University Service. What aggravates the
situation in Myanmar, he believes, is that the troubles have taken on a
political dimension. Education has gone nowhere in the years of army rule,
so hope for an improved life rests irrevocably on change in the political
system.

That is why students continue to protest, and the government continues to
crack down on them, closing universities if it has to. Distrust of the
educated is in-grained in those who hold power. Ne Win, who ruled the
country for over 25 years, was a former postal clerk who had failed his exams.
He surrounded himself with people whose primary qualification was loyalty, 
not capability or intelligence. In the now-dissolved State Law and Order 
Restoration Council, only four of the 21 generals who made up the junta had
university degrees. Eight did not finish high school. Saw Maung, the first 
chairman of SLORC, did not complete primary school, while Senior Gen. 
Than Shwe, his successor and now also head of the SPDC, dropped out of 
college. Government ministries and policy are under their management. 
Without proper education, argues Mya Maung, a Burmese economics 
professor who emigrated to the U.S., "economic policy is formulated 
by mediocrity."

Lack of education impoverishes society, says Win, a former university
professor. He quotes a Burmese proverb: "The pot sinks while the shards
float." The people with value sink to the bottom, while the worthless rise
to the top. Married with a child, he has been at the university most of his
professional life, first as a student, then as a teacher. Though he makes
less than $4 a month and many of his former colleagues have abandoned
education for better salaries in the private sector, he continues to cling
to teaching as a mark of respectability. "There are three things an economy
can do: provide a place to stay, something to eat and something to wear,"
he says. "But education is for progress."

Progress looks distant. The students demand better education and better
opportunities as much as they do democracy. If the universities re-open,
those demands will once again resurface. Kyaw had joined the December
demos. "If we are many, I am not afraid," he says. But as long as campuses
are closed, the government can avoid protests and can afford to ignore the
students. It is the price Myanmar pays for an uneasy, fitful peace.

************************************************************

BKK POST: BURMA LACKS QUALIFIED CIVIL SERVANTS
8 February, 1998
by Ralph Bachoe

INTERVIEW: U BA THAUNG, A FORMER BURMA FOREIGN SERVICE
OFFICIAL, TALKS ABOUT HIS DAYS AS A CIVIL SERVANT, ABOUT
TRIPARTITE TALKS INVOLVING THE MILITARY, NLD AND THE 
ETHNIC MINORITIES, AND DESCRIBES THE CHARACTER OF 
STRONGMAN U NE WIN.

The bureaucracy in Burma is a shambles, says U Ba Thaung, who
joined the foreign service after Burma gained independence from
Britain in 1948 and rose to the highest echelons.

U Ba Thaung had been responsible at the time for establishing
embassies and consulates in Paris, Moscow and British Singapore,
Malaya, Borneo and Sarawak. As head of the Burma  Foreign
Service, he later went to Egypt on the same assignment and met
dignitaries  such as Gamel Abdul Nasser and Anwar Sadat.

His last assignment was in the United States, where he worked at
the embassy in Washington and served with the United Nations
Burmese delegation. U Ba Thaung, now in his 70s, defected in
1969. He now lives in Washington DC.

"In 1969 U Thi Han, the foreign minister, hinted to me that he
would be leaving soon because of the dangerous situation for
people like us. That was when I decided to desert and not return
to Burma," he said.  "All this took  place in New York while I
was with the United Nations."

U Thi Han became foreign minister when Ne Win took over in 1962
but was asked to resign after he helped U Nu get- a passport to
travel overseas for  medical treatment. However, U Nu went to
India and from there fled to Thailand in 1970 to set up the
Parliamentary  Democracy Party in the Thai-Burmese jungle to
fight the military government.

U Ba Thaung said the foreign ministry structure is very different
now, with military personnel, some as junior as captains,
employed in the foreign affairs department. He recalled a recent
incident when one of them complained to him in Washington that
the department lacked efficiency in carrying out its work.

The former diplomat talked about the days when it was very
difficult to enter the foreign Service. All applicants had to be
graduates and pass a competitive examination. "Even political
guys could not join," he said. "No one could influence the
foreign service."

Ba Thaung describes U Ohn Gyaw, the present foreign minister, as
a "yes man" who repeats "his master's voice". Another "yes man"
in the present administration is Brig-Gen David Abel, Minister in
the Office of the Chairman of the State Peace and Development
Council (SPDC).

Ohn Gyaw, who had been U Ba Thaung's'assistant, was nominated to
his present post by Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, the powerful military.
intelligence chief. U Ba Thaung said the foreign minister was
good in a way because he was meticulous in his job and served his
superiors faithfully.

But what he dislikes about Ohn Gyaw is his penchant to repeat a
lie. He cites the 1988 democracy uprising, when millions of
Burmese from all walks of life took to the streets. He said, Ohn
Gyaw told a television documentary that of the millions, only 20
percent were demonstrators and the rest were looters. "This is a
blatant lie," said U Ba Thaung.

In another incident, Ohn Gyaw told the foreign minister of a
former Japanese administration that no National League for
Democracy (NLD) members were arrested. Then the very next day he
admitted NLD members had not been detained but "invited to the
state guest house for food and drinks".

Today he says, none of the civil servants has the right trainee
background. And that is one of the biggest problems facing a new'
democratic government. "Amateurs," he says, 'cannot become civil
servants."

U Ba Thaung says it is important the younger generation, the
students who fled overseas after the 1988 uprising, be trained to
become good civil servants. "That's the heart of a democratic
government." During his time, Burma had a good civil service in
operation, whether they were Indian Civil Service members or
otherwise. "They were the core of the administration."

He has advice for the NLD leaders: "You must be careful to train
the younger generation to join the administration so that they
would be ready  when they take over. Time is running out."

What peace?: U Ba  Thaung calls the State Peace and Development
Council, formerly Slorc, a joke. What  peace? he asks. "There is
no  peace in the country, no  peace on the frontiers,  except 
peace for them but definitely not for others."And he likens the
military government to the omnipotent dictatorship of Big Brother
in  George Orwell's 1984.

To escape from the Orwellian nightmare, there must be primary
dialogue between the military and the, NLD  followed by
tripartite talks involving the ethnic minorities. Without the 
participation of the minorities, Burma's  problems cannot be
solved either in a democratic or any other form of government.

This has been the stand, he says, taken by the National Council
of the Union of Burma, and the UN General Assembly in a
resolution to that effect. The NCGUB is the parallel Burmese
government set up by parliamentarians elected in the  1990
general election that Slorc lost and pretended never happened. 

The Burmese people know what democracy is. There is no such thing
as an Asian ,or a Western concept of democracy. People who say
that there is are talking-nonsense, says U Ba Thaung.

He said it is coming to pass what Burma's independence architect
and father of the military had once had to say about this
country. Gen Aung San said: "If we do not go about things the
correct way, Burma will soon become a land of prostitutes." Gen
Aung San warned that the country, without proper governance,
could again be colonised.

Based on what Gen Aung San said, U Ba Thaung referred to the
influx of Chinese from the mainland who now have more or less
taken over the ancient royal capital of Mandalay. The

Chinese have purchased land and property and have even gained
national identity cards in the city now known as "Burma's Little
Hong Kong". Their influence is overwhelming. 

While the Chinese invasion of Burma continues, the educated and
non-educated Burmese have fled to foreign lands to seek sanctuary
and eke out a living. The more than one million Burmese along the
Thai-Burmese border bears testimony to this. 

In Bangkok more than half of the teaching staff at Assumption
Business and Administration College, or Abac, also known as
Assumption University, are from Burma. There are nearly 1,000
doctors practising in the United States, about 100 are spread out
in South Africa, Canada, England and Germany. An estimated 80 are
in Jamaica.

The sad part is,.he said, these academics and physicians have
decided not to return to practise in their place  of birth and
help country. However, are they too being unpatriotic? The answer
is no. They love their country but have found it impossible to
live under the boots of military dictatorship. U Ba Thaung,
however, is convinced that these "Jews of Asian" would return
home if and when they are asked by people such as Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi.

Talking about the most popular and loved lady in Burma, the
veteran diplomat said Aung San's daughter has no intention or
ambition to become prime minister or president. As far as he
understands, "Daw Suu is a person of discerning culture who may
either take up teaching or even go into some sort of missionary
work".

But U Ba Thaung says she has to take the lead, as least for the
time being. "After all, she is loved and respected all over the
world." Continues U Ba Thaung, "If she really leads the
administration, Burma will get all the support it needs, both
technical as well as financial."

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was named the Nobel Peace Prize winner in
1991 for non-violent opposition to the military regime. She was
placed under house arrest in July 1989 and released 
six years later.

U Thant funeral: Talking about the early 60s, U Ba Thaung recalls
the year when U Thant was named acting secretary-general of the
United Nations and of Gen Ne Win's reaction to the appointment. 
     
The whole of Burma he said, with the exception of Gen Ne Win,
took pride when U Thant was honoured by the UN appointment in
1961. He later served at secretary-general for two consecutive
terms from 1962 to  1970.

Ne Win. then commander-in-chief of the armed forces, was said to
be against the  idea because Burma, being neutral, should not
accept the post. But Premier U Nu thought otherwise. The late
premier said: "It was a great honour for Burma and also for Asia"
because it was the first time in UN history that an Asian was
asked to become head.

>From then on, Ne Win had it in for U Thant to the extent the
former UN secretary-general was denied a state funeral when his
body was flown back to Rangoon on Nov 29, 1994 after his death in
New York.

This angered students, who hijacked the body on Dec 5 from the
Kyaikkasan Race Course where it had lain in state. They took the
body to the Rangoon University Campus and placed it at the
Convocation Hall and began building a tomb on the site of the
Students Union building demolished by the military in the early
60s.

The military retrieved the body  at midnight on Dec 11. U Thant
was eventually entombed next to Thakin Kodaw Hmaing's grave, one
of the freedom fighters against British  rule on Shwedagon Pagoda
road.

In 1966, Ne Win made a state  visit to Washington at the
invitation of President Lyndon Johnson. The reason being that
Burma acted as a go-between North and South Vietnam: The US was
finding it very difficult and made Rangoon a venue for meeting of
the two Vietnams and the United States. Because of the facilities
provided by Burma, the Americans thought they would invite Ne Win
on a stale visit.

At  that time Bo Set Kya, one of the Thirty Comrades, was in the
United States. The Burmese foreign mission i n Washington was
informed by  Chit Khin, the Military Intelligence Chief, who was
asked to contact the Burmese foreign mission in Washington to
request the  US, deport Bo Set Kya before Ne Win's arrival.

"We passed on that message to the US administration who in return
replied that this was impossible because Bo Set Kya had a lot of
influential friends in the US Congress and assured that Bo Set
Kya would not harm Ne Win in anyway," said U Ba Thaung.

However, the US government did send the former general to a
luxury hotel in New York for the duration of Ne Win's visit. But
when Ne Win arrived in Washington, he told the US government that
he would not mind if his former comrade was given political
asylum. "This is typical of U Ne Win, he is always chopping and
changing. He can never make up his mind," said U Ba Thaung.

Commenting of the latest sentiments expressed by some dissident
groups who, in desperation, are looking to the "Old Man" to
intervene to t restore peace and democracy to the  country, U Ba 
Thaung says this will not happen. At one stage he said, knowing
Ne Win, he believed that the general could convince the  junta to
come to terms with the opposition and other democracy groups. 
     
"But I don't think U Ne Win can change anything now as the Slorc
[SPDC] leaders fear for  themselves.  They have benefited too
much from what they have done and they don't want to lose this,
including their families, he added. Besides, he said, Ne Win's
days are numbered. "It is the end of U Ne Win's days, he is now
about 85, and he is dying." 
   
************************************************************* 
 
BKK POST: FROM SLORC TO SPDC: THE ONLY CHANGE IS NAME
8 February, 1998 .
by Martin Stuart-Fox & Suresh Kumar

-- Reproduced from TRENDS: a monthly publication of the Institute of 
Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore --                      
                                   
Burma: The ruling council in Burma has been renamed but the
change probably does not mean any change in basic policies.
       
Last Nov 15 last year, the military State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc) issued proclamation 1 97 dissolving
itself. In its place was proclaimed the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC), which promptly appointed a new
government. The only reason given for these changes was that they
would assist in the "emergence of (a) discipline-flourishing
(sic) democratic system in the State and building of a peaceful,
tranquil and modern developed nation".

Judging by the deafening silence on the part of the international
community that greeted this change in name, few believe that it
heralds any real shift in policy on the part of the military
regime. It is  worth asking, however, why the junta acted when it
did and what, if any, the implications may be.

One possible explanation for-the change in name is that it is
purely Cosmetic, a sop to the sensitivities of Asean, now that
Burma is a member state. As Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw admitted in
an interview with Radio Singapore International(RSI), "the Asean
leadership would observe the Burma initiative as encouraging". As
an acronym, SLORC had a sinister ring: the SPDC will carry no
such overtones. The image at least, of a harsh, repressive
regime, may thus be softened. Moreover as National Planning and
Economic Development Minister Brigadier-General David Abel also
told RSI, the emphasis oh law and order was "sort of regimental".
The shift to peace and development "is more flexible and more on
the economic side".

But the change also reflects how the military views its success
to date and assesses current priorities. With 16 out of 17 former
rebel groups now legally recognised regional organisations, and
political opposition reduced to a controllable minimum, law and
order has been restored. It is time, therefore, to move on. The
new goals will be to keep the peace and promote development.

Another possible reason for the timing of the change may have to
do with the recent financial crisis in several Asean states.
While more liberal economic policies have attracted some foreign
investment into Burma since 1988, serious economic problems
remain. The level of inefficiency and corruption is a source of
discouragement to foreign businessmen. No attempt has been made
to reform the exchange rate. During the past 12 months the kyat
has fallen from 180 to over 300 against the US dollar, more than
50 times the official rate, while inflation is running at around
40 per cent. As cheap Chinese manufactured goods flood the
country, inefficient state enterprises are becoming even less
competitive while public sector salaries dwindle.

Fear of an approaching economic crisis may just have been the
catalyst for a much needed infusion of new faces and new thinking
at the top levels of the regime. As Ohn Gyaw admitted to RSI,
"the tempo, the momentum of growth we expected (has) not been
very satisfactory". For as he diplomatically insinuated, the
contributions of people who have served in an institution "long
enough ... become less and less ... they take things for
granted".

Membership of the SPDC certainly represents a substantial
shakeup. Of the 21 former members of the Slorc, only the top four
have retained their positions in the new Council. Real power thus
remains firmly in the hands of Senior General Than Shwe, SPDC
Chairman and concurrently Prime Minister and Minister of Defence; 
SPDC Vice -Chairman General Maung Aye; and Lieutenant-Generals
Khin Nyunt and Tin Oo, respectively Secretaries 1 and 2 of the
new Council. Fourteen of the remaining 17 Slorc members have been
shunted aside into honorary positions in an obviously powerless
"Advisory Group". Their places have been taken on the  SPDC by
current commanders of the Navy, the Air Force, and the regional
Army commands.

This is a purely military leadership and there are no civilian
members of the SPDC. The message is therefore clear the military
has no intention of relinquishing any real power, even to their
own tame civilians. Twenty-eight out of 40 ministers in the
reconstituted government and 19 out of, 35 deputy ministers are
military  officers. In some cases, notably Foreign Affairs, both
minister and deputy minister are civilians, but in most
responsibilities where there are civilian ministers, they have
military deputies. There are also retired military officers in
civilian garb.

Of the 40 ministers, 16 are new faces and two were previously
deputy ministers: most of the deputy ministers are new. The
changes are- thus substantial enough to signal serious intent,
though whether putting new military men in charge of areas in
which they have no special expertise will rejuvenate the Burma
administration and economy remains to be seen. For it is too
early to' say whether performance rather patronage, merit rather
than seniority, will actually be the criteria for holding public
office.

One thing is certain: the military has no intention of meeting
international demands for a role in government for the National
League for Democracy, despite its resounding victory in the 1990
elections. As Ohn Gyaw told RSI, "what we are concerned [with] is
not that process ... what we are now trying to build is ...
disciplined democracy, discipline flourishing democracy". But, he
added, "we respect human rights ... [and] we are very much
tolerant".

So does the change in name mean a change in basic policies?
Almost certainly not. Slorc by any other name clearly intends to
enforce a constitution modelled along Indonesian lines which will
effectively consolidate military dominance of Burma politics for
the foreseeable future, while excluding the NLD. Aung Sang Suu
Kyi is far too popular and formidable an opponent to be allowed
to play any political role.

As for the economy, more decisive moves can be expected, if only
out of sheer necessity. The regime is under some pressure from
its Asean partners to put its economic house in order; and it
does desire international recognition. In the international
arena, as well as the domestic, it has discovered the value of
political rhetoric, for action need not match words. But rhetoric
is a two-edged sword, for it raises expectations even the
rhetoric of a name change. The SPDC will after all have something
to live up to.

Dr Martin  Stuart-Fox is head, Department of History, University
of Queensland, Australia and Suresh Kumar is a broadcast
journalist with Radio Singapore International.

************************************************************

BKK POST: HUMAN RIGHTS ARE A CONCERN TO ALL
6 February, 1998
Editorial

Every Jan 31, the US State Department issues a thick report on 
human rights in every  country and significant  territory in the
world. For the next week, the mouthpieces of dictators and
autocrats splutter their indignation. But the annual US world
survey is the most comprehensive report on human rights
available.

Hardly had the presses cooled than several of our neighbours were
again in full cry against the annual US report on human rights.
Beijing said the section on China could hurt US China relations.
Vietnam was indignant to be criticised in a report written in a
country which still has racial discrimination and a high crime
rate. Burma was outraged that Washington failed to understand how
effective the country's transition to democracy has been.

The cries of outrage from such countries have become predictable
in the 20-plus years that the US State Department has been
compiling them. It is  tempting in fact, to say that a country's
human rights problem is in direct proportion to its pretended
paroxysm against the report. That wouldn't be quite true, though.
Some nations with horrendous records are smart enough -or cynical
enough - to stay quiet when the annual report is released.

Nevertheless, the bluster against the State Department tome is
almost as important as the book itself. A favourite cry of
dictators is that criticism by foreigners is an intrusion into
domestic affairs. This is nonsense of the first order. A military
invasion such as Burma's occupation of the Moei River island is
an intrusion. But criticism is nothing more than a sign of
concern. Criticism of Burma's human rights violations, for
example, is no more an intrusion into its domestic affairs than
trading with Burma.

If truth be known, most academics and journalists have come to
value the US human rights reports.

The annual book has flaws, to be certain. For one thing, US law
forbids the reports from carrying a section on the United States.
For another, it is ruthlessly ethno-centric in many of its
sections on racial discrimination, women's rights and other
areas. The point is that the report is consistent, and uses the
same standards for every nation.

This year's report on Thailand is tough, and fair. It begins by
summarising the worst human rights problems in the country last
year. According to the State Department, these are extrajudicial
killings by police, lack of government transparency, and failure
to close the economic gap between urban and rural people. The
report says that violence against women and children, illegal and
child labour and prostitution remain serious problems.

These are the issues that human rights  advocates talked about
last year. The report discusses these and other issues in
excruciating detail- 7,200 words, or 10 times the length of this
article; Nitpickers can have their-fill in places. The country is
implicitly criticised for not having juries decide criminal
trials, for example, an obvious American bias. But the lengthy
report contains deep insight without a single major clanger.

One must wonder, again, about the noise from Rangoon, Hanoi and
elsewhere. The dry, factual reports on the way things are done in
each country contain no rhetoric, no direct criticism. The reader
is left to draw his own conclusions. Burma's leaders claim they
are moving towards democracy. If so, a comparison of human rights
during each of  the past few years will help gauge the progress.

Burma is not alone in dealing with its human rights abuses by 
denial and stonewalling. But it is of particular concern to
Thailand that it does so. Last week's extremely tense standoff
between Thai and Burmese forces at Tak province again exposed the
dangers of dealing with a dictatorship that need not consult its
people. The annual US human rights reports are a good  measure of
rights around the world and here at home.    

*****************************************************************

SPDC: INFORMATION SHEET NO.A-0309(I)
6 February, 1998

Response to the U.S State Department's Burma Country Report on Human
Rights Practices for 1997 

The U.S State Department released a Human Rights Report on Myanmar on 30
January 1998.The situation report on Myanmar is no doubt written in the
standard and stereotypical  fashion of judging others negatively so that the
judge can be imaged to look like an innocent or a saint. It is also quite
clear that the U.S State Department is not capable to see different shades of
colors other than black and white. Her foreign policy is so inconsistent that
even their own national interest has been negatively affected in many cases.
The policy imposed on Myanmar by the United States today is regarded as a
precursor and a catalyst to transform the process of a peaceful evolution into
a revolution by imposing sanctions, embargoes and pressures of all sorts on
our nation. 

Obviously various pretexts such as human rights and democracy have been
hypocritically used as weapons while fabricated, exaggerated and false news
have also been constantly disseminated to tarnish the image of the target 
countries.

*************************************************************

THE NATION: ACTIVIST IS BEING UNJUSTLY HELD IN BURMESE
PRISON
6 February, 1998 
Letter to the Editor

This year, the United Nation's Universal Declaration of Human
Rights observes its 50th anniversary. However, there is no reason
for celebrating, as in many countries of the world human rights
are still violated. One example is Burma, where according to the
investigations of Amnesty International, a worldwide human rights
organisation, hundreds of persons are in detention because of the
nonviolent expression of their political opinions.

One of these persons is a student, Min Hlaing, who participated
in a nonviolent student demonstration in 1991 for the release of
opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi
from her then house arrest. Because of his sentenced to 15 years
imprisonment. Following a decree, the sentence was commuted to 10
years in 1993. Min Hlaing has been imprisoned in the Thi Thant
section of Insein Prison in Rangoon for six years now.

Min Hlaing has been attended since 1994 by a group of Amnesty
International members in Celle, Germany. The group calls for his
immediate and conditionless release, as he merely made use of his
right of freedom of expression (Artical 19 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights) and thus committed no criminal
offence. In order to achieve the release of Min Hlaing, the group
has written several letters to members of the government of Burma
in which they expressed their demand. Regrettably, the authority
did not respond.

Gabriele Frech
Winsen, Germany

*****************************************************************

BKK POST: BURMA STILL CONTINUING DAM WORK
8 February, 1998
by Supamart Kasem

THAI PROTESTS OVER DREDGING IGNORED

TAK - Burma has again ignored Thailand's protests by dredging sand
>From the Moei River to claim sovereignty over it, says a local Thai
official.

Myawaddy authorities renewed construction work on a concrete dam
under the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge on February 2 after they
had halted building for several months.

A large dredging boat has been  sent to take sand from the river
to fill an area between the north of the bridge and the river
bank, so that land will connect to Burmese territory, claimed the
official. 
     
Burma's alleged encroachment prompted Local Thai-Burmese Border
Committee (TBC) chairman, Col Chatchapat Yamngarmriab, to submit
an aide-memoire to his Burmese counterpart urging Myawaddy to
stop encroaching on the river.

However, there has been no response from Burma, said sources. The
boat was still seen dredging sand.

A stand-off between the two countries erupted when Myawaddy
planted poles and built the dam under the bridge and encroached
on the Moei River to divert its flow in 1996. It agreed to
temporarily halt construction after Thai authorities protested.

About 500  illegal Burmese migrants have been arrested and handed
over to immigration police in Tak for repatriation, police said
yesterday.

All were booked at the immigration check-point in Mae Sot  and
will be sent back home without charge.

Pol Lt-Col Sorapol Payungveeranoi, deputy commander of the
provincial immigration police, said charges would not be pressed
because these illegal workers were reportedly heading home, in
line with the government's policy of repatriating at least
300,000 illegal workers within six months.

Border officials said yesterday that there were about 1,000
Burmese going back home via the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge,
which links Mae Sot and Myawaddy.

Governor Phongpayom Wasaphooti will hold a meeting on February 12
in preparation for the expected stream of illegal Burmese workers
returning home via the province.

Pro-democracy activists in Burma have renewed a campaign to
promote human rights and democracy.

The Burma Lawyers' Council led by Hkun Okker said "human rights
legal training" has been provided to Karen and minority ethnic
groups along the Thai-Burmese border.

Mr Okker, who is also president of the Pa-o People's Liberation
Organisation, said in Mae Hong Son that the participants are
educated in criminal law, human rights law, environmental law,
political science and constitutional law.

They have studied constitutional laws of Burma and various
countries including Thailand to point out differences and flaws.

He said about 35 people, most of them leaders of ethnic groups,
participated in the training last month.

About 40 Burmese nationals also held a meeting here last month in
a move to establish an organisation called the Burmese Women
Union.

The aim of the organisation, founded by Burmese women living in
foreign countries, is to call on the Burmese government to stop
the oppression of- women and undemocratic practices against
minority groups.  

***********************************************************