Journalism and Burma: BETWEEN A RO

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THE IRRAWADDY 
VOL 6 NO 3, MAY 31, 1998

BETWEEN A ROCK AND A HARD PLACE

Ein Myaung asks if  complicity is the price of access to information about
Burma's closed society, and suggests that pro-democracy activists "lead by
example" in the struggle to establish freedom of the press.

In mid July 1995, suddenly Rangoon airport was filled with journalists and
cameramen all grabbing taxis to 54 University Avenue. They each hoped to be
the first to interview Aung San Suu Kyi after her surprise release from
house arrest. Expecting praise for setting her free, the Burmese military
began giving most journalists, with a few notable exceptions, visas on
demand.

However the regime soon tired of the bad press, and began increasing
restrictions again. Journalist visas had to be applied for far in advance,
stays were limited to a few days, and more and more journalists' visa
requests were denied with no explanation given.

Frustrated, some journalists have resorted to writing more pro-government
stories in the hopes of being granted entry the next time. Editors, seeing
some of their competition still being allowed in, have also been known to
cut facts from stories which portray the military in a bad light. Meanwhile,
Burmese stringers in Rangoon who have dared to cover off-limits subjects
such as the December 1996 student demonstrations have been sternly
reprimanded by Military Intelligence.

If the foreign media cannot get into the country from time to time and the
Rangoon stringers are under tight control, how can they really cover Burma?
Access is essential. But they also have a responsibility to present the news
as objectively as possible. Should they then be distorting or selectively
representing events so they can possibly gain entry?

Even if they do get in, journalists are not allowed to visit sensitive
areas, and they know that anyone they interview may face trouble from the
authorities. Moreover, many are constrained by limited budgets and the
expectation that they file two or three stories a day. As a result, few can
travel outside the capital city of Rangoon, and even there, they can do
little more than talk to a handful of English-speaking government and NLD
spokespersons. Only the occasional investigative reporter lucky enough to
have time and money can go further afield and explore issues and sentiments
more deeply.

While the military regime now turns down visa requests for most journalists
seeking to enter the country individually, they have been rolling out the
red carpet for a pre-selected few on trips organized by US lobbying firms.

In April 1998, one such firm, Bain and Associates, worked with the Burmese
military regime to bring a group of well-known journalists in to reassess
the military's progress on drug eradication. In between military-arranged
appointments, the journalists had some free time to interview people on
their own. Nevertheless, they were informed in the letter of invitation that
they would not be permitted to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.

This raises many ethical questions. By agreeing to participate in a trip in
which a visit to Aung San Suu Kyi was expressly forbidden, they were denying
a voice to the person who would certainly present an alternative viewpoint.
Moreover, by not taking issue with this restriction, they could be
undercutting her legitimacy and bargaining power in the political arena.
What are the responsibilities of journalists in such a situation?

Should journalists agree to go on such promotional tours (even though they
paid themselves) where the goverment hopes to present information in such a
way that they will come back singing the military's praises? If they don't
go, they are giving up a rare chance to observe current realities in Burma.
In fact, some wrote stories that were critical of the military's handling of
drug addiction in the country and questioned the seriouness of the junta's
anti-narcotics measures.

Should the media admit in their stories (as Newsweek recently did) that they
obtained their information while on a government-sponsored tour? These are
not easy questions.

In covering the pro-democracy movement, responsible journalists face another
quandry. If they report weaknesses and splits within the pro-democracy camp,
their articles may be reprinted in full or part in Burmese state-run
newspapers. Written by "objective" outsiders, such articles lend legitimacy
to the government's own propaganda. Other stories which portray the
democracy groups in a favorable light are, of course, never presented in the
government-controlled press.

For this reason, pro-democracy groups in exile find it particularly
difficult to see independent Burmese journalists reporting on splits or
crises among their ranks. Burmese journalists, they feel, should know
better.

Moreover, having never lived under anything but a dictatorial regime, some
democracy activists are shocked to suddenly find themselves under fire from
people, Burmese and non-Burmese, whom they thought of as their friends.

Because democracy activists see themselves as fighting for what is clearly
right, some believe they should not be subjected to criticism until the
military regime is brought down and the playing field levelled.

Western-funded radio stations broadcasting into Burma have sought to present
a range of views on political issues in Burma, but they too have been
criticized for airing certain subjects, such as widely- circulating - but
unconfirmed - rumors about Ang San Suu Kyi's personal life.

The argument has also spread to the Net, where editors of online news
services have included "news" and editorials from the junta's men. These
mostly take the form of "Information Sheets" produced by the Directorate of
Defense Services Intelligence, and articles from the state-controlled New
Light of Myanmar.

The pieces are labelled as coming from the military regime, with the
assumption being that readers would want to know what the government is
saying, even if it's not all based in fact. However, some exiled activists
have asked why the editors are giving the regime a voice at all, especially
since much of the material is propaganda.

Because accurate information about the political realities in Burma is so
hard to come by, and the junta is doing what it can to control and
manipulate the press, what news gets reported, and in what light, takes on a
special significance.

Reporters must try to find ways to maneuver around a military regime bent on
suppressing the truth, without sacrificing their own principles. At the same
time, they should inform their readers of the limitations under which they
are working.

Activists, meanwhile, should focus not so much on reacting to the regime as
leading by example. In other words, they should try, as much as possible, to
practice democracy, which includes allowing dissenting voices to be heard.

A free press is indispensable in the development and maintenance of a
democratic society. The press not only exposes abuses but also provides
constructive analysis. This role is especially important in keeping
politicians and the people on their toes so that policies remain fresh,
honest and relevant.

Given the pressures under which journalists and activists are currently
operating, an ongoing dialogue about the challenges of democracy and ethical
reporting is essential.

Contributed by Ein Myaung, based in Thailand.


THE BURMA INFORMATION GROUP was established in 1992 by Burmese citizens
living in exile and is not affiliated with any political party or
organization. BIG produces The Irrawaddy newsmagazine and has sought to
promote freedom of the press and access to unbiased information.

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