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The BurmaNet News: June 3, 1998



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: June 3, 1998
Issue #1018

HEADLINES:
==========
BKK POST: JUNTA URGED TO LEARN FROM SUHARTO'S FALL 
IRRAWADDY: JOURNALISTS, WRITERS, AND POET IN BURMA'S GULAG 
IRRAWADDY: BETWEEN A ROCK AND A HARD PLACE 
IRRAWADDY: GENERALS' NEW EVOLUTIONARY THEORY  
THE NATION: DRUG SUSPECT ON WAY TO U.S.
****************************************************************

The Bangkok Post: Junta Urged to Learn from Suharto's Fall 
2 June, 1998 

A Burmese opposition group yesterday warned the country's ruling junta it
faced the same fate as fallen Indonesian president Suharto if it failed to
implement wide-ranging reforms.

The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as the junta is officially
known, was long an ally of Mr Suharto and used his 32-year reign over
Indonesia as a model for Burma.

But the opposition National Council of the Union of Myanmar [sic: The
opposition group is the National Council of the Union of Burma -- NCUB]
said Mr, Suharto's resignation two weeks ago amid violent social unrest
proved the model was fatally flawed and predicted a similar uprising in
Burma if the junta followed its current path.

"It is a matter of extreme lack of foresight and regressive thinking on the
part of the SPDC military clique to view, as their future, the Indonesian
model, which is retrogressive and contrary to historical development," the
opposition group said in a statement received here.

"As this aggressive Indonesian model of Suharto has been thoroughly crushed
and immersed in shame by the heroic students and people of Indonesia, it is
necessary for the top leaders of the SPDC to cull a lesson from the
development without delay.

"If the SPDC military leaders are insensible and ignorant of culling a
lesson and respecting the will of the people, it would be impossible for
them to avoid following the path of dictator Suharto.

"The country now has all the concrete political and economic elements for
the outbreak of such a violent storm of movement in the near future," it
added.

The opposition group demanded the SPDC cease military action against ethnic
minorities, some of which continue to mount armed resistance to the
government, and begin dialogue with the National League for Democracy and
other political parties. 

****************************************************************

The Irrawaddy: Journalists, Writers, and Poet in Burma's Gulag
31 May, 1998 Volume 6, Number 3  [Sources: Committee to Protect
Journalists, Burma Information Group, The Nation, Radio Free Asia]

[The Burma Information Group was established in 1992 by Burmese citizens
living in exile and is not affiliated with any political party or
organization. BIG produces The Irrawaddy newsmagazine and has sought to
promote freedom of the press and access to unbiased information.]

U Win Tin: Imprisoned: July 4, 1989
U Win Tin, former editor of two daily newspapers and vice-chair of Burma's
Writers Association, was arrested and sentenced to three years' hard
labor-a sentence that was subsequently extended. U Win Tin was active in
establishing independent publications during the 1988 student democracy
movement, and he also worked closely with Aung San Suu Kyi.

Authorities extended U Win Tin's sentence by five more years on March 28,
1996, after they convicted him of smuggling letters describing conditions
at Insein prison to Professor Yozo Yokota, the former U.N. Special
Rapporteur for human rights in Burma.

In an October alert, Human Rights Watch cited reports that U Win Tin was
seriously ill and perhaps close to death in Rangoon General Hospital.

Ma Myat Mo Mo Tun: Imprisoned: 1994
The daughter of imprisoned dissident Daw San San Nwe, Ma Myat Mo Mo Tun,
was arrested in 1994 and sentenced to seven years in prison for spreading
information injurious to the state. She is alleged to have recorded
"defamatory letters and documents," made contact with "illegal" groups and
sent anti-government articles to a journal published by an expatriate group.

U Myo Myint Nyein, U Sein Hlaing: Imprisoned: September 1990
U Myo Myint Nyein and U Sein Hlaing were arrested for contributing to the
preparation, planning, and publication of the satirical news magazine,
What's Happening, which the government claims is anti-government
propaganda. They were sentenced to seven years in prison. On March 28,
1996, they were among 21 prisoners tried inside Insein Prison, and given an
additional seven years sentence under the Emergency Provisions Act for
smuggling letters describing prison conditions to Professor Yozo Yokota,
the U.N. Special Rapporteur for human rights in Burma.

U Maung Maung Lay Ngwe: Imprisoned: September 1990
U Maung Maung Lay Ngwe was arrested and charged with writing and
distributing publications that "make people lose respect for the
government." The publications were titled, collectively, Pe-Tin-Tan.

Daw San San Nweh, U Sein Hla Oo: Imprisoned: August 5, 1994
Daw San San Nweh and journalist U Sein Hla Oo were arrested on charges of
spreading information damaging to the state and contacting anti-government
groups. San San Nweh and Sein Hla Oo were sentenced on October 6, 1994 to
10 years and seven years in prison, respectively. Three other dissidents,
including a former UNICEF worker, were sentenced to between 7 and 15 years
in prison on similar charges. Officials said the five had "fabricated and
sent anti-government reports to some diplomats in foreign embassies,
foreign radio stations, and visiting foreign journalists." San San Nweh
allegedly met two French reporters visiting Burma in April 1993 and
appeared in a video they produced to spread propaganda about the government.

According to reports citing Burmese officials, authorities seized
confidential Energy Ministry data, as well as documents and compact discs
containing anti-government materials from one of the dissidents. Both U
Sein Hla Oo and Daw San San Nweh were previously imprisoned for their
involvement in the NLD. As of December 1994, all five were being held at
the Insein Prison in Rangoon.

Ye Htut: Imprisoned: September 27, 1995
Ye Htut was arrested on charges of sending fabricated news abroad to
Burmese dissidents and opposition media. Among the organizations to which
Ye Htut allegedly confessed sending reports was the Thailand-based Burma
Information Group (BIG), which publishes the human rights newsletter The
Irrawaddy.

Burma's official media claimed that BIG had presented a false picture of
the country to foreign governments and human rights organizations. He was
sentenced to seven years in prison. In 1997, CPJ was unable to obtain new
information on his status.

Song Win Lat 
A famous short story writer detained since early 1997, Song Win Lat is
servng a seven-year jail term. He was accused of violating the press act.
In reality, he made a joke about the junta during a literature talk.

Ma Thida [Sanchaung]
Ma Thida is a short story writer and physician who has worked with the NLD.
She has been detained since August 1993.  She was accused of  printing and
publishing materials which opposed the military's National Convention. In
reality, she was sentenced to twenty years' imprisonment for possession of
a copy of the Khit-pyine journal. She is in bad health.

Maung Hming
Maung Hming, a well-known poet, was arrested in  December 1991 and is
serving a fifteen-year jail term. He is a member of the All-Burma
Federation of Student Unions. He joined a peaceful demonstration on the
campus of Rangoon University on 10 December 1991. He distributed many poems
written about Aung San  Suu Kyi. He is now in Thayat prison. He is a
student of Rangoon University.

Aung Gyan (Monywa)
Aung Gyan is a well-known poet detained since December 1991. He is serving
a fifteen-year jail term. He is a final year agricultural student and a
member of ABFSU.

U Moe Thu
A writer and journalist who worked closely with Aung San Suu Kyi, U Moe Thu
has been detained since May 1996. He was charged under Section 10(A) of the
State Protection Law of 1975. He was arrested before the sixth anniversary
of the 1990 election. In 1989 he was sentenced to 3 years' imprisonment.
His translation of Exodus is among his more well-known works.

Dr. Aung Khin Sint
A senior NLD leader, Dr. Aung Khin Sint contributed health, education and
general knowledge articles to numerous magazines and journals. He has been
detained since 1996. This is his third prison term under the junta.

Nyi Pu Lay
Nyi Pu Lay is a well-known short story writer who has been detained since
November 1990. He is serving a ten-year jail term. His parents are
well-respected writers Lu Du U Hla and Lu Du Daw Amar. According to the
jail manual rules, he should have been released at the end of 1997.

Kyi Tin Oo
Kyi Tin Oo is a short story writer and poet detained since 1993. Accused of
publishing documents against the junta, he is serving a twelve-year jail
term.  He is now suffering from heart disease. During the junta's March
crackdown, Kyaw Zaw Oo, his son, was arrested and given 14 years.

Aung Zin Min
Aung Zin Min is a well-known poet and writer detained since early 1997.

Myat Hling
Myat Hling is a well-known poet and NLD Youth member detained since
December 1991. He is serving a 15-year jail term. He participated in a
peaceful demonstration on the campus of Rangoon University on December 10,
1991,when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. He is now
in Myingyan prison. He was a chemistry student in his final year.

Mg Thar Manya (or) Khin Maung Soe
Mg Thar Manya is a short story writer and philosopher detained since
January 1993. Accused of violating the Press Act, he is serving a
seven-year jail term.

Zarni
Zarni is a poet and former member of the Burmese Students' Union. He has
been detained since August 1992 and is serving a ten-year jail term. He was
accused of publishing documents opposed to the military's National
Convention. He is now in Myingyan prison. He is a student of Rangoon
University.

U Tha Ban
U Tha Ban was arrested and given a 10- year prison sentence for helping
Aung Htun compile information for a book on the history of the student
movement. This is his second prison term under the junta. In January 1991,
he was arrested and sentenced to 5 years.  A member of the CEC of the
United Nationalities League for Democracy party, he is a former reporter
for the daily Kyay-Mon. He compiled a well-known book on Araken culture.

Maung Wun Tha
Detained since 1996, Maung Wun Tha was charged under Section (A) of the
State Protection Law of 1975. This is his second prison term under the
SPDC. He was arrested in November 1990 and sentenced to 10 years'
imprisonment in April 1991. In April 1992, he was released from prison
under the limited amnesty order 11/92. He has written several books,
including a translation of Watergate. He was forced to resign as editor of
the Botahtaung daily after the 1988 uprising.

Ko Aung Htun
Ko Aung Htun is an activist and historian. He is currently serving a
fifteen-year sentence for documenting the history of the student movement
in Burma. He suffers badly from asthma. His family has not been able to see
him since his arrest. In 1990, he was arrested and given a 5-year prison
sentence.

****************************************************************

The Irrawaddy: Between a Rock and a Hard Place 
31 May, 1998 Volume 6, Number 3 by Ein Myaung in Thailand 

Ein Myaung asks if complicity is the price of access to information about
Burma's closed society, and suggests that pro-democracy activists "lead by
example" in the struggle to establish freedom of the press.

In mid July 1995, suddenly Rangoon airport was filled with journalists and
cameramen all grabbing taxis to 54 University Avenue. They each hoped to be
the first to interview Aung San Suu Kyi after her surprise release from
house arrest. Expecting praise for setting her free, the Burmese military
began giving most journalists, with a few notable exceptions, visas on demand.

However the regime soon tired of the bad press, and began increasing
restrictions again. Journalist visas had to be applied for far in advance,
stays were limited to a few days, and more and more journalists' visa
requests were denied with no explanation given.

Frustrated, some journalists have resorted to writing more pro-government
stories in the hopes of being granted entry the next time. Editors, seeing
some of their competition still being allowed in, have also been known to
cut facts from stories which portray the military in a bad light.
Meanwhile, Burmese stringers in Rangoon who have dared to cover off-limits
subjects such as the December 1996 student demonstrations have been sternly
reprimanded by Military Intelligence.

If the foreign media cannot get into the country from time to time and the
Rangoon stringers are under tight control, how can they really cover Burma?
Access is essential. But they also have a responsibility to present the
news as objectively as possible. Should they then be distorting or
selectively representing events so they can possibly gain entry?

Even if they do get in, journalists are not allowed to visit sensitive
areas, and they know that anyone they interview may face trouble from the
authorities. Moreover, many are constrained by limited budgets and the
expectation that they file two or three stories a day. As a result, few can
travel outside the capital city of Rangoon, and even there, they can do
little more than talk to a handful of English-speaking government and NLD
spokespersons. Only the occasional investigative reporter lucky enough to
have time and money can go further afield and explore issues and sentiments
more deeply.

While the military regime now turns down visa requests for most journalists
seeking to enter the country individually, they have been rolling out the
red carpet for a pre-selected few on trips organized by US lobbying firms.

In April 1998, one such firm, Bain and Associates, worked with the Burmese
military regime to bring a group of well-known journalists in to reassess
the military's progress on drug eradication. In between military-arranged
appointments, the journalists had some free time to interview people on
their own. Nevertheless, they were informed in the letter of invitation
that they would not be permitted to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi.

This raises many ethical questions. By agreeing to participate in a trip in
which a visit to Aung San Suu Kyi was expressly forbidden, they were
denying a voice to the person who would certainly present an alternative
viewpoint. Moreover, by not taking issue with this restriction, they could
be undercutting her legitimacy and bargaining power in the political arena.
What are the responsibilities of journalists in such a situation?

Should journalists agree to go on such promotional tours (even though they
paid themselves) where the government hopes to present information in such
a way that they will come back singing the military's praises? If they
don't go, they are giving up a rare chance to observe current realities in
Burma. In fact, some wrote stories that were critical of the military's
handling of drug addiction in the country and questioned the seriousness of
the junta's anti-narcotics measures.

Should the media admit in their stories (as Newsweek recently did) that
they obtained their information while on a government-sponsored tour? These
are not easy questions.

In covering the pro-democracy movement, responsible journalists face
another quandary. If they report weaknesses and splits within the
pro-democracy camp, their articles may be reprinted in full or part in
Burmese state-run newspapers. Written by "objective" outsiders, such
articles lend legitimacy to the government's own propaganda. Other stories
which portray the democracy groups in a favorable light are, of course,
never presented in the government-controlled press.

For this reason, pro-democracy groups in exile find it particularly
difficult to see independent Burmese journalists reporting on splits or
crises among their ranks. Burmese journalists, they feel, should know better.

Moreover, having never lived under anything but a dictatorial regime, some
democracy activists are shocked to suddenly find themselves under fire from
people, Burmese and non-Burmese, whom they thought of as their friends.
Because democracy activists see themselves as fighting for what is clearly
right, some believe they should not be subjected to criticism until the
military regime is brought down and the playing field leveled.

Western-funded radio stations broadcasting into Burma have sought to
present a range of views on political issues in Burma, but they too have
been criticized for airing certain subjects, such as widely-circulating --
but unconfirmed -- rumors about Aung San Suu Kyi's personal life.

The argument has also spread to the Net, where editors of online news
services have included "news" and editorials from the junta's men. These
mostly take the form of "Information Sheets" produced by the Directorate of
Defense Services Intelligence, and articles from the state-controlled New
Light of Myanmar.

The pieces are labeled as coming from the military regime, with the
assumption being that readers would want to know what the government is
saying, even if it's not all based in fact. However, some exiled activists
have asked why the editors are giving the regime a voice at all, especially
since much of the material is propaganda.

Because accurate information about the political realities in Burma is so
hard to come by, and the junta is doing what it can to control and
manipulate the press, what news gets reported, and in what light, takes on
a special significance.

Reporters must try to find ways to maneuver around a military regime bent
on suppressing the truth, without sacrificing their own principles. At the
same time, they should inform their readers of the limitations under which
they are working.

Activists, meanwhile, should focus not so much on reacting to the regime as
leading by example. In other words, they should try, as much as possible,
to practice democracy, which includes allowing dissenting voices to be heard.

A free press is indispensable in the development and maintenance of a
democratic society. The press not only exposes abuses but also provides
constructive analysis. This role is especially important in keeping
politicians and the people on their toes so that policies remain fresh,
honest and relevant.

Given the pressures under which journalists and activists are currently
operating, an ongoing dialogue about the challenges of democracy and
ethical reporting is essential.

****************************************************************

The Irrawaddy: Generals' New Evolutionary Theory 
31 May, 1998 Volume 6 Number 3 by Win Thein in Thailand 

The regime has reported that a study group was sent to Pon Taung Region,
Sagaing Division, in March 1997 to investigate the ancestry of primates.
The group was led by Lt.Col. Than Htun, temporary head of Military
Strategic Study of the Defence Ministry. Two academics, Dr. Tin Thein and
Dr. Aye Ko Aung accompanied him. This trip was made following the
instructions of Secretary One, General Khin Nyunt. During their study trip,
they declared that they had found the bones of primates as well as the
fossils of the mammalian family, such as elephants, mammoths and pigs. They
also stated that the fossils and the bones of the primates were 40 million
years old.

Secretary One Khin Nyunt subsequently gave a speech in Rangoon on 11 May
1997. He claimed that these findings were proof that the beginning of human
life and civilization began in Burma. These claims were reported in the
Burmese language New Light of Myanmar on May 12. The report stated that the
recent findings illustrated the origins of the great Burmese nationality
and the superiority of Burmese culture. The report went on to say that,
should the academics be able to obtain proof of this, then Burmese people
could definitely say that "Culture began in Myanmar."

The regime displayed a fossil originally found by academics U Thaw Tin and
U Ba Maw in 1978. This fossil came from the same region and might have been
a fossil of humans in Nwe Khway village of Chaung Oo Township, Sagaing
Division.

In 1978, U Thaw Tin and U Ba Maw had tried to share their findings with the
international community, and several foreign journalists had tried to
follow up the story. Consequently, U Thaw Tin and U Ba Maw were arrested
and the fossils were confiscated by the BSPP. Since that time, nobody knew
where these fossils were kept. Khin Nyunt stated they had conserved the
fossils in a secure place so they could be studied for the advancement of
the people.

In 1923 the fossils of primates had been found in the Pon Taung Region.
Even though U Thaw Tin and U Ba Maw found such fossils again in 1978, they
had never hypothesised that the human race originated in Myanmar.

In the analysis of the evolution of the biological process, we have to
study all living organisms which have originated on earth and have been
diversified and modified through sustained changes in form and function. It
is unacceptable to make an analysis based on, and influenced by, current
political, national or regional territories.

In 1995, some 35 million year old fossils of primates were found in Krabi,
Southern Thailand. Following these findings local academics postulated that
primates had originated in Asia and, due to climatic changes, had moved to
Africa, contrary to the usually accepted theory that the movement had been
from Africa to Asia. There is evidence showing that the Anyartharian
culture (Stone Age) occurred in Burma and Thailand, but these were no Homo
sapiens; rather, these were Homo erectus. These individuals have been found
in most of  Asia, Europe, the Middle East and the rest of the world. In
Asia, the Chinese and Indian civilisations were the first recorded
civilisations - a mere 5,000 years ago. Due to recent findings in Thailand
of human bones and everyday items, we can date human civilisation in this
country to 4,000 years ago.

The first civilisation in Burma was in Pyu, dated approximately 2,000 years
ago, when there were isolated city states: Mai Maw, close to Ku Mer
(200BC); Pitthanoe, close to Taung Twingyi (100AD); Han Lin, close to Wet
Lat (300AD); Wessali, close to Myuat U (800AD); and Pagan (1100AD).

According to evidence in our country's history, we can say the people of
Burma originated 2,000 years ago. At that time, there were very developed
civilisations to the west in India and to the east in China. It is thought
that people from Tibet and Yunnan were experiencing an early form of
identity. People came from these regions around 3,000 years ago, bringing
new cultures, and mixed with the indigenous people developing culture and
civilisation. Some 2000 years ago, the Pyu culture was established. There
is no earlier evidence before that. They may or may not be the ancestors of
the current peoples of Burma. We can only say that there were Pyu people
and Pyu culture at that time.

It is academically assumed that the name "Pagan" originated from the Kalar
in the Brama region (Indian). It is theorised by Dr. Than Htun that Pyu may
well be what is known today as Pagan.

The evolution of primates began about 40 million years ago in the history
of 600 million years of evolution. Groups of primates are separated into
many kinds with the evolution of the body and then the brain from
anthropoids, hominids, through to Homo erectus and on to Homo sapiens. The
following summary is nearly universally accepted among academics regarding
the evolution of human beings:

1. Australopithecus ramidus, dating from 4.4 million years ago;
2. Australopithecus afarensis, dating from 3.9 million years ago (starting
to walk upright);
3. Australopithecus africanus, dating from 3 million years ago;
4. Australopithecus robustus, dating from 2 million years ago; 
5. Homo habilis, dating from between 2 million and 1.3 million years ago; 
6. Homo erectus, dating from between 1.3 million and 300,000 years ago; 
7. Homo sapiens, dating from about 300,000 years ago.

In 1974, Australipithecus africanus was found in the Hadar region of
Ethiopia and was given the name "Lucy"; some academics suggest that modern
humans evolved directly from Lucy. In 1994, an upper jaw was found in the
Hadar area. When the jaw was studied, it was found to be of the Homo group,
so some academics postulate that Lucy first evolved directly into Homo
erectus and then into Homo sapiens. Homo erectus was very close to modern
human beings; they used stone weapons and were thus known as the "stone
age" people. Java people, Peking people, Neanderthal people, Cromagnan
people, Anyarthar people of Central Burma and the people who lived in
Burma's Byadalin cave about 11,000 years ago were Homo erectus. The DNA of
the Neanderthal is very different from the DNA of Homo sapiens. Some
theorise that Homo sapiens were contemporaries of Neanderthal man around
300,000 years ago. Most academics believe that Homo sapiens moved from
Africa to the Middle East, Europe and Asia, and that 4,000 years ago one
group separated and moved to the American continent. These theories have
been formulated from available evidence but there are also some academics
who believe that Homo sapiens existed all over the world at the same time.

Today, people of the world are Homo sapiens, whatever their colour,
culture, or language, whether or not they are modernised or pre-modern,
live in the mountains, the plains , the delta, deserts, or islands. All are
Homo sapiens, all are human beings.

Homo sapiens have developed from small scale societies to societies with
complex divisions of labour. They have learnt to be productive and, as
productivity increased beyond self-sustainability, it is thought that
contacts and relationships developed. "Civilisations" started to emerge
with different cultures, systems, relationships and leaders. Rulers and the
ruled emerged. This is the history of the development of human "civilisation."
Originally, there were no nations, no boundaries, no nationalities, but as
humans developed, their form of community changed. With the changes from
small self-sustainable communities to eras dependent on slave labour,
feudal periods and capitalism, nations and nationalism emerged. At the
beginning of human "civilisation," there were no mapped boundaries. Because
of changes in productivity, relations and systems, nationalism gained
ground and developed into its present structure.

There is evidence showing that the first "civilisation" began in Egypt and
the Middle East, spreading its influence to the surrounding areas.
Languages and cultures diversified as they spread to different areas and
then developed their own identities, so we cannot specify any one root from
which all culture developed. Some occurred, and later completely
disappeared; some developed, changed and influenced other cultural growth,
making new dynamic cultures. Countries emerged, some adapted to change and
others did not.

There are many conflicts in societies in the world; political, economic and
social activities must address these problems. All problems are integrated
globally. All countries are interdependent; no country is totally separate;
no problem can be solved individually. In the contemporary world, no
country can isolate itself and survive. Burma is not only part of the
world, but also part of the humanity. We cannot separate ourselves from the
world. We have to deal with other countries, other peoples, other cultures,
and we have to develop ourselves. Our culture may spread to others, and
theirs may spread to us, so that cultures can merge and develop again.

Now, the regime has spoken a lot about the 1997 Pon Taung investigation in
their propaganda, even though there have been no new findings in this
region. The victories of the Tatmadaw-led investigation are being
propounded. General Khin Nyunt is shouting out that human beings and
culture originated from Myanmar (Burma).

It is well known that there is no academic freedom in Burma. It is known
that the regime has previously coerced academics into writing history as
they want it recorded. They are trying to instill blind patriotism among
the people.

General Khin Nyunt and his colleagues have been working very hard in Pon
Taung region to propound a new evolutionary theory which no one can accept.

****************************************************************

The Nation: Drug Suspect On Way to U.S. 
2 June, 1998 

Thailand plans to extradite a member of the notorious Burmese drug warlord
Khun Sa's gang to the United States following the Appeals Court's decision
yesterday to uphold an earlier verdict by a lower court.

The Appeals Court ruled in favour of extraditing Chukiat Nitnitphakphum,
71, also known as Na Chaikhui, for trafficking 1,000 to 2,000 kilogrammes
of heroin to the US between 1987 to 1989.

The US authorities sent an official request to the Thai government on Jan
10, 1995, asking that Chukiat be allowed to stand trial in Pennsylvania
State for smuggling heroin, worth an estimated US $4 billion.

The US prosecution has filed a case with the Pennsylvania Court alleging
that Chukiat and some other accomplices trafficked heroin into the country
through Mexico. Thai police arrested Chukiat on Nov 27,1995, in his
hometown of Mae Sai in Chiang Rai province. However, the accused has
vehemently denied the US charges claiming he has never been to America or
Mexico.

Chukiat also denied being a chemist and an expert in heroin processing.

Pol Gen Phiphop Biewkhaiinuk testified in court against Chukiat saying he
is an expert chemist who processed and distributed heroin in foreign
countries. The police officer said he knew the man because he had arrested
him once at the end of 1989 for possession of opium but the accused had
escaped after being granted bail.

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