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S.H.A.N : Shan presentation,The con (r)



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{\title SHAN PRESENTATION TO THE CONFERENCE FOR PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS; FORUM FOR NATIONS UNDER FOREIGN  OCCUPATION}{\author Kunde}{\operator Kunde}{\creatim\yr1998\mo6\dy4\hr8\min23}{\revtim\yr1998\mo6\dy7\hr13\min23}{\printim\yr1998\mo6\dy7\hr11\min30}
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\pnlcrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}\pard\plain \s16\qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright \b\fs32\lang1031\cgrid {\fs24 SHAN PRESENTATION TO THE CONFERENCE FOR PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS; FORUM FOR NATIONS UNDER FOREIGN  OCCUPATION.

\par 
\par Delivered by: Khamzam payakwong
\par                         General Secretary of the Shan Democratic Union (SDU)
\par 
\par 6 June 1998 
\par 
\par }\pard\plain \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright \fs20\cgrid {\fs24\lang1031 Mr Chairman, Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen:
\par 
\par }\pard \qj\fi708\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 On}{\fs24\lang1031  behalf of the people of Shan States,  I thank you and the people of Germany  for the invitation to attend the celebration of the 350}{\fs24\lang1031\super th}{
\fs24\lang1031  anniversary of the Treaty of Westphalia which ended the Thirty Year War and brought peace to Europe. I am also honored to speak alongside distinguished guest speakers here and to present the Shan case.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi708\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 Human}{\fs24\lang1031  relationships, from individuals to families and to those of nations, are complex. But to us Shans, the basic rule is a
 simple one: Relationships are strengthened when promises are kept, and they deteriorate and crumble when promises are broken. To patch up a broken relationship, one cannot simply ignore and avoid referring to those broken promises and hope that things wi
ll mend themselves.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi708\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 Such}{\fs24\lang1031 
 is the case in the territory now generally referred to as Burma or, to a lesser extent, as Myanmar. This area known as Burma today has always been populated by different peoples and divided into different countries such as the Shan
 States, the Karenni and Burma. This vast expanse of countries that existed between India and China was, of course, simply referred to as Indochina in those early days. So when the French occupied Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, they called them collectively 
as French Indochina. However, when the rival British took the countries further west, they simplified things \endash  or so they thought \endash 
 by naming their whole dominion as British Burma instead of British Indo-China. That was how Burma as is known today came to b
e born and not as chauvinistic minded Burmese historians would like us to believe that all of British Burma was the Burmese Kingdom of Burma.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi708\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 Even}{\fs24\lang1031  so, the British, in recognition of the actual political conditions, kept the different entities under separate administrative rule \endash 
 and the charge of the policy of the divide and rule of the British by Burmese chauvinistic nationalists was born. While Burma Proper was under the direct rule and control of the British Governor; the non-Burmese territories were un
der indirect control, as the two maps attached to this presentation shall show. As such, the Shan States remained a self-governing and self-supporting federal state within the British Empire.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi708\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 Thus}{\fs24\lang1031  at the end of World War II, when the British decided to gr
ant independence to their whole domain of British Burma, the obvious question arose: whether the Burmans and the non-Burmans could continue to live together in peace and harmony afterwards?
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi708\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 The}{\fs24\lang1031  solution to this was the Panglong Agreement of 1947 made at t
he conference held by the Shans and participated by Burmese, Kachins and Chins in a Shan town called Panglong.. This historic document is attached herein.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 The}{\fs24\lang1031  gist of the treaty was that both the Burmese and othe nationalities of the former British Burma should live together under the following terms and conditions:
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 1.\tab}}\pard \qj\fi-360\li750\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx750{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent750\pnhang{\pntxta .}}\ls1\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
Full political autonomy;
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 2.\tab}}\pard \qj\fi-360\li750\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx750{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent750\pnhang{\pntxta .}}\ls1\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
Full financial autonomy; and
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\cgrid \hich\af0\dbch\af0\loch\f0 3.\tab}}\pard \qj\fi-360\li750\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\jclisttab\tx750{\*\pn \pnlvlbody\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pndec\pnstart1\pnindent750\pnhang{\pntxta .}}\ls1\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
Democracy and human rights.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 And}{\fs24\lang1031  to insure observence of these terms, the Right of Secession from the Union, attached herein, was put ino the Union Constitution following the Conference.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 Thus}{\fs24\lang1031  the Union of Burma, created in 1948, would be alive and well today had those promises made at Panglong been kept by Rangoon.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 However}{\fs24\lang1031 
, the Burma Army invaded the Shan States in 1952 on the pretext of expelling the Chinese Nationalist forces that withdrew into the Shan States after defeat by the communists in 1949. This effectively put an end to the terms that were solemnly signed at Pa
nglong five years earlier, as evidenced by discussion papers written and published in 1957 by Htun Myint of Tonti (Taunggyi) and several others.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 The}{\fs24\lang1031  Shan State Government could no longer govern except by approval from Rangoon and especially from the occupy
ing Burma Army. Likewise, it could no longer function without subsidies from Rangoon despite its immense rich natural resources, because all of these were under direct control of Rangoon following independence from the British in 1948. Under defacto rule 
o
f the Burma Army, democracy became a joke and Human Rights went no further than the right to submit to whatever the Burmese soldiery wished. In short, for all practical purposes, the Agreement of Panglong and its articles no longer applied except in name.

\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 However}{\fs24\lang1031 
, the Shans, having learned the fruits of federalism by their long experience, tried to preserve the Union by introducing amendments to the Union Constitution which was admitted even by Burmese legal experts, to be federal only in form but unitary 
in practice. That was in 1961.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 This}{\fs24\lang1031 
 federal reform movement, spearheaded by the Shans, but supported by all other nationalities, including Kachins, Chins, Karens, Karennis, Mons and Arakanese. It even found support among the Burmese population.  Naturally
, all but a few thought and hoped the dying Union would be brought back to life.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 All }{\fs24\lang1031 
those hopes and dreams were shattered by the military coup in 1962 which quickly put an end to the reform of the Union Constitution. Since then faked Union Constitutions 
have been unilaterally put in place by the military junta; and still yet again another fake Constitution is being drafted at this moment. In addition, there are other constitutional drafts being  drawn and considered by several other parties.  Furthermore
,
 all the self-styled dictators and would-be-rulers have continued to call themselves the Union Government and the whole territory as the Union of Burma or, as preferred by the present military dictators - the Union of Myanmar. All this despite the glaring
 fact that the Union ceased to exist  in 1962 when the bonds that tied Union togther, namely the Panglong Agreement and the 1948 Union Constitution were broken.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 In}{\fs24\lang1031  saying this, we the Shans are certainly not implying that we are against forming a new union
 with Burma or that we are singlemindedly bent on re-establishing a separate and independent nation-state. On the contrary, we are merely trying to bring notice to the fact that since 1962, Burma has, whether it wishes to recognize or not, become an occup
ying foreign power. The ensuing war is no longer a civil war but it is a grave international breach of peace and violation of international boundaries of one nation-state by another.  
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 We}{\fs24\lang1031  also wish to draw your attention to the primary fact that violation 
of the Panglong Agreement is at the root cause of the war in the Shan States and elsewhere in the defunct Union of Burma. It has also not only created and aggravated human rights abuses as reported by the Amnesty International in April of this year, but a
l
so the mounting drug problem and the resulting social upheaval, mass displacement and evictions of people, genocide; and attendant prostitution and AIDS. Without the breach and violation of the Panglong Agreement, there would be no  grounds for human righ
t
s excesses by the junta to establish political control, and there would be no uncontrollable drug problems to solve. All the problems in the defunct Union of Burma will not and cannot come to an end by merely putting an end to the military regime in Burma
 . Continued neglect and failure to honor the Panglong Agreement and observe its terms by future rulers in Rangoon shall continue to plague the future with war and human rights problems , and the  rest of the world with drugs from this region.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 The }{\fs24\lang1031 mere prom
ises of a better life in a future genuine federal union fails to appeal to the long-suffering Shan and other nationalities. Their life under the present Burmese military rulers, whom they regard as foreigners, is a continual hell; and therefore empty guar
a
ntees of yet-to-reach future by rulers-to-be of the future, look downright empty to them.  What is said is just how we are going to live happily ever after together when we get there, but the fact remains that we are not getting there yet. It is a fairy t
ale. Few among the rulers-to-be are saying how we are going to work together in order to get there. All in all, we are placing too much emphasis on our future relationship, and not enough on our present one.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 In }{\fs24\lang1031 actual fact, promises and guarantees of a yet
-to-reach future only makes people more suspicious; and they cannot be blamed for being so. Supposing that there is an opinion poll today in the Shan States , the majority of the people are certain to say they shall be happy to go it alone because of how 
t
hey have suffered under the present Burmese rulers. However, if these same people are asked whether it is better to fight alone by themselves or to fight together with other states including the Burmese in order to end the present military dictatorship, t
h
eir overwhelming answer would be the second choice i.e. to join hands together in fight against dictatorship. If it is shown that we have an alliance in accordance with the terms of Panglong and are bringing the struggle to a successful end, these same pe
ople will not prove  difficult to convince for a continued alliance.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 I }{\fs24\lang1031 
am sure that all the points I have presented have undoubtedly been discussed between the SNLD (Shan Nationalities League for Democracy) led by Khun Htoon Oo, the party that won a plural
ity in the Shan States and the NLD (National League for Democracy) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, that won the plurality in Burma. The point is that while the NLD and the SNLD can only lead, we who are outside the reach of the military junta, can act and mu
st act. Together we must find ways to work more effectively with each other so that we may bring the whole struggle for Democracy and Right to Self Determination of the nationalities to a speedy and successful finish.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 For}{\fs24\lang1031  the people of Germany and the rest of the world, I would like to say a few more things before concluding.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard \qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\b\fs24\lang1031 The}{\fs24\lang1031 
 democratic opposition as a whole are firmly united against the military regime in Burma. Our earnest request is to please help us become more united and effective. Democracy is su
re to triumph in the end. And your assistance will be crucial in bringing the problematical situation in Burma to a swift and satisfactory outcome.
\par }\pard \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright {\fs24\lang1031 
\par }\pard\plain \s15\qj\fi390\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright \fs32\lang1031\cgrid {\b\fs24 On }{\fs24 the other hand, assisting the junta that changes only in name but not in fact will not be in the interes
ts of neither Germany nor the rest of the world. The junta itself is merely an organic part of the whole problem. Helping it would be no different from helping an arsonist to douse a fire or the wolf to herd sheep. Only by extending help to the democratic
 forces, both Burmese and non-Burmese nationalities alike, will bring an end to the problems in the region that is Burma and that the world itself is facing.  Thank you.\tab 
\par }\pard\plain \qj\nowidctlpar\widctlpar\adjustright \fs20\cgrid {\fs24\lang1031 
\par END OF PRESENTATION
\par 
\par 
\par }}