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The BurmaNet News: July 13, 1998



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: July 13, 1998
Issue #1047

Noted in Passing: "It is estimated that more than 50 percent of NLD MPs
have suffered some form of intimidation from the military to prevent or
discourage them from taking an active role in politics."  - Aung Naing Oo
(see THE BANGKOK POST: REMINDERS NOT TO FORGET) 

HEADLINES:
==========
THE NATION: SUU KYI AT RISK, SAYS BURMESE JUNTA 
AFP: NIGERIAN MILITARY TEAM IN MYANMAR
AFP: POWER CUTS ADDING TO WOES IN MYANMAR CAPITAL
BKK POST: REMINDERS NOT TO FORGET 
BKK POST: SUKHUMBHAND SAYS COMMENTS JUSTIFIED 
BKK POST: SIAZON STICKS BY STABILITY WARNING 
LA TIMES: NEW MILITARY RULERS CONTINUE AN OLD REGIMEN 
BKK POST: KAREN TO BE MOVED TO DEGRADED FOREST AREA 
JOURNAL OF COMMERCE: US CHANGES STANCE
ANNOUNCEMENT: SACRIFICE: THE STORY OF CHILD PROSTITUTES
****************************************************************

THE NATION: SUU KYI AT RISK, SAYS JUNTA 
12 July, 1998 

SAFETY: RANGOON FEARS RIOTS AS TENSION HEIGHTENS.


RANGOON - The Burmese junta yesterday warned that opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi's safety was at risk and suggested there could be rioting if
she was harmed.

Certain parties intended to cause the Nobel peace laureate "some form of
bodily harm", a statement prepared by Burma's Canadian Embassy and
distributed in Rangoon said, without identifying the plotters.

"The government of the Union of Myanmar [Burma] has always had a deep
concern for the personal security of all politicians, including Ms Suu Kyi,
as there are known elements who are trying to create political unrest by
putting her to some form of bodily harm," it added.

The statement came amid escalating political unrest and just three days
after authorities blocked the National League for Democracy (NLD) leader
from travelling outside Rangoon to meet supporters.

"The recent request to make her return to Yangon [Rangoon] was meant to
forestall undesirable events similar to ones currently taking place in a
major African nation following the death of a prominent politician," the
statement said, in an apparent reference to Nigeria.

There has been rioting in Nigeria following the death in custody of
opposition leader Moshood Abiola this week.

The NLD-led Burmese opposition won 1990 polls by a landslide, but the junta
has refused to relinquish power.

The NLD has given the junta an ultimatum to convene Parliament by Aug 21 or
face unspecified consequences and has repeatedly called on the military
rulers to engage in dialogue.

Another opposition group meanwhile called for the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (Asean) to take a tough stand against Burma's junta when
foreign ministers from member states met later this month.

The Thailand-based All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) said it had
always been opposed to Burma's admission to the Asean regional grouping in
July last year.

But the ABSDF added that now that Burma was in the grouping its partners
should use their influence to force change.

"They should make it Asean policy to pressure Burma's military regime into
dialogue with the opposition," ABSDF foreign affairs secretary Aung Naing
Oo said.

"They should completely scrap 'constructive engagement, which they all know
is not working," he added, referring to the Asean policy of avoiding
confrontation between members.

Aung Naing Oo said his organisation expected the Asean foreign ministers to
take a firmer line on Burma when they met in Manila but that they would not
go far enough.

"We over the years, have pointed out that bringing Burma into the fold will
not benefit Asean," he added.

****************************************************************

AFP: NIGERIAN MILITARY TEAM IN MYANMAR
6 July, 1998 

Bangkok -- Senior Nigerian military officials arrived in Yangon on Monday
for an official visit, state-run Myanmar media said. The delegation headed
by Major General G.I Oboji was welcomed at the airport by senior Myanmar
military officials, Television Myanmar said in a dispatch monitored here.
It gave no further details of Obiji's scheduled meetings with Myanmar
military leaders and the length of his visit. smo/nj 

****************************************************************

AFP: POWER CUTS ADDING TO WOES IN MYANMAR CAPITAL 
10 July, 1998 

Yangon -- Power cuts are adding to the woes in the capital of impoverished
Myanmar, with black-outs increasing in duration and frequency, residents
complained Friday.  

"Sometimes it's 6:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m., sometimes it's 1:00 p.m. to 9:00
p.m.," one said.  

"It changes all the time, but it does make life difficult."  

A Western expatriate said the wealthy and most foreigners had generators
which minimised power disruption but most Yangon residents had no such
back-up. "It causes great hardship," the expatriate said.  

"They can't keep foodstuffs, they can't cook on an open stove unless it's
one in the morning or something.  

"Most people also have electric water pumps, so water supply can be cut
off, the toilet flushing, everything."  

The power shortage is widely believed to be due to a drop in the water
table because of lack of rain, as well as shortages of parts and other
problems at electricity plants.  

A Myanmar junta spokesman conceded there was a problem with power supply.  
"It is mainly because of water shortage and also due to some technical
problems," he said.  

"This is not a permanent problem and will be resolved sooner or later."  

A foreign diplomat said the situation had improved with the onset of the
wet season and black-outs appeared to have reached their peak in April and
May.  
Authorities at one stage were believed to have cut electricity supplies to
the city of Mandalay in order to minimise disruption in the capital, they
added, saying water shortages were also causing difficulties in the
agricultural sector.  kf/jkb 

****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: REMINDERS NOT TO FORGET 
12 July, 1998 by Aung Naing Oo 

Perspective

BURMA: A BOOK IS COMING OUT TO REMIND PEOPLE NOT TO FORGET THAT THE WINNERS
OF THE 1990 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN BURMA ARE STILL BEING HARASSED,
THREATENED, TORTURED, AND JAILED BY THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT.

Dr Tin Min Htut, an elected Member of Parliament (MP) from Pantanaw
township Irrawaddy Division, was arrested on February 19, 1997 by the
Burmese military regime. His crime? Illegal possession of foreign currency.

His real crime, though, was being an active leader of the National League
for Democracy (NLD).

Two coins in a cup: Prior to his arrest, the military summoned officials
from all departments of the town and asked them if Dr Tin Min Htut had
violated any law.

When they could not find fault with him, the town police chief ordered his
men to find anything that could incriminate the MP.

The police searched his house and found two Singaporean coins in a small
toy cup his son was playing with. Dr Tin Min Htut was then arrested for
illegal possession of foreign currency and given a three-year sentence.

Subsequently, his election win was revoked.

Height matters: Another NLD MP, U David Hla Myint, was imprisoned for
flying the NLD flag at the same height as the national flag.

For this offence the Election Commission dismissed him as an MP and also
banned him from running in future elections.

Both Dr Tin Min Htut and U David Hla Myint are among 66 NLD MPs the
Commission has dismissed from Parliament.

Through the Election Commission the military has dismissed from Parliament
all MPs who have been charged with an offence and had others banned from
running in future elections.

More than eight years ago, the NLD won the 1990 election in a landslide
gaining 392 of the 485 seats much to the surprise of the then ruling State
Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).

Despite unprecedented freedom to campaign and  financial backing from the
regime, the National Unity Party (NUP) won 10 seats only.

However, the Burmese military junta, which now calls itself State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC), has continually refused to honour the election
results.

Doubtful draft: With the question of fresh elections called into
consideration as the National Convention drafted a new constitution, the
military junta has sought to secure a dominant role in the future political
sphere.

However, given the number of NLD delegates participating in the currently
postponed convention, the drafting of an acceptable constitution is very
much in doubt.

There were only 88 NLD delegates at the Convention, representing just 12.5
percent of all 702 Convention delegates.

Furthermore, in the National Convention, the military regime has proposed a
presidential system of government through direct election for the
presidency via an electoral college.

With this system of government it would be easier for the regime to control
election results; the military would dare not allow a popular vote for the
presidency as they know the result would not be favourable to them.

The regime's preference for indirect election of key political posts such
as the presidency is merely to avoid a direct popular vote.

Draconian suffering: While the success of this objective by the regime
remains to be seen, MPs and other opposition members continue to suffer
under draconian laws.

The courage of these men and women elected in 1990 election against such
tyranny must not be forgotten.

Following the election, the Slorc began a systematic campaign of repression
against Members of Parliament from the NLD and other opposition parties.

As part of this campaign military leaders have banned political parties,
forced MPs to resign from office, dismissed MPs from Parliament, forced
them into exile, and even jailed or tortured them.

Over the past eight years the military regime has particularly targeted NLD
MPs.

Since the 1990 election the military junta has forced 112 MPs from office
or used the Election Commission to dismiss them. This represents more than
a quarter or 28 percent of the 392 NLD Members of Parliament that were
elected under the NLD banner.

The military has banned 83 political parties, leaving only 10 legal parties
in Burma today.

Twenty of these banned parties had won seats in the election and a total of
48 opposition MPs have been affected by the ban.

Since the 1990 election the military has also jailed 78 MPs-all from the
NLD-two (U Tin Maung Win and U Hla Than) died in prison.

At the moment, there are 42 NLD MPs who remain under detention in Burma for
their political activities.

As a result of threats and intimidation from the military junta, 20
opposition MPs, most of whom are from the NLD-have been forced to flee to
Thailand, India and other countries.

Many now work for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
(NCGUB).

These figures are just the tip of the iceberg.

Many individuals have been rearrested many times, and there are many NLD
MPs who continue to be intimidated and harassed daily by military
authorities but who refuse to end their political activity or resign from
their political parties.

The many ways in which the military regime has harassed and intimidated NLD
MPs and members into resigning are too numerous to list but common methods
include banning the right to education, to medical care and the right to
travel not just for them but also for their families.

There is also the blocking of promotions, sacking of NLD members and
canceling of the licenses of lawyers and doctors.

NLD members and MPs are arrested and charged, those in government service
are forced to repay government loans, evicted, or their houses and land
threatened with confiscation.

While in many of these cases the acts of harassment have been carried out
the military regime has not had to go so far usually; repeated threats
alone have proven to be a very effective tool of intimidation. For the more
courageous, the consequences are heavier.

In one example, the authorities pressured an MP from Arakan State U Maung
Kwin Aung, to resign from Parliament. He refused. He and members of his
family were arrested and charged with criminal offences.

The Slorc has used a range of repressive and arbitrary laws to gain
convictions against NLD MPs and other Pro-democracy supporters.

The 42 NLD MPs  currently in prison were charged under one or more of these
laws-all of which are in contravention of accepted standards of
international civil and political  rights.

For instance, the 1950 Emergency Provision Act is widely used to clamp down
on NLD members and MPs. In May 1996, some 300 NLD members and MPs were
arrested under this act.

The 1961 Restriction and Bond Act was originally intended to restrict the
movement of criminals but is now used to incriminate and place more
restrictions on the opposition members.

Citing this law, authorities take mugshots, fingerprint party members, and
force them to sign papers restricting their travel.

The military regime also makes use of the provisions of the 1975 State
Protection Act which the military regime used to place Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
under house arrest for six years.

The Penal Code Article 122(1) also known as "high treason law"-- carries
the maximum penalty of death and is used arbitrarily to restrict the NLD's
political activity.

Less than a year after the election a number of NLD MPs had been charged
under Burma's high treason law for participating in meetings in Mandalay to
form a provisional government. They were given prison sentences ranging
from 10 to 25 years Many of these MPs remain in prison today.

One of them, Dr Zaw Myint Maung from Mandalay, was sentenced to 25 years'
imprisonment and in 1996 was given an additional seven years for producing
a magazine in prison. He was also beaten and tortured by officers of the
Military Intelligence Service.

Another law that the military applies is that of the Official Secrets Act.
This affected recently the Rangoon MP Daw San San, one of the 15 women MPs
elected to parliament who is currently under detention and whose sentence
was increased from six to 25 years.

Although she was released after serving two of her 20-year sentence during
an amnesty after her first arrest in 1990, the military rearrested her for
alleged parole violation.

She was rearrested for an interview with the BBC and for refusing to end
her  political activity. In the interview, she was critical of the regime.
She was charged under the Official Secrets Act.

The junta has never declared the election results null and void as this
would elicit international criticism.

Instead the military regime used setups, threats and intimidation, jail and
torture which allows them to quietly eliminate elected MPs from the
political sphere.

It is estimated that more than 50 percent of NLD MPs have suffered some
form of intimidation from the military to prevent or discourage them from
taking an active role in politics.

Most of these MPs are potential winners in future elections should they be
given a chance to stand for elections.

For some time now, the All Burma; Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) has
been compiling information on all the 485 MPs that were elected to office
in 1990.

The details are being published in a new book by the ABSDF entitled To
Stand And Be Counted: The Suppression of Burma's Members of Parliament, a
reminder of the sacrifices made in the struggle for democracy and human
rights in Burma.

Meanwhile, the Burmese military regime continues to reject the NLD's call
for a substantive dialogue and continues to ignore the appeals and
resolutions of the United Nations.

In the light of all this, the task to pressure the military regime to
recognise the results of the election has fallen on the shoulders of the
people of Burma and the NLD.

Nevertheless, assistance from the international community and particularly
the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) are
a great help and will hopefully continue.

Then the aspirations of the elected MPs for a new democratic Burma be
fulfilled and peace could be returned to Burma.

Aung Naing Oo is the foreign affairs secretary of the ABSDF (All Burma
Students' Democratic Front).

****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: SUKHUMBHAND SAYS COMMENTS JUSTIFIED 
12 July, 1998 by Achara Ashayagachat 

'WE ARE A FRIEND, SO THERE IS NO SWEET TALK'

Thailand is entitled to comment on the situation in Burma because it has
made "political investment" in the country and stands to suffer over
spills, Deputy Foreign Minister Sukhumbhand Paribatra said yesterday.

"We have spoken for Burma, saying that isolation is not the right path,"
M.R. Sukhumbhand said, referring to Thailand's contention at various
international forums since Burma's admission into the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations last year.

Thailand's "political investment" had been "substantial" because of
widespread condemnation of Burma's human rights record, he added.

Asean-which groups Brunei, Indonesia, Thailand, Laos, Malaysia, the
Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam-admitted Burma last July despite strong
opposition from Western countries, notably the United States and member
states of the European Union.

M.R. Sukhumbhand's remarks followed a fierce reaction from Rangoon to
Thailand's earlier expression of concern in the growing tension in Burma
and call for "all sides" to exercise restraint.

The "constructive engagement" of Burma by Thailand and other Asean member
states had been interpreted as tantamount to turning a blind eye to the
situation in the country, M.R. Sukhumbhand said.

Asean had now developed to the stage where member states should be able to
express their opinions on domestic issues that threatened to affect the
region, he added.

Thailand continues to adhere to the principle of non-interference upheld by
Asean and the United Nations, he said. But as a neighbouring state
threatened with over spill from any untoward incident in Burma, Thailand is
entitled to speak, he added.

Thailand also believes there should be room for some "flexibility" in this
case as such an approach had already been applied to transnational problems
such as the haze, drug trafficking and child prostitution, he said.

"We believe we have a right to apply flexible engagement with Burma because
we are a true friend. True friends speak frankly to each other, we don't
sweet talk."

Expressions of concern "should be regarded [by Burma] as expressions of
goodwill by the international community, by Asean, and by Thailand. It
can't be helped if Burma considers us to be interfering in its internal
affairs," said the deputy foreign minister.

"We want Burma to be a good member of Asean, and not to let Burma's
membership become an obstacle to Asean cooperation with Western countries,"
he said.

****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: SIAZON STICKS BY STABILITY WARNING
11 July, 1998 

Manila-The Philippines will not withdraw a statement it made earlier this
week that unrest in Burma could destabilise Southeast Asia, Foreign Affairs
Secretary Domingo Siazon said yesterday.

"No, this is not presumptuous. That call can be made anytime because we
know that there are movements going on," Mr Siazon said.

He was referring to the Burmese foreign ministry's call for the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations to avoid speculating on a conflict between the
junta and the opposition.

Tension is running high in Burma following the arrest of some 40 supporters
of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

****************************************************************

LOS ANGELES TIMES: NEW MILITARY RULERS CONTINUE AN OLD REGIMEN OF REPRESSION 
10 July, 1998 by David Lamb 

Yangon -- This country has been brought to its knees by almost four decades
of madcap socialism, military abuse and self-imposed isolation.  

What should be one of the region's most prosperous nations -- Myanmar has
80% of the world's teak forests, bountiful oil, gems, minerals and natural
gas -- is the flat-out poorest, a country that has known neither political
nor economic development as two generations of generals enriched themselves
through drugs and corruption while the Burmese became poorer and more
repressed than they ever were under British colonial rule.  

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has a per capita annual income of $107.
Its top universities have been closed for 18 months to defuse student
protests. Its jails hold upward of 3,000 political prisoners. Inflation
runs at 50% a year. Fuel is rationed, rolling power blackouts are common.
Foreign companies -- among them Pepsi-Cola Co., Apple Computer Inc. and
Heineken -- have fled.  
Now, though, there are hints that the generals are tiring of being viewed
as international pariahs and would like to polish their tarnished image, if
not change their policies.  

On Nov. 15, several of the most unpopular generals -- who had also amassed
personal fortunes -- were swept aside in a palace mini-coup and placed
under house arrest. They were replaced by younger, better educated men who
changed the name of the ruling body from the Orwellian-sounding State Law
and Order Restoration Council to the State Peace and Development Council.  

Led by Khin Nyunt, 58, a previously obscure intelligence general, the
council, acting through Burmese companies, hired two Washington public
relations firms to recast perceptions of a country that Marco Polo
described in the 13th century as having "vast jungles teeming with
elephants, unicorn and wild beasts" and in which George Orwell worked as a
British colonial policeman before writing "Animal Farm." 

The 19-member council opened Myanmar's doors to a trickle of foreign
journalists, adopted a more aggressive anti-drug policy resulting in record
opium seizures and allowed the opposition, headed by Nobel laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi, 52, to hold a party congress.  

At the same time, it apprehended nearly 250 intellectuals and accused them
of subversive acts and conspiracies, exile sources in Bangkok, Thailand,
say. The military, whose weapons' supplier is China, makes no mention of
the 1990 election that it annulled after Suu Kyi's National League for
Democracy took 80% of the legislative seats.  

"As far as I can see, there has been no improvement" in human rights, Suu
Kyi said in a videotape smuggled out of Yangon, formerly Rangoon.  

Because the junta operates in near-total secrecy, Western and Asian
diplomats do not know what to make of the new council. It appears to have
no ideology other than political stability and keeping power and no
national message except asking the 50 million Burmese for patience and
saying it wants foreign investors back.  
The envoys believe that Ne Win, 87, the nation's supposedly retired
strongman, probably was instrumental in the palace shake-up. Ne Win, a
general who ended 14 years of democracy in 1962, ruled until stepping down
in 1988, after pursuing Stalinist policies that shut this land to the
outside and used spies to turn Burmese against Burmese. From August 1989
until September 1997, he was never seen in public. Said to be in ill
health, Ne Win still relies on astrologers and surrounds himself with
soothsayers and self-declared wizards.  

Gen. Saw Maung, one of Ne Win's successors, gave mystical speeches about
Jesus' supposed return to Tibet and retired in 1991 after a nervous
breakdown. By then, Burma had changed its name to Myanmar, capitalism had
replaced socialism, and a pro-democracy movement had been born, rooted in
the deaths of 3,000 protesters at the hands of the army in 1988.  

Suu Kyi, whose father, Aung San, led Burma to independence in 1948, became
a global celebrity after winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. She is seen
by human rights groups as a Joan of Arc fighting a cruel, corrupt regime.
She was instrumental in the Clinton administration's decision last year to
impose sanctions against Myanmar.  

With Suu Kyi's supporters and the generals at a stalemate, and no talks
occurring, Myanmar slides ever deeper into despair. The predominantly
Buddhist Burmese, who seem to tolerate any misfortune with a smile and have
learned that expressing political opinions is unhealthy, muddle on.

****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: KAREN TO BE MOVED TO DEGRADED FOREST AREA 
11 July, 1998 by Supamart Kasem in Tak 

More than 17,000 Karen refugees from two camps in Tak will be moved to a
degraded forest in Phop Phra District soon under a state policy to ensure
refugees' safety.

Fourth Infantry Regiment Task Force commander Col Chayutti Boonparn said
the delayed relocation would be carried out soon as the agencies found out
an appropriate location for a new shelter for 8,570 refugees from Huay
Kalok Camp in Mae Sot District and 8,935 others from Mawkier Camp in Phop
Phra District.

According to him, the new refugee camp will be built in a one-square
kilometre denuded forest at the Phop Phra National Forest Reserve in Tambon
Phop Phra along the Mae  Sot-Umphang Highway.

Tak Governor Huekharn Tomornsuek and deputy Third Army commander Maj-Gen
Ittipol Sirimonthon inspected the plot last week and chose the land for the
relocation programme since the plot is outside wildlife sanctuaries and
national parks and has enough water sources, Col Chayutti added.

All concerned staff from the province, the Third Army and some
nongovernmental- organisations will meet soon to work out an operational
plan for the project subsidised by the  NGOs, he said.

Earlier, the province scrapped its plan to transfer 8,935 refugees from
Huay Kalok Camp to Mae La Camp in Tha Song Yang District.

Journal of Commerce: US Changes Stance on Role in State Sanctions 
8 July, 1998 by Michael S. Lelyveld 

U.S. officials are no longer saying they can't block states from
sanctioning Swiss banks over Nazi gold because it could affect a
Massachusetts court case on Myanmar sanctions beginning this week.  

The change in position surfaced after State Department officials reportedly
told Switzerland they lacked the authority to order city and state agencies
in New York not to penalize two Swiss banks that dealt in gold taken from
Holocaust victims during World War II.  

The Myanmar connection involves a lawsuit filed in April by the National
Foreign Trade Council against Massachusetts for its selective purchasing
law specifically aimed at that nation. A federal judge in Boston is
expected to set a schedule for the case today and may rule on an NFTC
motion to keep company names in the case confidential to avoid public
boycotts.  

The council, representing companies allegedly harmed by the sanctions, is
arguing that Massachusetts has usurped federal powers over foreign policy
by barring contracts with firms doing business in military-ruled Myanmar.  

GOING THE OTHER WAY  

But the State Department position, as reported by the Financial Times on
Saturday, would essentially abandon the claim of precedence over states on
selective purchasing laws.  

An official said Monday that legal experts at the State Department and the
U.S. Trade Representative's office had advised that disclaiming federal
supremacy on the Swiss question could affect the Myanmar dispute.  

"More accurately, we need to look into that issue,'' said the official,
adding that there is ""no opinion yet.''  

The hitch adds another dimension to the widening row over "subfederal''
sanctions, which already involves U.S. corporations, the European Union and
the federal government's ability to make trans-Atlantic trade treaties
stick.  
An official confirmed a report by Inside U.S. Trade that the EU will file
an amicus brief in the Massachusetts case. The EU has threatened a formal
dispute before the World Trade Organization because of conflicts between
the state law and a 1994 Government Procurement Agreement with the United
States on open bidding for contracts. 

The EU trade commissioner, Sir Leon Brittan, was expected to press the
Myanmar issue Tuesday during Washington meetings with Undersecretary of
State Stuart Eizenstat and other officials.  

The outcome of the NFTC suit may also be used to determine whether New York
can bar the Swiss banks from bidding on overnight deposit business starting
Sept. 1. Several NFTC members are U.S. banks which oppose the curbs, an
official of the Washington-based group said.  

Simon Billenness, a senior analyst at Franklin Research & Development Corp.
in Boston and an organizer for the Myanmar sanctions, agreed that the
selective purchasing principle is at stake. The tactic was used effectively
in 1988 when Massachusetts imposed contracting penalties on companies
dealing with South Africa. Like the Myanmar curbs, the South Africa
sanctions were written by State Rep. Byron Rushing, a Dorchester Democrat.  

The subfederal conflict has become a second front in the corporate campaign
to restrain the spread of unilateral sanctions. Two sanctions reform bills
were filed in Congress last month, and Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott
named an 18-member panel to study the issue.  

LOOKING PAST MASSACHUSETTS  

The NFTC hopes that the Massachusetts suit will knock out a series of state
and city curbs aimed at countries including Indonesia, Nigeria and China.  
The issue has proved complicated for Mr. Eizenstat, who has tried to forge
a settlement of Holocaust survivor claims by persuading the Swiss National
Bank to join the Credit Suisse and UBS banks in offering more than the $600
million proposed last month. The Swiss are also threatening WTO action.  

Mr. Eizenstat has opposed the mounting number of unilateral measures and
has tried to keep peace with Europe on sanctions issues. Although the
subfederal questions could come together in the WTO, Switzerland is not a
member of the 15-nation EU.  

A TOUGH ISSUE  

The selective purchasing issue is a tough one. In a brief filed last month
in the Myanmar case, Massachusetts Assistant Attorney General Thomas
Barnico argued that the state is not interfering with U.S. powers but only
acting as a "market participant'' with the right to choose its suppliers.
Also, the federal government has never stated any intent to pre-empt the
state law on Myanmar, he said.  

USTR officials did seek repeal of the law last year, however, after the EU
objected to conflicts with the trans- Atlantic pact. But officials have
since said the administration would back Massachusetts in a WTO dispute.

****************************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: SACRIFICE: THE STORY OF CHILD PROSTITUTES IN BURMA 
10 July, 1998 from <EBruno@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx>

50 MINUTES, COLOR
Each year thousands of girls are recruited from Burmese villages to work in
Thai brothels.  Held for years in debt bondage, they suffer extreme abuse
by pimps, clients, and police.

The trafficking of Burmese girls has soared in recent years as a direct
result of political repression in Burma.  Human rights abuses, war, and
ethnic discrimination has displaced thousands of families, leaving families
with no means of livelihood.  An offer of employment in Thailand is a rare
chance for many families to escape extreme poverty.

SACRIFICE examines the social, cultural, and economic forces at work in the
trafficking of Burmese girls into prostitution.  It is the story of the
valuation and sale of human beings, and the efforts of teenage girls to
survive a crisis born of economic and political repression.

Documentary Film Competition, Sundance Film Festival , 1988

Golden Spire Award, San Francisco International Film Festival, 1988

Jury Award, Charlotte Film Festival, 1988

"Sacrifice counterpoints forthright tales of four young prostitutes with
mesmerizing images: a woman standing in a door frame awaiting her fate
juxtaposed with farmers cultivating the fields.  The images make a poignant
plea for survival, both of the exiled women and the tormented land". -
Andrea Alsberg, Sundance Film Festival

"An emotionally shattering study of four girls who, under Burma's longtime
military rule, were driven out of their mountain homes into prostitution in
Thailand."  - Michael Fox, San Francisco Magazine

Producer, Director, Camera, Editing: Ellen Bruno, 3447 25th Street, San
Francisco, CA 94110, Tel: 415-641-4491, Fax: 415-641-9104

Domestic Educational Distribution: 
FILM LIBRARY
22-D Hollywood Avenue, Ho-Ho-Kus, New Jersey  07423
Tel: 800-343-5540       
Fax: 201-652-1973

Television Distribution:
FILMS TRANSIT
Contact: Jan Rofekamp
402 East Notre Dame
Montreal, CANADA  H2Y 1C8
Tel: 514-844-3358       
Fax: 514-844-7298
E-Mail: filmtran@xxxxxxxxxxx

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