The BurmaNet News: July 14, 1998 (P (r)

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The BurmaNet News: July 14, 1998
Issue #1048 Part 2 of 2

HEADLINES:
==========
(Part 1)
MAINICHI: TENSIONS RISING IN POWER STRUGGLE 
BKK POST: BURMA TO CRACK DOWN ON REBELS 
THE GLOBE AND MAIL (CANADA): RAPE OF ETHNIC WOMEN 
ASIAWEEK: "WE KNOW WE HAVE TO GO" 
THE NATION: BURMA SOCCER FANS FEAR POWER FAILURE 
(Part 2)
NLOM: NIGERIAN MILITARY DELEGATION CONCLUDES VISIT 
BKK POST: BURMA GROWING 
ABSDF: PRISONER DEVELOPS PSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS
THE WASHINGTON POST (EDITORIAL): COURAGE IN BURMA 
FEER: ... BUT STAY ON GUARD 
BKK POST: TIME TO SPEAK OUT
THE NATION: THAI PROPOSAL NEEDS ASEAN SUPPORT 
ASIAWEEK: BURMESE EXILES ON THE MOVE 
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NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: NIGERIAN MILITARY DELEGATION CONCLUDES VISIT 
11 July, 1998 

YANGON, 10 July-The military delegation of Nigeria led by Maj-Gen JI Igoche
of National War College of Nigeria left home by air today.

The delegation was seen off at Yangon International Airport by Commandant
of the National Defence College Maj-Gen San Aung and senior military officers.

On behalf of Chief of Armed Forces Training, Commandant of the National
Defence College Maj-Gen San Aung received Maj-Gen JI Igoche and party on 7
July.

Present were Chief of Staff (Navy) Captain Kyi Min, Chief of Staff (Air)
Col Myint Swe and senior military officers, Military Attache of Nigeria FE
Hebiti and Consul EH Abba.

In Anawrahta Hall of the National Defence College, Deputy Commandant Col
Myint Aung  extended greetings to the guests and gave a presentation on the
National Defence College.

Col Ye Htut and Col Kyaw Thein of the Ministry of Defence, Police Col Ngwe
Soe Tun of the  Ministry of Home Affairs, Deputy Director U Aung Bwa of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and  Deputy Minister for National Planning and
Economic Development Brig-Gen Zaw Tun also gave  presentations on
respective ministries and tasks.

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THE BANGKOK POST: BURMA GROWING 
13 July, 1998 

Rangoon -- The population of Burma is growing by about two per cent a year
and nearing 50 million people, local reports said yesterday.

During a World Population Day ceremony Minister for Population and
Immigration U Saw Tun said the population was estimated at 47.3 million
people and was growing by about one million per year.

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ABSDF: POLITICAL PRISONER DEVELOPS PSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS AFTER BEATINGS 
13 July, 1998 from <lurie@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> 

According to sources in Rangoon, a political prisoner who was released last
month from Taungoo Prison north of the capital, has developed psychological
problems due to severe beatings while in prison.

Aung Khaing, 38, a graduate of Rangoon Institute of Technology (RIT), was
severely beaten on his head by prison warders in March 1996 for refusing to
go into his cell. At the time of the beating, Aung Khaing was suffering
from dysentery and asked for a cup of rice porridge. Prison authorities
repeatedly refused his request. Later, Aung Khaing tried to get some
porridge himself but he was accused of inciting a political movement in
prison and was again severely beaten.

The incidents took place after Aung Khaing was transferred in February 1995
from Insein Prison in Rangoon to Taungoo Prison, which is situated in Pegu
Division.

Aung Khaing developed psychological problems after the beatings and his
family requested the prison authorities that he be allowed to see a
psychiatrist. The authorities however, refused their request and as a
result Aung Khaing had to spend the remainder of his sentence in prison
without proper medical assistance.

Worse still, the authorities later put him in a solitary confinement cell
that was designated for leper prisoners until his release in June 1998.

Aung Khaing, a resident of Prone Township who has a degree in Petroleum
Engineering from RIT, was arrested in November 1990 for his role in the
pro-democracy movement and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment. His sentence
was commuted to ten years shortly after General Than Shwe was installed in
1992 as head of the then State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).

Torture and severe beatings in prisons and interrogation centres in Burma
are very common, and there are a number of former political prisoners who
still suffer from mental disorders as a result. For instance, another
former RIT student, Win Thein, was arrested in December 1991 and sentenced
to 15 years imprisonment. As a result of torture during his interrogation,
he developed psychological difficulties by the time he was sent to Insein
Prison. Despite his problems, he had to spend two years in prison before he
could get proper medical assistance after his release in March 1993.

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THE WASHINGTON POST: COURAGE IN BURMA 
13 July, 1998 

Editorial

CERTAIN FIGURES in history demonstrate such courage and honor in the
struggle for freedom that the rest of us can only gape in wonder. Some of
these leaders, like South Africa's Nelson Mandela, have lived long enough
see their jailers brought low; others, like Nigeria's Moshood Abiola, have
not been so fortunate. One such figure, Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi, remains
today a captive. Like Mr. Mandela, she has the inner strength to inspire a
movement and shame a dictatorship. But the odious generals who misrule her
Asian land are not ready to acknowledge her rightful claim to leadership.
The United States and its allies should champion her cause more actively.

Last week Aung San Suu Kyi, 52, showed again her fearlessness in the face
of thuggery. Her National League for Democracy won a landslide victory in
1990 elections, but Burma's military regime ignored the results and has
jailed or confined her ever since. On Tuesday she defied her de facto house
arrest and drove north from the capital to meet a fellow party member. The
regime's thugs blocked her way and sent soldiers to lift her car and turn
it to point south again, with Aung San Suu Kyi inside. Even then, she did
not budge. After a standoff of nearly 24 hours, the meeting she had sought
took place.

It was, however, a small victory. Aung San Suu Kyi remains isolated from
supporters and family. Her supporters increasingly are being thrown into
jail. Children of minority ethnic groups are press-ganged into slavery by
Burma's military. The average annual income for Burma's 47 million people
has fallen to $107.

Increasingly, Burma finds itself isolated in the world. Only China
maintains warm relations; Beijing just sold the Burmese regime 20 new
warplanes. Even Burma's neighbors, such as Thailand and the Philippines,
which traditionally avoid interference in one another's affairs, have
expressed alarm at the regime's behavior. But they, like the United States,
could do more. Later this month Secretary of State Madeleine Albright will
travel to Manila to take part in a meeting of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations. She and her colleagues should turn up the pressure on
Burma's thugs.

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FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: ... BUT STAY ON GUARD 
16 July, 1998 by Bertil Lintner in Bangkok 

Is it all India's imagination, or is China really establishing a foothold
in the Bay of Bengal? India's flamboyant new defence minister, George
Fernandes, certainly thinks so. He has accused China of helping Burma
install surveillance and communications equipment on some of its islands in
the Bay of Bengal--and that's much too close to India for New Delhi's
comfort. China's response: a denial and deep offence. A statement issued by
its Foreign Ministry in June expressed "utmost grief and resentment" over
Fernandes' comments.

But there remains substantial evidence to support the allegation that China
has supplied advanced radar equipment to Burma and helped the Burmese navy
install it on naval bases stretching from Arakan state bordering Bangladesh
down to Zadetkyi Island at the entrance of the Strait of Malacca. In
theory, this could be a commercial deal, but past evidence indicates
otherwise. In August 1994, Indian coast guards caught three boats "fishing"
close to the Andamans. The trawlers were flying Burmese flags, but the crew
of 55 was Chinese. There was no fishing equipment on board the boats-only
radio communication and depth-sounding equipment. The Chinese embassy in
New Delhi intervened and the crew was released.

At the time, the incident was discreetly buried in the Defence Ministry's
files in New Delhi. But this year, India's new, more hawkish government is
paying close attention to China's presence in the Bay of Bengal. In April
this year, Jane's Defence Weekly reported that India had plans to raise a
new "Far Eastern Naval Command" on the Andaman Islands to curtail arms
smuggling in the region. "But there was also a strategic interest in
balancing an emerging Chinese presence," the magazine reported.

Indian defence sources do not deny that such a strategy exists, but they
are eager to add that, because of budget constraints, there are no
immediate plans to upgrade the modest naval facility on the islands.

"In a strategic sense, India is aware of the challenges and we are trying
to improve our facilities. But to create an entirely new naval command is a
major undertaking, which is something that we may not be able to do at the
moment," says Commodore Uday Bhaskar of the Indian navy, who is also
serving as deputy director of the Indian Institute for Defence Studies and
Analyses.

The picture on the Burmese side is equally confusing, and no reliable
information is available. But it seems that three recent incidents have
prompted India to pay more attention to the largely un-patrolled Bay of
Bengal. The first was the hushed-up saga of the three "Burmese" trawlers
four years ago. Then, on February 12 this year, the Indian navy clashed
with Burmese arms smugglers who were bringing guns to rebels in India's
northeast. Six gun runners were killed and 59 arrested.

The third incident, which has strategically far more serious consequences,
occurred in August last year. Then, news reached India that two Chinese
radar specialists, accompanied by officers from the Burmese army's
engineering corps, were visiting Burma's southeastern seaboard. According
to the reports, they spent two weeks at a radar station in the Mergui
archipelago -- which China installed back in 1990 -- before continuing on
to similar facilities at Zadetkyi and the naval base on Saganthit island
near Mergui.

According to Australian military analyst Andrew Selth, with Chinese help,
the Burmese navy has more than doubled its manpower levels since 1989 to
16,000 from 7,000. At the same time, Selth says, the number of naval
regional commands has been increased to five: at Akyab, also called Sittwe,
in Arakan state; Hainggyi island in the Bassein river estuary; Monkey Point
near Rangoon; Moulmein and Mergui. All the bases use Chinese-made Hainan
Class patrol boats that China supplies.

More disturbingly, the Indians claim that Chinese engineers and
naval-operations officers have been spotted at most of those command
headquarters -- plus the strategically located naval base on the Coco
Islands, close to the Andamans, Zadetkyi, and the Kyaikkami facility south
of Moulmein.

The Chinese may try to claim their support is just another "friendly
gesture" to a neighbouring country -- but India doesn't see it that way.
"With our traditional regional rival China to the north and China-backed
Pakistan to the west, a militarized, China-supported Burma to the east is
the last thing India needs at the moment," says an Indian security
official. "The problem with the Chinese is that they don't realize how much
they upset their neighbours by playing the big boy on the block."

Bhaskar, however, believes that a more permanent Chinese presence in the
Bay of Bengal is inevitable. Tai Ming Cheung, a Hong Kong-based military
analyst, agrees: "China has three main worries. The first is its relations
with Taiwan. The second is its presence in the South China Sea, which
indirectly means confronting Vietnam. But the third is India, and the
Indian Ocean."

So reports of suspicious fishing trawlers in the Bay of Bengal and Chinese
engineers at naval bases off the Burmese coast should not be taken lightly.
China's encroachment into the Bay of Bengal has already been cited by
Fernandes, albeit indirectly, as one of the reasons that India decided to
detonate no less than five nuclear devices in May. And that decision was
not taken simply because India has an unusually outspoken defence minister.

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THE BANGKOK POST: TIME TO SPEAK OUT 
11 July, 1998 

Letter to the Editor

The Post's Sunday edition correctly gives prominence to the political
situation in Burma. However, there is some background one should know.

In 1996, when the National League for Democracy (NLD) called a meeting of
its democratically elected MPs, Slorc, the self-appointed military junta,
arrested virtually all of them.

Now the NLD has called for a convening of that parliament next month. The
junta, now operating under the name of the State Peace and Development
Council (SPDC) has responded by demanding that all NLD MPs register and
report to local military intelligence twice a day. The NLD has asked why
its elected MPs should be treated as criminals. Many are understandably
refusing to register and face the prospect of arrest.

When Philippine Foreign Secretary Mr Siazon says the government and
opposition look to be heading towards political confrontation, he
demonstrates how even principled statesmen can stray from moral moorings.
What he should say is that the junta is again suppressing the rights of the
Burmese and their elected leaders.

This is a critical juncture for democracy in Burma and the region, and for
the suffering people of Burma. The world's nations, particularly those of
Asean, Japan and the West, can as one call for the release of all NLD
members, condemn any and all restrictions imposed on the elected leaders,
and urge immediate dialogue with NLD leadership. This call should be backed
up with the suggestion of limiting political and economic ties with the
military government in the absence of real progress.

The military junta is intensely nationalistic and xenophobic. Khun Chun,
Khun Surin, Dr Mahathir, Mr Estrada, Hashimoto-san, Pak Habibie, Pak
Alatas, Mr Siazon, Obuchisan -- destiny calls on you. Do you have the
courage to step out of the straightjacket of non-interference and speak
loudly for freedom, human rights and democracy in Burma?

At One With Burma

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THE NATION: THAI PROPOSAL NEEDS ASEAN SUPPORT 
13 July, 1998 by Kavi Chongkittavorn 

Two points must be discerned related to the latest Thai proposal of
flexible engagement. It is definitely not an anti-Burmese policy nor a
policy to destabilise Thailand's neighbouring countries. Second, it is
absolutely not an endorsement calling for an end to the concept of
sovereignty but rather appealing for collective intervention.

The Thai government's decision to put forward the plan last month for the
consideration at the upcoming Asean ministerial meeting was due to growing
domestic pressure and a new regional strategic environment.

The radical came after more than six months of the Thai government's
lacklustre attitude towards the promotion of principles of human rights and
democracy after they have been embedded as part of its foreign policy
pillars. The Thai press and non-governmental organisations have criticised
the government for paying lip service to these commitments.

Since then, Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan has said repeatedly that the
Thai government has to be true to its declared principles. While pushing
for democratic reforms and human rights within the country, Thailand cannot
shy away from addressing such issues, which are enshrined in its
Constitution, within the region.

Thus the Foreign Ministry was flabbergasted with the hostile reaction from
Rangoon last week, as if the new Thai idea was targeted at that, country.
In fact, during the first half of this year, the Democrat-led government
has been rather accommodating with Burma.

Compared to the hard-line Chuan administration in 1992-94, the current
government has adopted softer approaches and tried to do everything it
could to improve bilateral ties, promote border trade and end the isolation
of Burma.

Most importantly, Bangkok has been trying to reduce the tense confrontation
at Doi Lang due to be the chronic border disputes. Deputy Foreign Minister
Sukhumbhand Paribatra visited Rangoon of cooperation from the junta leaders
to settle the border dispute. However, the Thai-Burmese border remains
tense, and troops from both countries are face to face under the scorching
sun.

It was no surprise that after Burma's comments, Sukhumbhand, who has
softened his position on Burma considerably since his academic days, came
out to defend Thailand's policy, saying that the country was entitled to
comment on the situation inside Burma. He said that as members of Asean
they should be able to express their views on domestic issues that had
regional implications.

Sukhumbhand's comment reflects the hardening of Thai policy toward Burma as
well as ongoing frustration within Asean. The Philippines, host of the
Asean meeting this month, has called on Burma to have a dialogue with
opposition groups and concerted effort to prevent more violence.

Since its inception in Bangkok in 1967, Asean has considered itself a
family which should be able to exchange views frankly about "any action by
family members that affects the family as a whole". But somehow, in the
past three decades, Asean members have been content with and accustomed to
discussions on non-sensitive issues or those deemed comfortable by their
colleagues.

But the enormous changes in the regions economic and political landscape
have altered the paradigm that Asean members were used to. At the moment,
the region is confronted with numerous transnational issues that require
both common policy approaches and implementations. Financial crisis, drugs,
haze and environmental problems, migrations and Aids are some of the
prominent issues, notwithstanding political cooperation in promoting good
governance, integrity and transparency in Asean governments.

The Thai government is hoping that the plan can rejuvenate Asean and
alleviate its bargaining positions. The economic crisis in the region has
demolished Asean's best bargaining power in its dealing with other regions.
Bangkok argues that the grouping needs a new rallying to make up for the
loss of its economic clout. To succeed, the idea needs the support of the
Asean foreign ministers later this month in Manila.

While Thailand still considers the core, of the Asean principle of
non-interference in domestic affairs important, it wants to see more
flexibility among members in tackling issues that affect the grouping and
pave the road towards regional integration.

Surin suggested that Asean countries must be willing to "cede some aspects
of national soveriegnty". For Thailand and other countries which have
received IMF aid this is not an alien concept but rather, a necessity.

But the Thai plan is a multi-faceted approach, not limited to this familiar
economic plane. Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai received the details of the
proposal last week. He is expected to raise it when he meets his colleagues
at the sixth Asean summit in Hanoi in December.

A bone of contention is the failure of member states to provide political
stability, economic prosperity, civil liberties and human rights, and this
in turn generates humanitarian crisis. Oppressed people have no capacity to
hold the junta leaders to account for their actions. That is why in such a
situation other member countries have a corresponding responsibility to
help the victims.

Before 1995, no Asean member had ever had so dismal a record of
human-rights, and this political oppression, so that the basis for
collective intervention was not there. The situation is different now. With
Asean in dire straits, the grouping's overall stability and prosperity must
not be sacrificed to a rough member state's behaviour.

Elsewhere, international intervention is a prerequisite for peace and
stability, be it in Kosovo or before that in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda.
Outside Asean, violation of human rights is sufficient grounds for
intervention.

Asean's future is at stake if it continues to allow some member countries
to use the concept of sovereignty as a refuge of scoundrels. That is why it
is crucial that the Asean leaders deliberate on the concept and form a
consensus, if they can, without delay.

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ASIAWEEK: BURMESE EXILES ON THE MOVE 
17 July, 1998 

As we predicted in our June 5 issue, following secret tripartite talks
between exiled Burmese leaders and the Thai and Australian governments,
Myanmar resistance "cabinet ministers" Maung Maung Aye, Teddy Buri, Sann
Aung, Thein Oo and other senior figures decamped to Sydney in mid-June.
This exodus has removed Thailand as a base for the exiled Burmese
government -- and severely dented its clout as a resistance movement.

Said one sympathetic academic: "The [anti-government] movement in Thailand
is now leaderless." Its ministers are scattered in Australia, India and the
U.S. Sympathetic diplomats in Bangkok, whose governments gave financial aid
to the exiles in the past, are miffed by their clandestine departure and
concerned about the funds they have been giving them. And now the Thais
fear that the departure of the leadership could set a precedent for the
thousands of ordinary Myanmar refugees along the Thai border, who might
feel they can now apply for refugee status in Australia.

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