The BurmaNet News: September 22, 19

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: September 22, 1998
Issue #1101

Noted in Passing: "Five hundred prisoners were sent out to slave camps in
May, but less than 100 of them returned. They looked like skeletons, not
like human beings" - Ex-prisoner from a Burmese jail (see REUTERS: MYANMAR
CAMPS KILL THOUSANDS, RELEASED THAIS SAY) 

HEADLINES:
==========
ASIAWEEK: DEAD OR ALIVE? 
REUTERS: MYANMAR CAMPS KILL THOUSANDS
HWU: FORCED RELOCATION IN PA-AN DISTRICT 
KNU: BATTLE NEWS 
BKK POST: YOU CAN'T PUT DOWN A GOOD NEWSPAPER 
SUNDAY MAGAZINE (NEW DELHI): AN OFFICER IN BANGKOK 
AFP: EU ACCUSED OF CONDONING "PARIAH" BURMA 
EP: RESOLUTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BURMA 
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ASIAWEEK: DEAD OR ALIVE? 
25 September, 1998 

His assumed name is Min Ko Naing -- "Conqueror of Kings" in Burmese. But
years of fighting Myanmar's military rulers has taken a toll on Paw Tun Oo,
a former Rangoon University student who is one of Myanmar's longest-serving
prisoners of conscience. Since the recent arrests of about 100 members of
dissident leader Aung San Sun Kyi's National League for Democracy,
opposition activists have become increasingly concerned about his fate.

Min Ko Naing has been in prison since late 1988 and is believed to be in
poor health as a result of torture and abysmal living conditions. His
comrades fear he may have contracted HIV, as syringes are routinely
recycled in Myanmar's jails. The military regime says Min Ko Naing is still
alive, but refuses to disclose in which of the nation's many prisons he is
languishing. 

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REUTERS: MYANMAR CAMPS KILL THOUSANDS, RELEASED THAIS SAY
21 September, 1998 by Sutin Wannabovorn 

YANGON (Reuters) - Thousands of Myanmar prisoners die each year from
starvation and sickness or are beaten to death in ''slave labor camps,'' a
group of released prisoners said Monday.

Myanmar's military government freed 101 Thai prisoners Monday in what it
called a goodwill gesture to boost relations with its eastern neighbor.

Most of the Thais are fishermen, locked up for more than three years in
Yangon's In Sien prison and in Mandalay after their vessels entered
Myanmar's territorial waters.

The Thai prisoners, speaking on their return to Bangkok, said they were
generally treated well but spoke of appalling conditions faced by their
Myanmar cellmates, most of whom were convicted of petty crimes such as theft.

Local prisoners faced regular beatings, infection from HIV-contaminated
medical supplies or were sent to labor camps from which many never
returned, they said.

``Myanmar tries to lessen overcrowding in its jails by sending prisoners to
slave camps from which only 50 percent return,'' one Thai trader, who spent
time in both In Sien and Mandalay jails, told Reuters.

The released prisoners said Mandalay jail, which houses more than 9,000
inmates, sent prisoners to work in rice fields or on construction sites
where they were forced to break rocks.

``My cellmate who returned from six months in a slave camp told me that
only 70 of 300 prisoners returned to jail,'' said a prisoner who was
sentenced to 18 years' jail for attempting to smuggle rubies out of Myanmar.

``More than 50 percent died from poor nutrition or sickness while some
escaped,'' he added.

He said officials and fellow inmates had told him during his 10-month stay
in Mandalay that at least 50 prisoners died in the jail each month from
sickness or beatings.

One released trader said more than 530,000 prisoners were kept in Myanmar's
relatively few jails. ``From Yangon to Mandalay, Myanmar has only 10
jails,'' he said.

The Thais said the worst ordeals were experienced in In Sien jail in
Yangon, both by local and foreign inmates.

``Five hundred prisoners were sent out to slave camps in May, but less than
100 of them returned. They looked like skeletons, not like human beings,''
said another ex-prisoner.

The Thais said many Myanmar prisoners were prepared to work in the rice
fields or on construction sites because this allowed them to earn
reductions in their jail terms.

``The worst thing is Myanmar jails are flooded with AIDS,'' said one Thai.
``Because the prisons lack medicine and medical equipment, the prisoners
share the same needles.''

They said deaths from sickness and beatings were rising, especially among
inmates with HIV or those who had developed AIDS.

``At least two persons die every day in In Sien prison,'' said one. In Sien
houses more than 12,000 inmates, he said.

But the ex-prisoners said the Myanmar authorities generally treated foreign
prisoners relatively well.

``For us, everyone has his own needles and we have our own medicine that is
sent to us by relatives or by the public health ministry,'' a Thai trader
said.

But even foreign prisoners face a high death rate, they said.

Rut Somnak, a trawler skipper arrested in 1995 along with 60 other Thai
fishermen, said at least eight of his fellow fishermen had died in In Sien
jail during the past three years. 

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HEALTH WORKERS UNION (PA-AN): FORCED RELOCATION IN PA-AN DISTRICT 
19 September, 1998 from <hswd@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> 

Documented by Health Workers Union (Pa-an district)
Posted by  FTU-B(TUR/HR)

The SPDC's Aung Moe Haing operation, which aims to relocate villages in the
Dawna range, started in late August 1998. The operation is employing
Division No. 44, commanded by Division Commander Toe Aung.  Light Infantry
Battalion (LIB) No. 3, LIB 9, LIB 118 and Infantry Battalion No. 81
(totaling about 900 soldiers) are being employed in Pine Kyone township and
the rest of the Division's battalions have been sent to the area between
Myawaddy and Pine Kyone for the same purpose.  According to escaped
porters, each battalion has brought 100 to 200 landmines (types MM1 and MM2
made by the SPDC army) to plant along the Thai-Burma border and even at
some places in Thailand.

It is confirmed that Mae La-a, Mae Keh and  Wah Mee Kho villages have been
burned down since the start of September. The villages of Mae La-a Khee,
Wah Mee Klar, Htee Ka Haw, Pali Pu, Po Paw Lay, Nei Po Khee,  Klay Po Klo
and Ma Oh Pu are also believed to have been destroyed.  LIB No. 9, which
destroyed Mae La-a and Mae Keh villages, looted villagers' property and
killed all livestock before setting the villages alight.  In the process,
the soldiers of LIB No. 9 also burned down a clinic and a school.

As a result, about two thousand villagers have fled to the border and are
trying to find asylum in Thailand.  An estimated 4,000 villagers are still
trapped in the jungle.  Facing the rainy season, with landmines on many
pathways and without any food, the villagers still trapped inside Burma are
in a very bad situation.  In some places, Karen guerrillas have started
clearing landmines to help the trapped villagers.

The following is the translation of a relocation order sent to villages in
Kawkareik and Myawaddy townships by LIB 104, which is part of 44 Division
(the order was not dated other than '1998 August').

-----------
Front Line Light Infantry Battalion No. (104)
Pakalu village
Ref. No.  104 / 02 / Oo 1
Date. 1998 August 

To. Chairman, ( deleted ) village
Subject:  Order to vacate issued to the villages.

1. Order has been issued to the (deleted ) village to vacate the place and
move to Kwih Lay village or to any other place where the villagers have
relatives, at the latest by 10th September 1998.

2. After the date of issue of this order, it is warned that the Army will
go around clearing the area and should any village or small huts in the
paddy fields be found still standing, they will all be dismantled and
destroyed.

Sd. xxxxxx
(for) Battalion Commander
Front line, Light Infantry Battalion No.104 

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KNU: BATTLE NEWS 
19 September, 1998
 
On 17 September 1998 at 11: 35 hours joint forces of the Karen National
Liberation Army (KNLA) and The People's Front (PLF) fought State Peace and
Development Council(SPDC) troops in Walaykyo village in the Karen National
Union Brigade 7 area in Paan District. 4 State Peace and Development
Council troops were injured and one killed. There were no casualties on our
side.

On 18 September 1998 at 10 : 25 hours joint forces of the KNLA and PLF
fought SPDC troops of Light Infantry Units 19, near Mae Palaepu village in
Paan District. Two SPDC troops, were injured.

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THE BANGKOK POST: YOU CAN'T PUT DOWN A GOOD NEWSPAPER 
20 September, 1998 by Joshua Kurlantzick 

In Burma, anyone found with a copy of a newspaper called New Era Journal
automatically goes to jail for seven years.

Despite this prohibitive price, a production staff far away on the
Thai-Burmese border, its clandestine newsgathering activities, and its
secretive distribution method, 85 percent of its monthly 15,000 copies find
their way into eager readers within inside Burma.

But the circulation may be bigger, as readers pass on photocopies of the
newspaper to friends, co-workers, and relatives.

The most vulnerable link between the press and the public operates well
away from the country's centre. And quietly. Unsung volunteers: Among their
various duties, members of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front and
other pro-democracy groups on the Thai-Burmese border also perform a
volunteer function that often goes unrecognised: they deliver newspapers.

Many of these organisations play a key role in distributing the New Era
Journal, a monthly newspaper dedicated - to quote founder U Tin Maung Win -
"to providing accurate news about what is happening within Burma."

Tin Maung Win, a student activist during the 1962 uprisings in Burma and
currently Vice President of the Democratic Alliance of Burma, continues to
serve as publisher and editor-in-chief of the New Era Journal.

His staff, primarily comprised of veteran Burmese journalists such as U
Thaung and student activists who have fled to Thailand, gather news about
economic, political, and social events in Burma through contacts in the
political underground in Rangoon and in other Burmese cities.

They also gather news reports from Burmese, Thai, and Western journalists
within Burma as well as through international print media outlets such as
the Bangkok Post, The Nation, wire services, and broadcast media such as
the BBC, VOA, and RFA (Radio Free Asia) which is run by Burmese students
who fled Burma after the 1998 uprising.

Each month, the stories and editorials written by Burmese democracy
activists are distilled into a 14-page tabloid newspaper with both English
and Burmese sections. The journal, which is printed along the Thai-Burmese
border, is then delivered in bulk to members of the ABSDF and other
organisations.

Hunger for truth: According to Moe Thee Zun, vice-chairman of the ABSDF,
after receiving the New Era Journal each month, ABSDF and other groups get
the paper into the country through merchants and illegal aliens working in
Mae Sot who often return to Burma.

The monthly paper is also sold at some newsstands in Mae Sot for Burmese
government informants - who often cross into border towns to buy - and
smuggle it to members of the pro-democracy Burmese underground in Rangoon.

According to Tin Maung Win, approximately 85 percent of the 15,000 copies
of the pro-democracy newspaper is distributed in Burma, with the rest
delivered overseas to Europe, Australia and the United States.

Moe Thee Zun and Tin Maung Win believe many copies reach Burma as
photocopies, thereby increasing its circulation.

Although it is sometimes difficult for contacts in the Burmese underground
to accurately target the journal, Moe Thee Zun notes that ABSDF and others
try to get the New Era Journal into the hands of most top officials in
Burma's military government.

Portions of the New Era Journal are often posted on websites by groups
which support the ABSDF.

Most of the funding for the New Era Journal is said to come from American
philanthropist George Soros' Open Society Institute.

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SUNDAY MAGAZINE (NEW DELHI): AN OFFICER IN BANGKOK 
30 August - 5 September, 1998 

Unraveling the conspiracy behind Operation Leech

On 12 Feb this year, when Major-General S. C. Chopa, additional
director-general, military operations, ministry of defence (M0D), revealed
to the world how Indian armed forces had successfully thwarted the
nefarious designs of foreign gunrunners in the Andaman sea, little did he
know that the news will boomerang on his own organization.

In a press conference in New Delhi, Chopra had announced that on 11 Feb,
following a joint military exercise code named Operation Leech, Indian
security forces - comprising the army, navy, air forces and coast guards -
had nabbed a gang of international gunrunners, allegedly supplying weapons
to extremist organizations in the north-east. An assorted cache of arms,
worth U.S.$ 1 million, was seized. Six gunrunners were killed in a fierce
"encounter."

But SUNDAY's investigations (Blood and Sand, 31 May - 6 June issue) had
revealed a completely different story. It has now become clear that far
from being heroic men guarding Indian shores and interests, some officers
from the Indian security establishment were more busy carrying out a
hidden, personal, agenda.

The probe has also established that the consignment seized was not from
obscure gunrunners, but from activists belonging to the Arakan Army (AA) -
the armed outfit of the National United Party of Arakan (NUPA) which is
leading a bitter struggle against the repressive Myanmarese junta for an
independent Arakan State.

Moreover, these officers, specially one called Colonel V. S. "Gary" Grewal,
who planned and carried out Operation Leech, had full knowledge of who they
were taking on. This was because Grewal had been in touch with the AA as
early as May, 1997, if not earlier. Following which, AA leaders exchanged
notes and pleasantries with Indian security forces in New Delhi and Bangkok.

In fact, the Indians had never treated the AA as an obscure band of
gunslingers. There is evidence of Indian authorities providing logistic
support to the AA. Their group headquarters (GHQ) is located in Parva
(Mizoram). There is nothing hush-hush about the Parva camp, and officers
from the Indian Army have been seen inside the camp.

So it is evident that in Operation Leech, erstwhile "friends" were lured
into a trap laid by the Indian forces in the desolate Landfall Island in
the Andamans, and then killed in cold blood. The murders were later passed
off as encounter deaths of small-time gunrunners.

Or was it even meaner than that? Was Operation Leech merely one man's - or
few men's - desperate attempt to liquidate all those leaders of the AA with
whom one Indian army officer (and did he have accomplices?) had entered
into a deal, offering to the Arakanese rebels a base on Andaman's Landfall
Island for thousands of dollars taken in exchange?

Sources in the Arakan Army claim that Burmese- speaking Gary Grewal was a
known face. He had been liaisoning with the rebel Organization long enough
and was privy to classified information about AA's logistics and
operational details. He was a regular visitor at AA's Bangkok office. He
even had a Myanmarese name: the Arakanese knew him as a colonel Win Ney
Win. Grewal was often escorted by "colonel" Saw Tun, a member of the AA
central executive committee who is said to have been present on landfall at
the time of operation Leech and has been missing since then.

When Grewal (or Win Nay Win) went to Bangkok in May 1997, after visiting
the AA GHQ at Parva, Saw Tun put him up in a luxury hotel, 60-storey-high
and charging 6,000 bath per day. Saw Tun too, stayed in that hotel, but
soon moved out as it was far too expensive. The AA kept the Indian colonel
in good humor.

It was AA's office-in-charge in Bangkok for "movements" and shopping . A
number of AA operatives, including executive committee member Danyal Lin,
were aware of Grewal's presence in Bangkok.

Grewal's May 1997 visit to Bangkok lasted for ten days. On the sixth day,
he was taken to exotic island resort off Kawthung. The island is taken on
lease by the Thai government from Myanmar. A car was provided by Thai
tycoon and AA sympathizer Phi Dan to take the Indian colonel to the resort,
Grewal was accompanied by Phi Dan and his wife. They stayed overnight at
the island and made merry. Once again, the AA picked up the 25,000 baht tab.

Why was AA so keen to entertain the Indian colonel?

During this trip to Bangkok, Grewal carried with him a map of an island. He
held several meeting with AA leadership, which suggested that some kind of
deal was being struck. And as it transpired, an island was being offered to
the AA for use. The island concern was Landfall, located on the northern
tip of Andaman archipelago. The AA needed a safe house for its boy and also
to stash away arms and ammunition. The island was also to serve as a
hideout for AA men who were often given the chase by the Myanmarese Army.

At the May 1997 meeting in Bangkok, Grewal, on behalf of Indian security
forces, extended help for AA's transshipment of arms from Deeva camp to
Landfall island. Having negotiated the deal, Grewal went back. Soon,
however, he got in touch with Nyi Nyi Kyaw, saying that India was going to
have general election in February and that the arms transshipment had to be
carried out before the elections were over. Grewal had told the AA that a
new government might not endorse the arrangement.

Following Grewal's call, Nyi Nyi Kyaw took the first flight out of Bangkok
to New Delhi for meeting. He also handed over US$ 30,000, which the colonel
had requisitioned in order to build certain structures in Landfall Island.
The colonel had also asked for the photographs of arms, ammunition and
ships, which were likely to be involved in the transshipment operation.

Grewal went to Bangkok again on 16 January 1998, ostensibly for a final
meeting with NUPA general secretary U Ba Soe Aung, and to give the
finishing touches to the impending operation. This time he stayed in Selina
Hotel. The meeting was attended, among others, by AA commander-in-chief
Khaing Raza, U Ba Soe Aung and Major Shashi of the Karen National Union
(KNU), which has a close association with AA.

According to NUPA sources, an "agreement" was signed by Colonel Grewal and
the AA for the handing over of the Landfall Island. The document bore the
signatures of Grewal and those of Saw Tun and Khaing Raza. Incidentally,
both Saw Tun and Raza are missing in the wake of Operation Leech. Having
sealed the deal, in black and white, pleasantries were exchanged and
photographs were taken.

This time it was U Ba Soe Aung who picked up the tab for Grewal's stay. A
room had been booked under a fictitious name and it was trusted Nyi Nyi
Kyaw who settled the bills, in cash. Air tickets for Grewal and Saw Tun
were also booked by the AA.

If AA records are any indication, since May 1997, Grewal had made quite a
tidy packet. During his ten-day stay in Bangkok, the Arakanese had to shell
out at least 25,00,000 bath which included Grewal's travel and hotel bills,
gold worth 5,00,000 baht for his wife and daughter. There were also
expensive gifts for Grewal's daughter who was studying in college. In
addition, the colonel pocketed US$ 30,000 to build structures in Landfall
Island. This amount was supplied by Khaing Raza.

Another 7,00,000 baht was spent on Indian colonel when he visited Bangkok
in January. This was over and above the cost of the air tickets bought by
the AA for Grewal and Saw Tun.

But Grewal was an insatiable money-guzzler. Just when AA was sitting
pretty, thinking about their dream in Landfall Island, Grewal got in touch
with Razar, saying that another US$ 10,000 must be organized before 1
February 1998. Otherwise, Landfall could not be handed over.

The AA had no option but to pay up. They had 2,50,000 baht ready and the
rest was mobilized from Phi Dan, the Thai financier. This time, the money
was to be delivered in New Delhi. So before leaving, Nyi Nyi Kyaw took
bundle of Thai currency to an exchange shop beside India Hotel in Bangkok
and got US dollars.

He then went to the Indian embassy in Bangkok for visa. He was told that
his visa was in order and that Colonel Grewal had indeed put in a word.
Travelling under a fictitious name in a Thai Airways flight, Nyi Nyi Kyaw
reached Delhi on 29 January 1998, and delivered US$ 10,000 to Grewal.

What happened in the following days will go down as one of the most sordid
events in India's Military history. Having "sold" the Landfall Island to
AA, Indian Army officers got busy designing a foil for the proposed
transshipment of arms from Deeva to Landfall. Thus was born Operation Leech.

It was perfect cover for Grewal and his cohorts to emerge in a blaze of
glory, having made a tidy US$ 55,000 (in cash and gold) in the bargain. On
6 February, Khaing Raza gave his boys the green signal to proceed towards
Landfall Island. Accordingly, the AA flotilla weighed anchor on 7 February.

And not surprisingly, Indian agencies received "hard intelligence" that a
"consignment of arms, ammunition and equipment was being brought by some
foreign nationals to Landfall Island." This was because Grewal was part of
the AA team, which had planned this clandestine transshipment. But he was
also part of the team, which was devising Operation Leech to prevent the
transshipment.

The Indian joint services bandobast knew exactly where and when to find the
AA flotilla and what they contained. At the mid-sea rendezvous, between 7
and 9 February, Raza and his boys did not realize they were walking into
trap. Indians, led by Colonel Grewal, were "friends."

There was only one factor, which now stood between Grewal, the hero, and
Grewal, the mercenary. He had to eliminate AA leaders who knew about the
deal and also knew how much money Grewal had made in this process. He took
six top AA leaders, including Raza and Saw Htun, aside. And, according to
MoD's Maj.-General S.C.. Chopra, the six died in an "encounter" - an
encounter which never took place. AA sources say that soon after the six
men were led away behind some bushes under a large tree, six gunshots,
directed a specific targets, were heard. The men were never seen again.

The MoD has launched an internal inquiry into what had exactly happened
during Operation Leech. And the Indian Army may have to do a lot of
explaining and answer uncomfortable questions such as these: - Was Grewal
authorized to enter into "agreements" on handling over Landfall Island? -
Did the Indian Forces know that Operation Leech was being directed against
AA, which wasn't considered a hostile outfit even a few weeks earlier? Or
were they fed the rubbish that hostile "foreign nationals" were the targets
of the exercise? - The AA is allowed to maintain its GHQ on Indian soil at
Parva in Mizoram, so why has it been neutralized along the Arakan?

More importantly, the strategic outcome of Operation Leech has to be
understood clearly. Without cutting off arms supply to the northeast
guerrillas, Operation Leech has dealt a body blow to the AA, which was
operating along Myanmar's Arakan coast. A battered AA bolsters the junta
and its Chinese allies along the Arakan seaboard, which is uncomfortably
close to the Indian states of Mizoram and Manipur and the Andaman Islands.

In that light, Operation Leech appears to be a singular strategic blunder.
So, the MoD would do well to find out if the services are harboring
Myanmarese moles.

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AFP: EU ACCUSED OF CONDONING "PARIAH" BURMA WITH WTO ACTION 
21 September, 1998 

BRUSSELS, Sept 21 (AFP) - International trade union organisations on Monday
accused the European Union of condoning Burma's "crimes against humanity"
by trying to force a US state to end its boycott of multinationals that do
business with the South East Asian state.

The European Union is expected Tuesday to begin proceedings at the World
Trade Organisation (WTO) in Geneva aimed at forcing the state of
Massachusetts to revoke its legislation.

German electronics giant Siemens, Anglo-Dutch conglomerate Unilever and the
US computer giant Apple have all been denied contracts with the state
because of their activities in Burma.

The European Union, backed by Japan, argues that the stance is
discriminatory and has said it will request the opening of a WTO disputes
panel on Tuesday.

The move was denounced Monday by the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the European Trade Union Confederation.

"If the actions of Massachusetts, which put the human rights of the Burmese
people above the interests of a few multinational companies, do not comply
with WTO rules, then the WTO rules need changing, not the actions of
Massachusetts," said ICFTU General Secretary Bill Jordan.

The Union groups said they were astounded that the EU could take such
action at the same time as joining international condemnation of Burma's
use of forced labour and its crackdown on the democratic opposition led by
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

"It is extraordinary that one arm of the EU can pass resolutions condemning
Burma's human rights record, while at the same time, another arm is helping
the Burmese general commercial ties with multinationals," Jordan said.

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EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: RESOLUTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN BURMA 
17 September, 1998 

The European Parliament,

-having regard to its previous resolutions on Burma,

A. Deeply concerned at the continuing and extremely serious human rights
abuses committed by the military authorities in Burma, especially the
violation of humanitarian law by the Burmese army in ethnic minority areas,

B. deploring the restrictions by the SPDC on the freedom of movement of
Aung San Suu Kyi and the repeated locking in her car for six days in July
and thirteen days in August 1998 to prevent her visiting NLD members, the
ban by the SPDC restricting her to Rangoon and all other restrictions
placed on her movement, effectively putting her under house arrest,

C. whereas tension has been increasing in Burma since thousands of students
staged ant-government protests on a university campus in the biggest
demonstration since 1996,

D. Gravely concerned about the arrests in September 1998 of many NLD
members, including 50 members who were elected to Parliament in the 1990
elections,

E. greatly concerned at the ongoing use of riot police against university
students in Rangoon peacefully demonstrating for the release of arrested
students and improvements in the education system in September 1998 and the
confinement of these students to their campuses,

F. whereas on 19 August the International Labour Organisation released its
report on forced labour, based upon a year-long inquiry, in which it stated
that the practices is "widespread and systematic" with "total disregard for
the human dignity, safety and health and basic needs of the people",

G. noting that European multinational oil companies now provide almost a
third of the total legal foreign investment committed in Burma and an even
higher proportion of funds disbursed,

H. noting with great concern that, according to its own figures, the
military authorities in Burma spent half the budget in 1996 on defence and
only 14% on education,

I. welcoming the recent decision by some European companies to halt all
further activities in Burma, and hoping that their example will be followed
by other companies,

J. concerned at the arrests and summary deportations of Burmese refugees in
Thailand and reports that some of the deported are being forced into labour
camps on their return to Burmese territory,

K. noting the refusal by the SPDC in July 1998 to grant entry to the
special envoy of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan on a mission to seek
political dialogue between the regime and the opposition,

L. noting that most of the world's heroin comes from Burma and deploring
the strong ties between the military regime and drug producers,

1. Reiterates its condemnation of the military dictatorship in Burma and
all human rights violations by the SPDC;

2. Calls again on the Burmese Government to guarantee the fundamental
rights of the Burmese people, to release all political prisoners and to
allow freedom movement for Aung San Suu Kyi;

3. Believes that, in the interest of a foreign policy founded upon the
principles of human rights and democracy, the scope of the WTO to take
these principles into account should be enlarged rather than restricted and
calls upon the European Union to use its weight as the biggest trading
power of the world to this end;

4. Criticises in this context the Commission decision to insist on a
conflict resolution panel within WTO over the law of the US State of
Massachusetts, which set a pricing penalty on purchases of goods by state
authorities from companies that do business with Burma,

5. Calls on the Burmese Government to put an immediate end to all forced
labour practices in Burma and the human rights violations connected to it;

6. Urges the SPDC to allow the visit, without preconditions or
restrictions, of the UN Special Rapporteur on Burma in order to enable him
to discharge his mandate fully;

7. Reaffirms its opinion that foreign direct investment in Burma makes an
important financial contribution to the SPDC, while failing to provide even
indirect benefits to the Burmese people;

8. Calls on the EU not to contribute to the controversial UNDCP project in
Burma;

9. Calls on the Council to ensure that the current CFSP common position on
Burma is strictly enforced, in particular with regard to the ban on entry
visas and further strongly calls on the EU Member States to refrain from
giving transit visas to SPDC and military personnel;

10. Calls on the Council to respond to Aung San Suu Kyi's request for EU
economic sanctions against the SPDC by ending all links between the
European Union and Burma based on trade, tourism and investment  in Burma
by European companies; as a first step, call on the Council to expand the
measures taken in the common position be ending trade promotion and
expanding the ban on entry visas;

11. Supports the Council's decision not to accept the participation of
Burma in EU-ASEAN meetings and ASEM until there are significant
improvements in human rights and democracy in Burma;

12. Calls on the Council to use its discussions with the ASEAN and Japan
and China to pressure the SPDC to enter into dialogue with the democratic
opposition and ethnic minorities;

13. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission,
the Council, the NLD, the SPDC, ASEAN and the WTO.

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