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Jiang Zemin has a historic chance t



Subject: Jiang Zemin has a historic chance to liberalize China's politics 

                           EASING UP

   Jiang Zemin has a historic chance to liberalize China's
                                 politics


HUMAN RIGHTS IN CHINA have long lagged standards applied in most of the
world's
major nations. On Oct. 5, Beijing took a potentially significant step
toward narrowing the gap by
signing the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. "To
realize human rights is the
aspiration of all humanity," said a senior Chinese official. Cynics might
see the move as
window-dressing - something China can throw at its critics without making
real changes. Other
recent developments, however, suggest that Beijing may be serious about
moving steadily, if slowly,
toward a more civil society where the rule of law and individual rights are
better respected.

For years, most Chinese villages have been able to elect local chiefs. Now,
Beijing may extend such
polls to township levels. The government recently started a program to
professionalize the civil
service, curbing corruption and nepotism in recruitment. China has also
been experimenting with its
judicial system, launching education campaigns on the rule of law and
allowing some trials to be
televised. Beijing's interest in legal reform was underlined during British
Prime Minister Tony Blair's
recent visit, when a "British Law Week" was organized to introduce the
traditions and principles of
Western justice. Last week, China hosted a human-rights symposium attended
by 80 experts from
around the world.

Then there is the general openness that has pervaded the intellectual
atmosphere of late. More and
more academics have been speaking out on democracy and political reform -
without government
interference. Dissidents have repeatedly applied to form political parties.
Though a few were
detained briefly, the authorities' main response has been simply to turn
down the applications - a far
cry from the heavy-handed crackdowns that might have been expected not so
long ago.

Last month, Premier Zhu Rongji oversaw the approval of two regulations
dealing with the
registration and legal protection of civil organizations. One result, say
some insiders, may be to allow
citizens' groups to have legal status without the need to be affiliated
with a government department.
Once such bodies are separated from the state, the way is open for the
emergence of real political
parties.

Another key step toward a civil society and a politically mature state has
been the retreat of China's
armed forces from non-defense matters. A landmark was passed last year when
the seven-member
Politburo standing committee, the country's most powerful political body,
did not induct a single
military representative into its ranks. More substantive progress came a
few months ago when
President Jiang Zemin ordered the People's Liberation Army to get out of
business. Weaning the
PLA off its lucrative commercial ventures - from hotels and karaoke bars to
weapons and satellites
- will be a slow process. But Beijing's move, reflecting its desire to
boost the military's
professionalism, is clearly correct.

The Chinese leadership should not only nurture such promising trends, but
also accelerate them
whenever possible. Human dignity and individual well-being aside, they
serve China's national
interest. For one thing, political, legal and civil reform will create a
much-needed pressure valve.
Beijing has long kept social tensions under control through the heavy hand
of the one-party state - a
method that is increasingly difficult to sustain. As China continues to
modernize and restructure its
economy, more popular dissent will be sparked by everything from
unemployment and income
disparity to environmental concerns and consumer awareness. If people have
a proper political and
legal framework through which to channel their frustrations (as well as
their aspirations), the chances
of violent upheaval will diminish.

Another motive for reform is related to the importance of intellectual
capital. China will need the
brightest minds in order to compete in an increasingly interconnected and
wired world. A stifling
intellectual atmosphere repels scholars, scientists and thinkers, as can be
seen in the large proportion
of Chinese students abroad who choose not to return home. More freedom and
openness will help
reverse the trend and enable China to build up its pool of brainpower -
arguably the most valuable
asset a country can have in the 21st century.

A more open society will also bring closer to reality that long-cherished
goal of Beijing: reunification
with Taiwan. China may be ready to apply its "one country, two systems"
formula more flexibly, but
the island's people will continue to balk at a closer relationship until a
time when the mainland's
political system becomes a lot more like their own. Indeed, democratic
progress in China is likely to
do more for the cause of peaceful reunification than any other factor. It
would also win broad
plaudits internationally.

Jiang has a final reason to pursue political reform. Mao Zedong was the
unifier of modern China,
Deng Xiaoping its economic architect. If China is able to democratize
successfully, Jiang could go
down in history as the nation's premier political modernizer. The process,
in fact, has already begun.
It is up to Jiang and his colleagues - plus the National People's Congress,
which has to ratify the
rights covenant - to maintain the momentum.