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Asean caught on the horns of a dile
- Subject: Asean caught on the horns of a dile
- From: suriya@xxxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Mon, 26 Oct 1998 01:42:00
Subject: Asean caught on the horns of a dilemma
Editorial & Opinion
Asean caught on the
horns of a dilemma
When it comes to 'constructive
engagement' or 'flexible engagement',
Asean is caught in a dilemma on the issue
of one of its members' troubles. Marisa
Chimprabha writes.
As the saying goes, action speaks louder
than words. Has Thailand's proposed
change in the Asean's cardinal principle of
non-interference put this to the test?
So far the proposal of ''flexible
engagement'' that was roundly criticised by
other Asean members in July has not been
translated into action, as is obvious in the
case of the sacking and detaining of
Malaysian deputy prime minister Anwar
Ibrahim.
By flexible engagement, a country which is
affected by a neighbouring country's
internal problems should have the rights to
express its views.
This is in direct contradistinction to Asean's
non-intervention policy, which bars other
countries from making any comment on
other countries' internal affairs.
That has been criticised for being an
excuse on the part of Asean states for not
involving themselves in each other's affairs.
Observers say each Asean member has its
own internal problems and the best way to
prevent others from intervening is not to
meddle in others' affairs.
Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan says that it
does not matter if other Asean members
are not willing to adopt the Thai
flexible-engagement policy. ''Thailand will
certainly apply it,'' he says.
Surin reiterated in the Asean annual
meeting in Manila this year that present
problems had crossed borders and harmed
countries nearby, citing cross-border traffic
in narcotics, workers and prostitution.
His proposal was initially thought to be
aimed at Burma, whose internal fighting
and political division forces thousands of
people to take shelter on Thai soil. The
series of cross-border conflicts have nearly
escalated into international war.
Observers are now doubt if there is any
difference between the old and the new
policies as there is no change at all in the
reaction of the Foreign Ministry on regional
issues.
They charge that Thailand's reaction to
Malaysia's political feuds should be smarter
and express more worry on the fate of a
sacked deputy premier who faces ten
counts of corruption and sexual misconduct.
The Foreign Ministry should, they say have
reacted to the issue more aggressively
rather than spouting diplomatic cliches to
the effect that Thailand wants a peaceful
settlement to the problem as soon as
possible.
It is disappointing that the Chuan
government has done little if anything in
support of Anwar, who was cruelly treated
during his detention, and this despite the
fact that this government had won world
acclaim as a champion of democracy and
human rights.
Under this government a national
committee to draw up national master plan
on human rights was set up to prepare the
country for the effective implementation of
the UN Convention on Human Rights.
However, in Anwar's case the Chuan
government has failed to show the world
community that it is a protector of human
rights. Anwar was beaten unconscious in
jail after he was arrested under the Internal
Security Act.
Sadly, the government blindly urged
negotiation among conflicting parties to
settle the row despite the scope of the
problem.
Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai showed no
hesitation in saying that his schedule to
attend Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation
in Malaysia was still on.
Chuan's position on Malaysia's internal row
is different from those of his Indonesian and
Philippine counterparts. Philippine
President Joseph Estrada and Indonesian
President Jusuf Habibie recently hinted that
they were considering boycotting the Apec
meeting in Manila as they believed that
Anwar had received unfair and bad
treatment.
Maybe that is why Anwar's daughter
sneaked from Malaysia to meet Estrada
and Habibie but has not yet come to see
Chuan.
Estrada and Habibie considered Anwar
their friend. Surin, who pushed for the
review of Asean constructive engagement
said that the idea was originally Anwar's,
who floated it at a seminar at the Institution
of Strategy and International Studies.
Deputy Foreign Minister Sukhumbhand
Paribatra should be praised for standing by
Anwar. He said he had telephoned Anwar's
wife to express his concern and let her
know that as a friend he was ready to help
her family.
''As a deputy foreign minister I could do
nothing, because the government considers
the ongoing Malaysian political problems
should be tackled internally,'' Sukhumbhand
said recently.
Both Sukhumbhand and Anwar have been
seen as in the next generation of leaders of
this region. It was Sukhumbhand, once an
outspoken lecturer, who said he personally
regretted that Anwar had been dismissed.
He described Anwar as a link between
Western and Eastern civilisation.
Yet Thailand's reluctance to adopt flexible
engagement on Malaysian issues could
possibly be a case of too close for comfort
in that Malaysia is one of Thailand's major
economic partners compared to other
neighbouring countries.
Malaysia and Thailand have for years jointly
fought to crack down on Thai-Muslim
separatists led by the Pattani United
Liberation Organisation, which threatened
both countries' development plans.
The problem has not yet been fully
eradicated, so any reaction from Thailand
which Malaysia believes too aggressive
would certainly affect cooperation on
border security.
Moreover Malaysia has a claim for
consideration as a staunch trading partner,
a rare thing amidst the economic downturn
spreading through the region and beyond.
Politically the southern provinces are a
strong base of the Democrat Party, which is
the core of this nine-month-old coalition
government. The party has excellent
connections with the Malaysian
government, and many Democrat MPs are
known to be close to Prime Minister
Mahathir Mohamad's Umno party.
The Nation