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Special Issue: Western Front Interv



Subject: Special Issue: Western Front Interviews - December 17, 1998

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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Special Issue: Western Front Interviews - December 17, 1998

HEADLINES:
==========
THOMAS, CHAIRMAN OF THE CHIN NATIONAL FRONT 
NURUL ISLAM AND DR. MOHAMMED YUNUS, ROHINGYA LEADERS 
****************************************************************

THOMAS, CHAIRMAN OF THE CHIN NATIONAL FRONT
November, 1998 by E. Mirante 

Interview with Thomas, Chairman of the Chin National Front.

This rare interview with Chairman Thomas of the western Burma based CNF,
was conducted in November 1998 in a border region, by E. Mirante, director
of Project Maje. It is intended to inform Burma watchers about certain
aspects of the current situation on the Western Front.

Name: Thomas
Position: CNF Chairman
Age: 39

Q: When did you join the CNF, and what were you doing before that?

A: I graduated, LL.B., in 1985. And before I joined in CNF in 1988, I did
not join the government service, I worked in my personal service, in
private service.

Q: What do you want people to know about the origins of CNF?

A: About the Chins and Chin National Front --  before the British annexed
Chinland in 1895, Chinland has been never under the other country. Chinland
was an independent nation, an independent country. When the British annexed
Burma in 1885, at that time, Chinland was an independent country. And after
ten years from acquiring Burma, the British started to annex Chinland. The
British separately annexed Burma and Chinland. When under the colonial
British, we the Chins and Burma came together as one administrative area.
And when the British considered to grant the independence, we signed with
the Burmese to get independence together. So that this Union of Burma was
emerged.

The reason why we formed our Union with Burma is two reasons: one is, in
order to get the independence sooner, we signed to form the Union. And the
second is, according to Panglong Agreement, even if we do not want to stay
in that Union, we can secede from that Union. That two reasons, we signed
and agreed to form the Union of Burma. And another reason is, the Burmese
also promised to form a federal union, based on equal status and footing
amongst the nationalities. And when we gained the independence, in
according with the 1947 Constitution, that Constitution was not pursuant of
the agreements of the Panglong agreement. And there was discrimination to
the other nationalities by the Burmese. And there was no equal status and
equal footings. And we, the other nationalities, knew gradually about the
Burmese treatments of other nationalities. And that it is not pursuant of
the agreements of Panglong agreement, of equal status and equal footing
amongst the nationalities. For some years.

Therefore, in 1961, the other nationalities convened a conference in
Taunggyi, called Taunggyi Conference, in order to amend the 1947
Constitution.  To emerge the federal union. But the Burmese chauvinists
took this opportunity as other nationalities trying to disintegrate the
Union. So that the military generals took the state power by military
government. In 1962. That means that the Burmese chauvinists tried to
assimilate the Chins in order to [make them] become the Burmese. Since
then, the military regime changed their name several times. But their
target is Burmanization and to reign over the peoples of Burma by military
generals. So that we, other nationalities other than the Burmese one, were
deprived of our rights. "Our rights" means the ethnic rights. And, under
the British colony, we the Chin have our own army, called Chin Rifles. But
under the military regime, after 1962, it is only in name, Chin Rifles, but
actually they become the Burmese Army. That is, the military regime tried
to [make] the "Chins" to become their own word.

Therefore, in 1964, an MP, Mr. Hrang Nawl formed the Revolutionary Party.
In order to regain our national rights. But unfortunately, that party did
not last long. In 1966, the then India government repatriated him, Mr.
Hrang Nawl and handed [him] over to the military regime. Again, in 1971,
the ex-Parliamentary Secretary, Mr. Mang Da Laing formed another
revolutionary party, called Chin Democratic Party. But unfortunately this
party did not last for so long. In 1977 his troops were arrested by the
military regime. And without court proceeding, all of them were murdered.
Again, in 1988, on March 20, Chin National Front was formed.

Q: What are the current tactics of the CNF?

A: We CNF are adopted that without the armed struggle we will not reach our
goal, for so many reasons. We did not condemn nonviolent action also.
Within ethnic armed groups, some of the parties have already entered
ceasefire with the military regime. And there are only some of us still
fighting against this military regime. So that the pressure from the
military is also more and more to us. The military regime employs the
heavy, heavy armies in Chin State. And now they employ over ten battalions
in the Chin State. As they have a heavy army, whenever we create any
operational zone, they never bother about how many they lost. So that they
put pressure against us, and now they are approaching nearer and nearer to
the border area. It badly affects the people who live in the remote areas
and nearby the border area. But us also, it badly affects us. In order to
reverse their approaching, and the pressure in the remote and the border
areas, we create some operations in urban areas. At the same time, we
create some confrontation, some operation, where the military regime cannot
expect it. It seems like in Chinland there is some kind of peace and there
is no conflict between the military regime and the CNF. But actually, the
military action extends, is very extensive in urban areas. So that the
security of the army personnel also employed in urban areas...

The second tactics we choose to use is the guerrilla warfare. Guerrilla
warfare in the border areas and the other areas. We targetted only the
officers. We like to create some gap between the officers and the laymen
[lower ranks]. And we targetted the important one, their main resources.
Like their arms and ammunition, in order to attack their camp, but we
attack the storerooms of arms and ammunition, like this. And sometimes we
target only officers. That is our targets, and tactics. In some extent, the
tactics, they are good, and we can issue informations to [their] army, so
the army thinks, "ah, we are not targetted -- only our officers are
targetted." So that we can create some gap, in some extent. So that some
Burma Army ask me, to surrender to us, without any fear.

Some confrontations between the Burmese Army -- there were so many
examples. Recently, one of the Army officers shoots himself. And he said --
he writes a will -- and he said that "I could not vacate from this Army
service," and he doesn't want to continue to serve in this Army. The higher
authorities did not allow to retire him. There is no alternative way. So
that he committed suicide. Recently. That is Tlangrua village in Thantlang
township. That is from 226 Battalion, one lieutenant officer. And so,
within their Army, there is a gap between their officers and the laymen. So
the laymen try to kill their officers; and if they fail, they run away and
surrender to us.

Q: What is your opinion about the Unocal interest in building a pipeline
through western Burma to India?

A: If the Unocal  built the pipeline through the Chinland, we the Chin
people will suffer for that. Like, the forced labor, and forced relocation,
and collection of money, and so many things. In order to build this
pipeline, they will destroy the environments, in order to set up that
pipeline. And we have been suffering a lot about human rights violations.
And if they build this pipeline, yeah it will be rampant, it will increase!
The human rights violations such as forced labor, forced relocation. Not
only that thing, but also the Chin people will not benefit for this
pipeline. And this pipeline will only benefit for the military regime who
is hampering the restoration of democracy. So if means more and more badly
affect to the people, and more and more benefits to this military regime.
Therefore, I think it is better not to do before restoration of democracy.
For the time being, until  and unless the democracy is restored.

Q: In your area, is there deforestation going on?

A: That kind of deforestation and logging -- in order to protect themselves
from the CNA, Chin National Army [the armed force of CNF] they [Burma Army]
build their camp and deforest around by their area. And both sides of the
chief roads, and any roads were cut off of all trees up to a hundred feet.
In order not to [have] attacks by the Chin National Army. So they [Burma
Army] make a lot of deforestation around the chief roads, or porter roads
nearby their camps. So they are directly enforcing the deforestation. And
it badly affects for drinking water  in some villages. Because the
clear-cut of all that trees, the forest gradually becomes dry and dry, and
after some years the villages could not get the drinking water.

About 1990, some Burmese businessmen came to Chinland, and collect some
orchids. And they say that they give a high price. So the people destroy
all the forest to collect the orchids. Not that they go and climb up and
pick up to collect. But they cut off all the trees and collect the orchids.
 And still we do not know, that that is a high price, where they sell that
orchid. And at the same time the military did not prevent to cut the forest.

The logging place in Chin State, in Chinland, in far northeastern of
Chinland, within the Kalemyo and Tamu township, there is heavy logging! To
sell to India. And another one is roundabout in Haka and Carkhua (sp.?)
village in the middle east of Chin State. They also are teak logging, and
sell to the Burma proper. The third one is the southern one, within the
Paletwa township -- they cut off the teak and send to Bangladesh through
Akyab [Arakan].

Q: What is the narcotics situation in your region?

A: In 1978, the BSPP -- Burma Socialist Program Party -- had a program to
cultivate opium in Chinland, but over 400 Chin university students strike
against it, not to do those things. And signed memorandum and sent it to
all the government officials. So that they withdrew that program. But after
the Na-Wa- Ta, the SPDC, SLORC, came to power in 1988, they never interfere
with who cultivates this opium. The cultivators have been closely related
with these authorities. And now we have already made the paper [on ties
between narcotics and the regime in Chin State] but we have not translated
it yet.

Q: How is the Christian population being treated in your area?

A: Regarding religious persecution -- we the Chins belong to Christianity.
Because we are Christians we suffer a lot. Since 1988 till today. We Chins
erected the crosses, and we set such places like a church. The military
regime destroys that cross and replaces with the pagoda. In order to preach
the Gospel news, and regarding the missionaries, the military regime not
only prohibited to send any person to another place, but for those who have
been already sent to some other place, they ordered to return back to their
areas. They interfere, they give some pressure not to do the missionary
work. For example, we the Chin have the CCOC -- means the Chins for Christ
in One Century. That is the missionary organization. They send their
missionaries to some areas that did not have any ["organized"] religion.
But the military regime forced them to return back to their belonged areas.

And the Christian leaders and the servants who work for this church, are
restricted by the local authorities.  For example, if they have to make
some conference or some meeting, first they have to ask permission from the
local authorities. The local authorities never give that permission. So
they delay the one or two or three months. After then they give the
permission, but the time has been already late. They can do nothing. For
example, we the Chins have made some area conference, or something like
this, when we are free, free time. But if they delay that permission, when
we do it, nobody can attend that conference. So that kind of thing
restricts the movements of the Christian activity and Christian leaders.

Some active religious leaders, or preachers, or evangelists, are arrested.
And they accuse them of having some connection with CNF. And put in jail,
imprisonment. But actually there is no connection with the CNF. But they
have been active and they have some power, some influence in the community
-- so they accuse them of some connection with CNF and put them in jail.

And sometimes the [Burma] Army came to the villages and made the villagers
gather and made them see the sun, and said "pray to your God, and your God
will save you." But there is no action and they say to the villagers, "yeah
-- your God can do nothing." It means that they disgrace the Christian God.
At the same time they bring the pongyi, monk, and the pongyi preach the
Buddhism at that village gathering. So that they use their power in order
to gather the village and make a meeting, and the pongyi, the monk, come
and preach the Buddhism. Still outside, but when the pongyi come, maybe
they go to a school or a shed.

And they woo the Christians in order to convert to the Buddhism, and
offering some privileges, such as no porterage, no unpaid forced labor, and
not forced relocation. When a village leader, the chairman, they grant some
power, so that kind of privilege they offer and try to convert to Buddhism.
Who will convert to Buddhism is given 800 salary Burma [kyats] and some
food, some rice. Some [Burma] Army officers say to the villagers, they
collect some children in order to give [them] some education in some other
place. But actually they sent to the [Buddhist] monastery, and all of them,
they cut off their hair and become the monk, forced to convert to Buddhism.
And their parents try to call them back, but they did not allow it.  In
Kalemyo, they [Burma Army] destroyed the Christian cemetery and built their
camp. In Tiddim also. In some villages in the Kalemyo valley, they
destroyed the church and replaced with the monastery.

****************************************************************
 
NURUL ISLAM AND DR. MOHAMMED YUNUS, ROHINGYA LEADERS
November, 1998 by E. Mirante 

Interview with Rohingya leaders Nurul Islam and Dr. Mohammed Yunus. This
rare joint-interview with leaders of two Rohingya groups which have just
recently merged, was conducted in November 1998 in a border area, by E.
Mirante, director of Project Maje. The interview is intended to inform
Burma watchers about certain aspects of the Western Front situation.

Dr. Mohammed Yunus, 53 (RSO) 
Mr. Nurul Islam, 50 (ARIF)

Q. How long have you been in the opposition movement?

NI: Since 1975.

MY: 1975.


Q: What profession were you in before then?

MY: I was a medical officer there. I served in the government for 5 years.
And after that I joined the movement.

NI: Although I am from a law background, after graduation I have chamber
practice, then I joined the democracy movement.


Q: Your current organization, where it came from, what its current status is?

MY: Till now, we have been working separately. We are going to merge very
soon. We are in the capacity of RSO (Rohingya Solidarity Organization), and
so far we have various programs, to help the people in various ways,
socially, economically, educationally. The same time, to restore the rights
and freedoms of the people of Arakan. Now we have decided to merge into a
single organization and it will be done very soon. We will continue with
the struggle until we restore the legitimate rights and freedom of our
people in Arakan.

NI: We have now proposed one name, Arakan National Organization, ANO. To be
very brief (the goal) would be the right of self-determination of the
people of Arakan. Within the federation, of course. We believe in the
peaceful coexistence of the various nationalities of the country.


Q: How does this relate to the democracy movement in Burma?

MY: We have been really in touch with these movements, of course. But so
far, our relations with them does not conform into something official. We
have not legally become part and parcel of the common opposition groups.
The DAB or NCGUB. We are not part and parcel of that movement. We support
their democratic struggle, we have relation with them, but so far we are
quite disappointed at that. Although we tried our best to be a part of the
ongoing democratic struggle, but still we are not recognized. This cannot
be restored by our sister community as well as other groups. What we feel
is, we are deprived of our rights as an indigenous ethnic community of
Arakan. Having our separate identity, separate culture, historical
background, we need to have a place which should be recognized. But we have
a goodwill for the ongoing democratic struggle. We support the struggle by
the leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, we support her struggle. But we are quite
disappointed at the attitude -- we have tried our best, we have
demonstrated our willingness to be part and parcel of their ongoing
struggle, but they are not giving us our legitimate place.

Q: Membership, finance, activities of the organization?

NI: By this time we have almost finished the formalities to merge into a
single organization. And then the individual organizations have their own
activities and those are not at all in conflict, so it is not at all a
difficult task to combine our forces. And to continue the movement with
what we did earlier. We are taking programs for the development of the
whole Rohingya people. We cover the whole gamut from social to education
and political. The way we are going, we are not facing much trouble to
combine our forces and manpower. So we have a good plan, we feel encouraged
when we are going to do this. As to finance sector, particularly we get the
main finance from our people, they are the main source of our funds, our
people.

Q: Are overseas Rohingyas involved in this movement?

MY: Now we engage the support of the most overwhelming majority of the
people. Because everybody, they know very well that without participating
in the movement, they are not going to have their lives in Burma -- they
have no future at all. They are now living in exile -- they are not happy
there. Leaving their families and their homes behind. Nowadays to live as
illegal immigrants or stateless people in another country is not as easy as
it was before maybe, some 10 years or 20 years back. Now in every country
there are problems. It is difficult for them to adjust in such as
situation. So we have the support of these people and their hope for this
movement. We hope they will continue to support this movement until they
can go back to our country.

Q: Could you give us an update on the refugees in Bangladesh?

NI: This refugee problem -- people may think that the Rohingya problem is
all a refugee problem. In fact the refugee problem is a result of the
Rohingya problem. It is a vicious circle. It is never-ending, this problem.
In 11 years we had two exoduses to Bangladesh. One in 1978 and another in
1991-92. In both times the numbers of refugees were about 300,000. Both
times the Burmese government signed an agreement with Bangladesh for
repatriation. But this repatriation agreement is very unilateral. No
involvement of the Rohingya refugees or representatives. Their concerns are
not translated. The agreements, these are not directed towards resolving
the main issues of the refugees, the main problems. Simply, it has been
observed that on the Bangladesh side, they are simply concerned to get
themselves relieved of the refugee burden. On the Burma side, they want
just to avoid pressure from international bodies.

At the same time, the refugees that are going, continue to suffer. Although
many people are gone, now we have (of the) 1991 refugees, we have about
21,000 in camps in Bangladesh. The rest have gone there. But those who have
gone there, they have no ability to work. Because sometimes they have
double forced labor.  Accusing them that "you have stayed one year or two
years or three years in the refugee camp without having to do forced labor
-- now you have to double it."  The refugees on the Bangladesh side, it is
very difficult , I'm talking of the UN mandate, to call it "voluntary
repatriation."  A tense situation has existed in the refugee camps. There
has been the problem of clashes between the UNHCR people, Bangladeshi
authorities, and refugees. This is always what the news media -- but
unfortunately the real picture has never been portrayed., has never been
exposed in the media. Because the refugees and their leaders and their
representatives have been handicapped to give the real picture to the
media. They have always been distorted, as if these were bad people,
something like that. So that they are deprived of the sympathy and
cooperation they have been receiving from the international people.

The worst is that -- with the repatriation, the new refugees are coming.
The Bangladeshi authorities, the security forces, have arrested many
people, and put them back. On the other hand, the UNHCR people, who have
got a mandate from the international community, very miserably they brand
these refugees as "economic migrants." Without realizing the volume, the
nature of the problems and the persecution that the refugees are enduring
in their own land. So this is a very sad issue. The flight continues, (in)
small groups, not big groups. They are crossing the border daily, to avoid
the attention of the security forces. And they are mingling with the local
people. Moreover, we have the information that many people die under the
open sky. They are having no shelter, they are having no food.  This is the
real situation. What can we expect? Even if all the refugees have been
repatriated, we cannot say that  the problem is resolved. This way, nobody
can guarantee that this will not occur again.

Q: What is the situation inside the north of Arakan?

MY: As far as the general situation of the people inside Arakan is
concerned, the situation is going from bad to worse day by day. There is
increased militarization, particularly in the border areas. Now it is about
a five-fold increase than 1991-1992. And as far as the economic situation
is concerned, what happened is, they have grabbed lands of the Muslims, the
Rohingyas, with various excuses. Buddhist people from inside interior
Arakan,  even from Bangladesh are encouraged to settle there. The people
have to build houses for them, and till their land. And because of this,
now people have become almost landless. From the other side, there is
restriction of movement. People cannot move freely from one place to
another, even from one village to another village. And there is virtually
no employment there for the people, except  this farming, cultivation. But
what they produce from the land, they have to pay as a tax to the
government. That is a kind of agreement between the government and the
people -- every year they have to pay. So it is only imposed on the
Rohingyas. So from one side there is no employment, and these Rohingyas are
not recruited in any government services, and to create a business, they
cannot do it freely.

So the economic situation is from bad to worse, moreover because of
economic blockade, embargo in the area, that people cannot bring food from
other parts of Arakan or Burma to this area. One of the reasons is creation
of a sort of active famine over there. When the price of the rice
skyrocketed up to taka 70 per kilo, which is very difficult for common
people to afford, at that time many people fled to Bangladesh. As to
violations of human rights, these are very horrible, horrible.
Extrajudicial killing is there, even with very small excuse, they just
kill. And this arbitrary arrest is there. And the abuse of women --
molestation, rape -- is continuing. And this is, I think, an official
policy. The security forces are instructed like that so that people become
fed up with the present situation so that ultimately they leave the
country. And these things are continuing. There's only one way out for the
people there. But even people cannot flee -- to cross to Bangladesh costs
some money.

There is some misleading information circulated by United Nations High
Commission for Refugees sometimes. Actually they have no access to all the
areas in Arakan. They are just confined to some towns and cities. Where you
just cannot observe everything that is going on. And even they cannot go up
to the border of the towns, on the plea that security is not so good, the
government does not allow them to go there. Though things are going on very
openly, the killings, the arrests. And the beating, looting, all these
things are in continuation. Forced labor is very much serious, very
rampant. There was very misleading information from the United Nations High
Commission for Refugees that these are only some four days in a month. But
now practically there are people who are kept for months. Many of them who
went for forced labor, they died during their forced labor work. Down from
the cliff or the mountain, many instances of things like this.

Q: What kind of forced labor is there?

NI: Mainly they use people for portering. To carry military supplies to the
border area. Construction of military barracks, and roads, they are
constructing roads there, and also sometimes there are a lot of shrimp
culturing dams there. This has been actually confiscated from the Muslims.
Now the government is taking care of that, and they engage people there,
because every year the saline water enters and it has to be mended. So the
people are used there as forced labor. And they force people to collect
this and that, that they put into the golf courses, for the army.

Q: What Burma government army units are involved in these things?

MY: Generally, every force is doing it. There is a saying now, particularly
it is applicable with the Rohingyas, "Whatever the Army wants to do, they
can do it." Whatever action they take against the Rohingyas,  they are not
answerable to anyone. Officially they are supported, this is the policy. So
even the Army, and the Lon Htein border security forces, and the MI,
police, every force is doing this.

Q: How is the situation in Arakan affecting the neighboring countries?

NI: Well, Bangladesh is a neighboring country, and whenever there is a
problem, human rights violations, it naturally escalates the refugee
problems. And regional stability. Bangladesh being a poor country,
over-stressed economy, and when the influx of people come to Bangladesh,
naturally it becomes a burden on them. Maybe there is some social problems
also, with this influx of people from one place to another. This becomes a
regular phenomenon. Bangladesh becomes an affected country and (its)
neighboring countries are affected. Because there is a line of escape now
of people, from the River Naf, first to Bangladesh, and sometimes on foot
they are crossing the border to India, then Pakistan. So when there is a
problem with your neighbor, our problem has always an affect on Bangladesh.
So they have become an interested party. Bangladesh should have a policy on
the Rohingya issue, being an affected country.

Q: What is your response to the acceptance of Burma into ASEAN last year?

MY: As far as this organization is concerned, we have expressed our
displeasure and disapproval, and even we protested as far as possible by
our statements in our newsletters as to the involvement, inclusion of Burma
in ASEAN. We totally disapprove of this thing. In ASEAN there are Muslim
countries, but the action they have taken is not serving in any way the
interests of the Muslims in Burma, particularly the Rohingyas. And this
cannot be accepted. It is a wrong step of the ASEAN.

Q: Are Muslims particular victims of human rights abuse in Burma?

NI: Actually, today, Burma's military rule, this country is with the worst
human rights record in the world. In Burma, all people suffer. Human rights
violation is going across the country. Particularly in Arakan, the
Rohingyas are the most affected. The most affected group in the sense that
whenever there is a problem, to divert the minds of the people they just
make the target of the Rohingya people. So this is the tactic, whenever
there is a problem, the Rohingyas are attacked. They made our people
stateless within a state. In spite of the fact that we have been there for
thousands or hundreds of years. We have got our glorious past, our history.
As the Muslim, Muslims are very peace-loving, if a true Muslim, cannot
violate the human rights. (In) the media, we are sorry to say that the real
picture of the Muslims has been distorted. You are responsible, if you are
a Muslim, to see to the welfare of your neighbors. We uphold the principle
of peaceful coexistence. As a Muslim I must believe in the universal
brotherhood of mankind.

Q: What can your people contribute to the people of Burma?

MY: As far as I could comprehend, peace, stability, prosperity, and the
future of the country depends on many factors. There must be understanding,
the realization of truths; there must not be any kind of racism,
communalism. All these things are now in the present day situation in
Burma, these things are going on.  And particularly the Rohingyas -- you
can see all the Rohingyas are victims of racism. Victims of racial
discrimination, religious discrimination. So what we hope that is if we can
demonstrate ourselves to be a positive factor, a positive force there,
while aligning ourselves with the mainstream opposition groups trying to
bring back democracy, we hope they can understand us slowly.

Another thing is, so far, because of our past, there are many
misunderstandings. Even the Rakhines could not have understood us in real
terms. They have some misunderstandings, so as our community also has some
misunderstandings of them. So we have to slowly slowly try to bridge the
gap. Now there is a lot of gap in understanding. Now I see that in Arakan,
our two peoples, now there is a lot of gap between us. This is
fundamentally important as far as Arakan is concerned.

As far as the whole Burma is concerned, the other people, the other ethnic
groups, and mainly the Burmese, they cannot forget that there are
culturally, religiously different people living in Burma. Not only Burmese
and Buddhists. Now the situation has come to such a critical juncture that
"Burma belongs to Buddhists only". "To be a Burma is to be Buddhist."
These kinds of slogans are openly going on. And you see, just one year
before there was a lot of destruction of mosques, and the Islamic people,
properties, every thing. It was something very communal. Where, Muslims are
quite low-profile there. In Burma they are low-profile -- why should these
things happen?

So we believe the present democratic struggle led by Daw Suu Kyi, will be
in a better position to evaluate and analyze the whole situation. Taking
care of the sentiments and the aspirations of different people. And if
these things are really given importance, only then we can hope for the
future. But if the state of things now presently going on, if the same
things are harbored by those people, we don't see that Burma will have a
very good future. We are optimistic in any way, by demonstrating ourselves
as a positive force, and we are reiterating that we would like to be part
and parcel of the democratic struggle here. With the condition that we want
to have our rights ensured. Not compromising on our rights. So those who
are struggling for the establishment of truth in Burma, cannot ignore us.
They should also have this broadmindedness. Because Burma is a multiracial,
multicultural, multilingual country. It does not belong just to the Burmese
and the Buddhists. If all these things are really taught in a sincere way. 

The other thing is, as we are Muslims, we have a lot of sympathy from a
very good number of people in the world. The Islamic world is looking at
us. They know very well that there are Muslim people in Burma, what is the
situation of these people, how they are doing now. So if the Muslims are
counted as a part and parcel of the democratic struggle, this will (be)
good for the opposition, to force pressure on the military regime. These
things actually they cannot still understand. We have a lot of leverage,
actually. If we, together with the Burmese opposition forces, can approach
the Muslim countries, not to speak of this ASEAN and all, there are other
people who really want, from the Muslim point of view, to help their Muslim
brethren in Burma and Arakan. It will be really a source of strength. If we
are counted, and we are taken as part and parcel of the opposition
struggle, that will have a strong leverage and push on the part of the
opposition. But unfortunately still, we could not be appreciated by the
opposition. And we hope, gradually, to mend this gap. Slowly slowly we hope
the Rohingya people can be part and parcel of the overall opposition forces
there, who really want to establish truth and justice in Arakan in
particular and Burma as a whole.

Q: In 1996, the regime's attempts to stir up animosity against the Muslim
community in Burma, most people did not follow that. Do you see any hope
for future acceptance from that?

NI: We hope for the best in future. But this depends on the leadership. In
the popular level, this is all right. This is quite evident from the
problem created against the Muslims in 1996. It could not attract much
people. But it depends on the leadership. When we talk of leadership, it
includes the opposition also. In that case, as for our experience, we have
long been trying to identify ourselves with the mainstream Burmese
opposition.  To liberate Burma and turn it into a democratic state where
there will be equality, peace and tranquillity will prevail. There will be
no discrimination, this will be a garden for all flowers, all people of
Burma. 

But these aspirations have not yet been translated well by the opposition.
As for example, until now, either in the national or international forum,
we have not been invited, nor are we allowed to participate. We have always
been kept at a distance. These are not the correct attitudes. They should
understand one thing: they should not misunderstand our potentialities. And
moreover, they cannot exclude us from our partnership share in the context
of Arakan. If they continue to do that, if they are not going to change
their minds, we can confidently brand them as "your attitude is not
democratic, this is not the humane action." What SLORC is talking --
exactly the same.

A simple example: some years back, NCGUB has submitted a report to the UN
General Assembly. In the report they said -- this was a very good report,
we were happy to see it -- that is that the Rohingya people are citizens of
Burma, they are good people, they have got history, like this. But the
paper, after the conference, after their return from the United Nations,
for general distribution, they have made another paper, this is as if we
are making questions. This is a double standard thing. What is going on now
in the democratic movement, we accept it. We want to have participation.
The best hope of getting our rights and freedom ensured. That is most
important. In future in Burma, what develops depends on the leadership.
What we have seen, even while we were a mere child, while we were students,
we were very good friends with each other. Many many people -- Shan is
there, Kachin is there, Burman is there, and the Mon is there -- we are
good friends. We are taking together, going together, living together, no
problem.

But when it's come to the administration, the idea's different. The
officialdom. Recently there are coming to existence the committee,  the
committee for the national solidarity. That committee's a very good
committee. Because all organizations are there. Even they have invited the
student front, organizations from every nationalities. Even the
organizations who have gone on terms with the military. Everybody's
invited! Unfortunately we are left out from this organization, from such a
committee. But we feel,  without our participation, that it  will not be
complete.  Where our people can have no representation, these people cannot
speak for us. They cannot protect our interests.

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