The New Light of Myanmar or the New

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Subject: The New Light of Myanmar or the New Lies of Myanmar?

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Dear Netters,
Here is my X-Mas present to you all.  Enjoy it!

sincerely

Htun Aung Gyaw
Freedom Fighter.

For the people who do not have microsoft words.  Below is the text.

    


"Today's Newspapers in Burma and Freedom of Expression."
			
(Htun Aung Gyaw)

"If I do wrong, write about me.  If my queen does wrong, write about the
queen.  If my sons and daughters do wrong write about them.  If judges do
wrong, write about them.  If the mayors do wrong, write about them.  No one
can take an action against the press for writing the truth.  All people
from the press are allowed to enter and leave the palace without
interruption." 

King Min Don (Ruled Burma from 1853 - to 1878) -(Yatana pun Nay Pyi Daw,
Mandalay Palace).  King Min Don was the father of Burmese last King ThiBaw.
The quotation shows, Burmese have traditionally exercised their basic human
right to free speech.

Burmese enjoyed freedom of expression under Monarchy, Colonial, and
parliamentary rule but not under military control.  After the military coup
in 1962, independent newspapers were systematically crushed by various
means.  Some were forced to stop publication some were nationalized, and
some were charged a higher income tax rate that they were unable to pay.
Finally, independent newspapers ceased to exist.  Among them was a
well-respected English newspaper "The Nation" owned by journalist U Law
Yone.  In 1969, the only independent newspaper that existed in Burma was
Yangon Daily but the military regime closed it without explanation.  Ethnic
newspapers in languages such as Mons, Chin, Chinese and Indians existed
under colonial and post-colonial rule, but they were not allowed to exist
under military rule.
	
Today, under SLORC/SPDC, only regime-run newspapers exist.  The SPDC mouth
piece, The Working Peoples' Daily which was first published by the BSPP
regime in October 1963.   Its first English version appeared in January
1964.  In 1994-95, its name was changed to "The New Light of Myanmar"(NLM),
in order to appear as if it were changing from socialist to nationalist
attitudes.  But all along, it has merely printed public relations for the
military regime.

The 1988 nationwide uprising which rejected the military-led socialist rule
forced the military leaders to change their course from so called Socialism
to discipline democracy.   They began this process in 1990 elections but
stopped abruptly when they lost it.  Today, only five newspapers exist in
Burma for the entire population of 46 million people.  In comparison with
New York City alone with 7 million people, it has more than 15 newspapers.
In contrast, under colonial rule, there were thirty independent newspapers
in 1946; seventeen were Burmese and the other thirteen were English,
Chinese, Indian and ethnic Mon and Chin.  Today all five newspapers are run
solely by the regime as their propaganda tools.

On the front page of the NLM, is printed "Established 1914".  This date
leads people (especially foreigners, Burmese know that it is not true) to
mistakenly believe that it is related to a different newspaper, The Light
of Burma (LOB) an independent newspaper which was first published in 1914.
But the NLM is not the same one.  SLORC/SPDC wanted to lie to the people
that their version of NLM is a continuation of an old nationalist
newspaper.  In fact, it is merely the conversion of "The Working Peoples'
Daily."  The names of the newspaper are different, the publishers, and
their essences are also different.  Basically, LOB criticizes the colonial
regime freely; the NLM support the military regime wholly, in repressive
atmosphere where it could do no else.
On the very bottom of every newspaper's first page, including NLM the
regime commands that the slogan "Emergence of the State Constitution is the
duty of all citizens of Myanmar Naing-Ngan" is printed. Also there is a
square box on every front page of the Burmese newspapers.  Inside the box,
the regime dictates those, four political objectives, four economic
objectives and, four social objectives are printed.
This is the format of today's Burmese newspapers.  In addition, all books,
magazines, and journals published in Burma have to print the propaganda
made by regime without payment.  They are required to print free
advertisement for the regime, if they want to publish their publications. 

Independent observers clearly note that even though SPDC prints "Emergence
of the State Constitution is the duty of all citizens of Burma"; they do
not have real intentions to finish it.  SLORC/SPDC has been drawing up the
new constitution since 1993 to the present.  When question by the media,
SPDC refused to give the time frame for finishing.  They drag their feet
because it is not their best interest to finish it.

The four political objectives printed by the regime in newspapers are not
likely to be achieved today either.  The goals of "Stability of the State,
community peace and tranquillity, prevalence of law and order" are out of
reach.  SPDC is using guns, forced labor, harsh punishment, arbitrary
killing, and forced porterage.  In addition, they accused and jailed
oppositions as neocolonialist to maintain the political power.

The newspapers repeat the slogan of National reconsolidation but they mean
only to strengthen the Burmese army, not the Burmese people who want a
peaceful political process.  They claim they want to build a new modern
developed nation in accord with the new state constitution but the
constitutional drafting is going nowhere.  SPDC have to finish the
constitution first and after that the elected party will carry on the
latter objective.

Similarly four economic objectives are not likely to be achieved.  The
regime is not likely to reach their target of the development of
agriculture as the base and all-round development of others sectors of the
economy.  Today, because of floods and the government's bad economic
policies, rice shortage is imminent.  SPDC can not sell the rice this year.
 Soldiers' rations are cut off.  It shown that development of agriculture
is falling apart.

The second economic objective, which will create the proper evolution of
the market-oriented economic system, is clearly failed.  Much foreign
investment pulls out from Burma because of corruption and unworkable money
exchange system.
 The initiative to shape the national economy must be kept in the hands of
the state and the national people are not likely to happen.  The fourth
objective which will allows the state economy in the hand of the people is
a joke.  Most of the Burmese nationals are very poor and only the
foreigners and military elite can invest in Burma today.

As the same token, four social objectives are far away to achieve.  The
first objective of uplift of the morale and mortality of the entire nation
is totally impossible.  Today, many children who live along the roadside
from Mandalay to Rangoon run to buses and cars and begged for money, when
the cars stop near their villages.  Burma became a beggar country under
military rule.  Still Burma is one of the poorest countries in the world.
The Burmese army in the border region collected porter fees from the
villagers as their surplus salary.  SLORC was abolished because the
generals were corrupted.  The regime refused to hand over the power to the
elected opposition party proved that the rulers broke their promise to the
people.

The second objective of uplift of national prestige and integrity and
preservation and safeguarding of cultural heritage and national character
is not likely to achieve.
How can SPDC uplift the national prestige and integrity and safeguarding of
cultural heritage? the country was granted as least developing country
status (LDC) after 25 years of military rule.  The regime does not dare to
recognize the 1990 election results; Burmese antiques were gone through
border route to Thailand.  The Slorc/SPDC still lie on people that they
want to establish the genuine democratic government. But the nature of the
army is to use violent means, attack and kill their enemy, to obey the
orders from the above without complaint.  There is no democracy within the
military hierarchy.  It is the nature of the army.  Wolves will eat sheeps
if they have chance.  They will not eat grass.  As a poor country Burmese
lost their integrity because neighboring countries do not want Burmese to
visit to their countries because 95% of the Burmese try to find jobs in
other countries as illegal workers. Aung San Suu Kyi tried to visit
Mandalay by train and her coach was dropped in the station.  Again Aung San
Suu Kyi tried to visit local youth members in Rangoon; she was barred to
visit the National League for Democracy local offices.  Recently she tried
to visit three times to Pathein, to her party regional office then her car
was blocked.  The authorities said she has been taking a vacation.  It is
today integrity that Burma has getting so far. 

The third objective of uplift of dynamism of patriotic spirit by the regime
is only smear propaganda.  People are poor and they hated the military.
They see the military as bully organs of the Burmese society.  They saw the
soldiers as mercenaries not as patriotic people.  But they see the students
and revolutionaries as real patriotic people.  How can Burmese think that
SPDC is really uplifting the patriotic spirit, when people witness that the
army killed 3000 innocent unarmed students demonstrators including high
schools and middle schools students in 1988.

The fourth social objective of uplift of health, fitness and education
standards of the entire nation is an insult.  Hospitals have no medicine
and people have to depend on Chinese and Thai medicines.  Inflation rate is
so high that people can not afford to buy meat and nutritious foods.  Some
people are eating boil rice not solid rice any more. Without nutritious
food, people can not be healthy and uplift the health and fitness is only
rights for the SPDC circle not the people.
Universities and schools have been closed since 1996 December.  Without
teaching in the classes for nearly two years, students were forced to take
exams in August 1998.  From 1988 to the present within 10 years, total
opening period for the universities and colleges is not more than two
years.  Eight years had been wasted.  How can Burmese uplift the education
standards?  Students are the future leaders of Burma but how can they lead
the country when their education is denied?

Today all Burmese newspapers have standardized formula.  That is;
1. Praised the regime
2. Print the slogans in the front page, which were periodically issued by
the regime.
3. Strongly criticize the oppositions, especially NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi.
4. Various articles were posted with unknown names and the authors hide
their names all the time.  It is well known that all the authors were known
by the regime and without the authority's approval, the newspapers will not
publish their articles.  In contrast, under colonial rule nationalist
newspapers were shut down if they strongly criticize the authorities or pay
fine.  The authors hide their names because they do not want to be captured
by the government.  But under military rule, most of the authors are from
Intelligence units and they hide their real names because they do not want
the people to know who they are and knowing that they are totally wrong.
5. None of the articles and news has been against the regime activities so
far.
This is the ability of today's newspapers in Burma.

Similarly, the Burmese opposition leaders and organizations abroad claimed
themselves as democrats but they never tolerate the criticism made by
democratic circles.  Now the Burma net, sponsor by Open Society Institute,
which has been the open forum for many young Burmese activists, has started
censoring the entire posting in the net in October 1998 for criticizing the
so called leading opposition figures.  It seems that if the military regime
step down, the new government will likely follow the same path as their
predecessor.  Will Burma achieves Democracy after military rule?  Is in doubt.

Htun Aung Gyaw
October 27, 1998