Wld Socialist: New political laws a

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Subject: Wld Socialist: New political laws are a caricature of democracy (fwd)

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Subject: Wld Socialist: New political laws are a caricature of democracy

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World Socialist Daily
4 February 1999

A caricature of democracy:

New political laws passed in Indonesia

By Peter Symonds

After months of debate and haggling, the Indonesian parliament last
week passed a series of amended political laws, which establish the
framework for national elections on June 7. The legislation sets out
in detail the new composition of the parliamentary bodies, the rules
governing the election and the functioning of political parties. 

A great deal is riding on these elections for the ruling class in
Indonesia and internationally. The economic collapse over the last
year in Indonesia has produced deepening poverty and unemployment
and heightened political tensions and social unrest. B.J. Habibie
replaced Suharto as president last May but his government has faced
continuing protests and demonstrations calling for his resignation
and broader democratic reform. 

The widespread distrust of Habibie is a major factor hampering the
implementation of measures demanded by the International Monetary
Fund (IMF):  the dismantling of price subsidies, the slashing of
government spending and the removal of barriers to international
investors. The election is widely perceived in the international
press and in ruling circles as a means of legitimising the next
government by drawing in opposition leaders such as Megawati
Sukarnoputri and Amien Rais. 

Australian Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer summed up the
agenda when he stated at the World Economic Forum in Davos,
Switzerland: "This is a fundamentally important period for
Indonesia. Its election has to be a success. It should be a safety
valve to ease internal tensions. But if they fail to conduct a
credible election process the potential for instability will be very
great indeed and would raise questions about the integrity of the
country." 

Any examination of the new legislation, however, reveals that the
next national elections will be just as stage-managed as those that
took place under the previous Suharto regime. The Australian
government, along with the other major powers, backed Suharto for
decades and accepted his electoral charades. Downer is now concerned
that unless "the international community"  provides the necessary

"support and encouragement" the elections will be widely viewed as
undemocratic and illegitimate. 

The elections will take place within the overall framework of the
1945 Constitution which provides for two parliamentary bodies--the
House of Representatives (DPR) and the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR) which includes the DPR. The president, who has broad
powers to rule by decree and appoint and dismiss ministers, is not
subject to direct election but is appointed at a special session of
the MPR. 

Under Suharto, the parliamentary bodies operated as rump
organisations, stacked with handpicked appointees including a
substantial number of military top brass. These bodies had little
say in the day-to-day running of the government and rarely exercised
any legislative powers. The MPR, which unanimously rubberstamped
Suharto for seven consecutive terms as president, consisted of the
500 members of the DPR, only 400 of whom were elected, and another
500 appointees. 

Only three officially sanctioned and controlled parties--the ruling
Golkar party, the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and the United
Development Party (PPP)--were permitted to field candidates. The
state apparatus vetted all candidates and electioneering material,
including speeches, rallies and meetings. Golkar was ensured a
majority of 70 percent to 80 percent of the vote, as it was the only
party permitted to organise in rural areas. In addition, millions of
government employees including the members of the military, had to
join Golkar and so vote for it. 

Just one year ago, the MPR voted without opposition to elect Suharto
for another five-year term as president. Last May, less than four
months later, he was forced to resign. Yet these same parliamentary
bodies deliberated on the new electoral framework, provoking huge
anti-government protests last November during the special session of
the MPR called to discuss the election.  Organised by student
leaders, the demonstrations in Jakarta and other major cities drew
tens of thousands of workers and sections of the middle class. The
Habibie regime responded by unleashing the police and troops, who
shot point blank into crowds, killing and injuring demonstrators. 

The new electoral laws


The changes to the electoral laws vindicate the concerns expressed
by the protesters that any framework decided by the existing
parliament bodies would be completely undemocratic. The major
features are as follows: 

* The military will retain a substantial presence in the DPR with 38
nominees.  The size of the MPR will be reduced from 1,000 to 700.
Sitting alongside the DPR's members will be 200 appointees--135
appointed by regional parliaments and another 65 from various social
groups. As a result, a third of the modified MPR, which is due to
select the president later this year, will be appointed not elected. 

The continued presence of the Armed Forces (ABRI) within parliament
has provoked considerable opposition from student groups. The PPP
faction initially called for no military representatives but backed
off when ABRI made clear it would not tolerate an end to its role.
Under the military's dwifungsi or dual role, ABRI representatives

are appointed not only to the national parliament but also to all
levels of government. 

* Since May, more than 120 political parties have been formed in
Indonesia.  But under the new laws, very few of these parties will
be eligible to stand in the national elections. A party is eligible
to stand candidates only if it has branches in nine of the country's
27 provinces and at least half of the local regencies in those
provinces--a virtually impossible task for smaller, newly formed
parties without substantial big business backing. 

Party recognition is to be ruled on by a group of 11 government and
non- government representatives appointed by the regime. Home
Affairs Minister Syarwan Hamid estimated that about 30 parties would
be able to run in the elections but other commentators state that
the number will be far less. 

* The political rights of civil servants were not altered by
legislation but by a special decree issued by Habibie. In the past,
government employees were compelled to join Golkar. Now they will
not be permitted to join or hold office in any political party.
Those current party members and office bearers will have to either
resign their jobs or end their party affiliation. Habibie was
determined that if he could not compel the country's four million
civil servants to be members of Golkar, then they would not be
members of any party. 

* Election procedures are yet to be fully clarified but it is
already clear that under the pretext of preventing violence all
aspects of the election campaign will be tightly controlled. Hamid
has announced a ban on outdoor rallies by political parties and the
campaign itself is to be limited to a 20-day period prior to June 7. 

One of the surest indications of the character of the upcoming
election is the fact that a number of parties and organisations,
including the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) and the People's
Democratic Party (PRD), are still outlawed and their leaders remain
behind bars. At the same time, Suharto who seized power in the
1965-66 coup and instigated the massacre of at least 500,000
workers, peasants and PKI members, is not only free but also
reportedly paying large sums of money to political parties that will
defend his interests. 

The entire charade would have been impossible without the support of
key opposition leaders--Megawati, Rais, Abdurrahman Wahid and
Yogyakarta Sultan Hamengku Buwono X. Last November when hundreds of
thousands were taking part in protests, the four leaders held an
emergency meeting and issued a declaration legitimising the process
and supporting the continued political role of the military. Rais,
in particular, warned of "anarchy" if Habibie was forced to resign
and the electoral process was decided by other means than the
parliamentary bodies stacked with Suharto's nominees. 

These bourgeois opposition figures have been groomed and promoted in
the international media as instruments for implementing the demands
of international finance capital and at the same time suppressing
any popular opposition. It is no accident therefore that they
continue to back the active involvement of the armed forces in

Indonesian politics and maintain the closest ties with sections of
the military. 

The rudimentary opinion polls available in Indonesia do indicate a
considerable political crisis and a deep scepticism among voters. A
University of Indonesia survey conducted last month of 4,925 voters
in nine cities found that 44 percent of people did not know which
party they would vote for in June and another 4 percent said they
would not vote at all. Megawati had the highest support with just
15.8 percent and the rest trailed far behind--5.1 percent for
Golkar, 4.3 percent for Rais and 1.5 percent for Wahid. Another
survey in the Tempo magazine found that 76 percent of people did not
support Habibie for president. 

Throughout the entire history of Indonesia since it received formal
independence from the Dutch colonialists in 1949, the bourgeoisie
has been unable to rule except through the most anti-democratic
methods. Soon after the first and only national elections in 1955,
Suharto's predecessor Sukarno abolished the parliament, as well as a
constituent assembly elected to draw up a permanent constitution. He
reverted to the 1945 Constitution that granted him virtually
unlimited powers, and established a system of so-called Guided
Democracy, which the military junta under Suharto took over
virtually untouched. 

The inability of the capitalist class to meet the social needs and
democratic aspirations of the working people in Indonesia signifies
that these tasks fall to the working class. It is the only social
force capable of leading the masses on the road to genuine democracy
and social equality, which can be achieved only through the
socialist reorganisation of society.