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Speech on Burma
Speech on Burma
by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden, Anna Lindh,
18 March 1999
Even if we are going to discuss the current situation in Burma today -
indeed a very depressing one - I feel optimistic, since I have just
met with President Nelson Mandela, a person so full of hope and
confidence. The struggle for democracy and human dignity in South
Africa shows us that opression can be overcome
- and that change is possible.
Today we focus on Burma. The broad participation
here and the contacts your organisations have with students, refugees,
activists and grass-root movements provide you with unique knowledge.
At this seminar you have managed to assemble, not just important
Swedish participants but also guests from more distant parts, people
with vast experience of Burma. That is why it is a very special
pleasure to be able to speak here today.
In May it will be nine years since democratic
parliamentary elections were held in Burma. Nine years since the
National League of Democracy gained an overwhelming majority. But also
nine years of increased violence and oppression.
Burma has sunk deeper and deeper into a black hole
of human rights violations, economic mismanagement, drugs trafficking,
refugee movements and corruption. What can we do to change the
situation in Burma? What is the role of Sweden, the European
Union and the United Nations?
The violations of human rights and democratic rules
in Burma is totally unacceptable. The way in which
the junta governs the country is not only a violation of international
norms, it is also a violation of everything that human dignity and
human responsibility stand for.
Sweden has only limited contacts with Burma. Our
official contacts are handled by our ambassador in Bangkok. Everytime
she visits Rangoon, Sweden's view of human rights and democracy is
repeated to representatives of the military regime.
Equally important are the visits paid to Aung San Suu Kyi or other
representatives of the democratic opposition. There is virtually no
Swedish trade with Burma.
We also try to increase the pressure on Burma via
ASEAN, the Association of South East Asian Nations. Unfortunately it
seems as if the association has not yet been able to influence the
Burmese military regime in a positive direction. But I would like to
state that there is much to be gained if we can help increase the
pressure on Burma from ASEAN.
We often discuss Burma in our talks with its
neighbours. It is important to remember that several
of them have suffered the direct effects of the problematic situation
in the country. Drugs trafficking, refugee movements and trafficking
in humans know no national boundaries. For example, it is estimated
that close to a million Burmese citizens have fled across the border
to Thailand.
Neighbouring countries have a strong interest in an improvement in the
situation in Burma, and hence I think it is important to cooperate
with these countries.
Sweden's policy on Burma is largely coordinated
within the European Union. By coordinating our actions we can lend
much greater force to our words or deeds. The EU pursues a very strict
policy on Burma, including a ban on military personnel at
Burmese foreign missions in Europe, a weapons embargo, the
discontinuance of all financial support except for humanitarian aid
and support to the promotion of human rights and democracy.
Furthermore, the policy includes very strict visa regulations, also
covering transit visas to ensure that people involved with the junta
should not be able to stop off in European capitals to go on shopping
sprees and indulge in luxury tourism during their trips abroad.
A meeting due to take place in Berlin between the
foreign ministers of the EU and ASEAN has brought the visa issue to a
head. On political grounds, the member states of the EU do not want to
grant a visa to the Burmese foreign minister. Thus, it will be
impossible for him to attend the meeting. Unfortunately, the price
for that might be the cancellation of the meeting. Sweden has argued
against granting the Burmese foreign minister a visa. In
our view, this would be to send the wrong signals to Rangoon. We can
not abolish restrictions as long as the situation is like this.
Sweden is also very active in the UN in issues
relating to Burma. For eight years we have coordinated the General
Assembly's esolution on Burma. In work on the resolution, Sweden has
the whole time sought a consensus resolution. This means that one of
the UN member countries has voted against the formulation of the
resolution. The resolution unites all the member countries of the UN
in joint criticism of the Rangoon regime. This is very embarrassing
for the regime.
On Monday, the Commission for Human Rights in
Geneva will begin its 55th session. This will be yet another occasion
on which the regime in Rangoon is forced to receive criticism from
the international community.
One of the foreign guests here today, Karim
Ghezraoui, works with the UN special rapporteur for Burma, Rajsoomer
Lallah. In spite of repeated pressure, Lallah has not yet been
allowed to visit Burma. Naturally, Sweden cannot accept this.
Two other distinguished persons in the UN system
work actively to contribute to democratic development in Burma. One is
Ambassador Razali, the Secretary-General's special
emissary. He has not been permitted to visit Burma either. The other
is Deputy Secretary-General Alvaro de Soto, the UN Special Envoy to
Burma. In November, de Soto visited Rangoon for talks with
representatives of the military junta. He had with him a proposal for
new forms of cooperation containing both whips and carrots.
In exchange for concessions on the part of the regime, economic
support might be forthcoming for various types of development
projects. We believe that this is worth a try. One condition is of
course that such an agreement is approved by the opposition.
Conducting development cooperation in Burma is no
easy matter. It is our definite opinion that not a single krona
should end up in the pockets of the regime. That is one reason why we
give no bilateral aid. On the other hand, Sweden supports democratic
forces in and outside Burma. Last year, this support amounted to
almost SEK 20 million. The bulk of this goes to Burmese refugees in
Bangladesh and Thailand. Through the Diakonia organisation we help
rural villages in Burma with small-scale projects.
I think that the most important work in connection
with countries like Burma is carried out by NGOs. You possess a vast
amount of knowledge about the country and its inhabitants. You have
unique access to persons and places, even if there are many
restrictions. You have to be there to monitor developments. You have
to show the Burmese people that we have not forgotten them.
Governments rely on you in this important respect.
Please let me close by saying a few words about how
difficult it is to work for change in Burma. It is almost nine years
since the 27 May 1990 and what has been achieved? The regime seems to
be both blind and deaf to external pressure. We have tried sanctions.
We have tried promises of economic support. We have tried dialogue. In
spite of all this, we have not seen the slightest indication of
change. There has been no sign of goodwill
from the Burmese regime. This is frustrating.
But it must not stop us in our endeavours. I
started with President Mandela's visit to Sweden. About the same time
elections were held in Burma, in 1990, Nelson Mandela was in Sweden.
He was here as a freedom fighter, just released from prison. Nine
years later he is here as the elected President of a free South
Africa, a President about to retire. Political history shows us that
things can change quickly. Let us hope that when we
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