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Speech on Burma



Speech on Burma 
by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden, Anna Lindh, 
18 March 1999

Even if we are going to discuss the current situation in Burma today - 
indeed a very depressing one - I feel optimistic, since I have just 
met with President Nelson Mandela, a person so full of hope and 
confidence. The struggle for democracy and human dignity in South 
Africa shows us that opression can be overcome
- and that change is possible.

                  	Today we focus on Burma. The broad participation 
here and the contacts your organisations have with students, refugees, 
activists and grass-root movements provide you with unique knowledge.
                  	
At this seminar you have managed to assemble, not just important 
Swedish participants but also guests from more distant parts, people 
with vast experience of Burma. That is why it is a very special 
pleasure to be able to speak here today.

                  	In May it will be nine years since democratic 
parliamentary elections were held in Burma. Nine years since the 
National League of Democracy gained an overwhelming majority. But also 
nine years of increased violence and oppression.

                  	Burma has sunk deeper and deeper into a black hole 
of human rights violations, economic mismanagement, drugs trafficking, 
refugee movements and corruption. What can we do to change the 
situation in Burma? What is the role of Sweden, the European
   
Union and the United Nations?

                  	The violations of human rights and democratic rules 
in Burma is                   totally unacceptable. The way in which 
the junta governs the country is not only a violation of international 
norms, it is also a violation of everything that human dignity and 
human responsibility stand for.

                  	Sweden has only limited contacts with Burma. Our 
official contacts are handled by our ambassador in Bangkok. Everytime 
she visits Rangoon, Sweden's view of human rights and  democracy is 
repeated to representatives of the military  regime.
                  
Equally important are the visits paid to Aung San Suu Kyi or other 
representatives of the democratic opposition. There is virtually no 
Swedish trade with Burma.

                  	We also try to increase the pressure on Burma via 
ASEAN, the Association of South East Asian Nations. Unfortunately it  
seems as if the association has not yet been able to influence  the  
Burmese military regime in a positive direction. But I would like to 

state that there is much to be gained if we can help increase the 
pressure on Burma from ASEAN.

                  	We often discuss Burma in our talks with its 
neighbours. It is                   important to remember that several 
of them have suffered the direct effects of the problematic situation 
in the country. Drugs trafficking, refugee movements and trafficking 
in humans know no national boundaries. For example, it is estimated 
that  close to a million Burmese citizens have fled across the border 
to Thailand.
                  
Neighbouring countries have a strong interest in an improvement in the 
situation in Burma, and hence I think it is important to cooperate 
with these countries.

                  	Sweden's policy on Burma is largely coordinated 
within the European Union. By coordinating our actions we can lend 
much greater force to our words or deeds. The EU pursues a very strict 
policy on Burma, including a ban on military  personnel at                   
Burmese foreign missions in Europe, a weapons embargo, the 
discontinuance of all financial support except for humanitarian aid  
and support to the promotion of human rights and democracy.
                  
Furthermore, the policy includes very strict visa regulations, also
          
covering transit visas to ensure that people involved  with the junta 
should not be able to stop off in European capitals to go on shopping 
sprees and indulge in luxury tourism during their trips abroad.

                  	A meeting due to take place in Berlin between the 
foreign ministers of the EU and ASEAN has brought the visa issue to a  
head. On political grounds, the member states of the EU do not want to 
grant a visa to the Burmese foreign minister.  Thus, it will  be 
impossible for him to attend the meeting.  Unfortunately, the price 
for that might be the cancellation of the meeting.  Sweden has argued 
against granting the Burmese foreign minister  a visa. In                   
our view, this would be to send the wrong signals to Rangoon.  We can 
not abolish restrictions as long as the situation  is like this.

                  	Sweden is also very active in the UN in issues 
relating  to Burma.  For eight years we have coordinated the General 
Assembly's esolution on Burma. In work on the resolution, Sweden has 
the whole time sought a consensus resolution. This means that one of 
the UN member countries has voted against the  formulation of the 
resolution. The resolution unites all the member  countries of the UN 
in joint criticism of the Rangoon regime. This is very embarrassing 
for the regime.

                  	On Monday, the Commission for Human Rights in 
Geneva will begin its 55th session. This will be yet another occasion  
on which  the regime in Rangoon is forced to receive criticism from 
the international community.

                  	One of the foreign guests here today, Karim 
Ghezraoui, works with the UN special rapporteur for Burma, Rajsoomer  
Lallah. In spite of repeated pressure, Lallah has not yet been  
allowed to visit Burma. Naturally, Sweden cannot accept this.


                  	Two other distinguished persons in the UN system 
work actively to contribute to democratic development in Burma. One is 
Ambassador Razali, the Secretary-General's special 
emissary. He has not been permitted to visit Burma either. The other  
is Deputy Secretary-General Alvaro de Soto, the UN Special Envoy to 
Burma. In November, de Soto visited Rangoon for talks with 
representatives of the military junta. He had with him a proposal for 
new forms of cooperation containing both whips and carrots.
                  
In exchange for concessions on the part of the regime, economic  
support might be forthcoming for various types of development  
projects. We believe that this is worth a try. One condition is of 
course that such an agreement is approved by the opposition.

                  	Conducting development cooperation in Burma is no 
easy matter.  It is our definite opinion that not a single krona 
should end up in the pockets of the regime. That is one reason why we 
give  no  bilateral aid. On the other hand, Sweden supports democratic 
forces in and outside Burma. Last year, this support amounted to 
almost SEK 20 million. The bulk of this goes to Burmese  refugees in 
Bangladesh and Thailand. Through the Diakonia  organisation we help 
rural villages in Burma with small-scale projects.

                  I think that the most important work in connection 
with countries like Burma is carried out by NGOs. You possess a vast 
amount of knowledge about the country and its inhabitants. You have 
unique access to persons and places, even if there are many 
restrictions. You have to be there to monitor  developments. You  have 
to show the Burmese people that we have not forgotten  them. 
Governments rely on you in this important respect.

                  Please let me close by saying a few words about how 
difficult  it  is to work for change in Burma. It is almost nine years 
since the 27 May 1990 and what has been achieved? The regime seems to 
be both blind and deaf to external pressure. We have tried sanctions.
                  
We have tried promises of economic support. We have tried dialogue. In 
spite of all this, we have not seen the slightest indication of 
change. There has been no sign of goodwill 
from the Burmese regime. This is frustrating.

                  	But it must not stop us in our endeavours. I 
started with President Mandela's visit to Sweden. About the same time 
elections  were held in Burma, in 1990, Nelson Mandela was in Sweden. 
He was here as a freedom fighter, just released from prison. Nine 
years later he is here as the elected President of a free South 
Africa, a President about to retire. Political history shows us that 
things can change quickly. Let us hope that when we
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