CHR/BURMA: NGO STATEMENTS (Item 14)

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Statements by:

Worldview International Foundation (Dr Suikar)
Rural Reconstruction Nepal  (Ms. Charm Tong)
Anti-Slavery International
War Resisters International (David Arnott)
___________________

55th session of UN Human Rights Commission:=20
Agenda item 14:
Oral intervention :
Delivered by Dr. Suikhar
Date: 19th April, 1999

Madame Chairperson:

It is a great pleasure for me to have the opportunity to speak about=
 religious
persecutions in Chinland situated in the western part of Burma.=20

With the arrival of the first Christian missionary, Christianity was=
 introduced
to the Chin people in 1899. Over the decades a large percentage (nearly 90%)=
 of
the Chin people converted from animism to the Christian faith, not only=
 because
of religious fervor, but also because this helped the Chin people maintain a
separate cultural identity in the face of the Burman ethnic majority who are
overwhelmingly Buddhist. Even though the Constitution of Burma guaranteed a
measure of freedom of religion, since the Burmese Army took the State power=
 in
1962 the successive governments have undertaken religious persecution=
 against
Christians and Muslims in Burma. To the military rulers who have adopted a
xenophobic, crypto-Marxist philosophy, it is a threat that a very large
percentage of the Chin people have embraced Christianity which they consider=
 a
foreign religion. In any possible way, the military dictatorship has
continuously maneuvered to prevent the growth of the Chin Christian Church=
 and
forcibly introduce Buddhism to Chin people. Among the 40 ministries created=
 by
the regime, it is the Ministry of Religious Affairs headed by Maj. Gen. Sien
Htwa which deals with the promotion of Buddhism and the abolition of other
religions.

Since 1995, the Chin children have been lured away from their parents with=
 the
promises of sending them to be educated in Rangoon. But it was later found=
 out
that they were rather placed in Buddhist monasteries, forced to become=
 Buddhist
novices and learn Buddhism. The parents of these children were denied
information about them and given stern warnings that any further attempt to
contact their children would result in imprisonment.

Madame Chair,

Since the military regime of State Law and Order Restoration Council (now=
 has
changed State Peace and Development Council) emerged in 1988, churches and
crosses erected at the top of hills were dismantled and replaced with=
 pagodas.
The regime then forced Chin Christians to build pagodas and provide fund for
it.  A church and a missionary house in Arn Myo, Ngaphe township were
dismantled on 19th September, 1998 by the regime and were replaced with a
pagoda and a monastery.  The military regime sent their Buddhist monks to
Chinland to preach Buddhism among the Chin people. The monks are not only
safeguarded by the army but also the Chin people are forcibly called for
porterage to carry the monks' belongings. The Chin people are forcibly=
 gathered
and forced to listen the preaching of Buddhism. While preaching of Buddhism=
 is
promoted and sponsored by the regime, Christian missionary work is prevented=
 by
any means. Chin for Christ in One Century, a native missionary organization=
 was
totally banned by the military junta in 1996. The regime accused them as=
 having
contact with Chin National Front (CNF) which opposes the junta. Christians=
 are
discriminated even in the Army,  Christian soldiers cannot be promoted to=
 ranks
higher than Major. Christian soldiers are offered promotion if they convert=
 to
Buddhism.

Madame Chair,

As it has come for the Chin people to celebrate the Centenary of=
 Christianity
in Chinland, the SPDC has increased religious persecutions in Chinland. On
January 5, 1999 six pastors were arrested in Thantlang because they refused=
 to
remove crosses recently erected on hilltops to commemorate the Centennial
Jubilee. Citing security reasons, the regime did not allow foreigners to=
 take
part in the Jubilee celebrations. Furthermore, the junta did not allow the
gathering of more than 5000 people in Haka to participate in the Jubilee
festivities. Therefore, on February 9, 1999, the CNF declared a unilateral
cease-fire effective from 15 February 1999 to 15 April 1999 so that they=
 will
not be used as an excuse, in the name of security, by the military junta for
denying visas to foreign guests and for refusing permission for the
celebrations. But this did not alter the regime's considerations so far.  It=
 is
now very uncertain if the Centenary could be celebrated as joyfully as
expected.=20

Mr. Abdelfattah Amor, UN Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance=
 submitted
a report on 11 January 1999 (E/CN.4/1999/58) to this session. It stated=
 under
the Myanmar heading that the State reportedly practises a policy of=
 intolerance
and discrimination against Christian minorities (destruction of places of
worship, conversion of children to Buddhism) in the States of Chin and Karen
and the Sagaing Division.

Madame Chair,

Even though religious persecutions are persistently occurring in Chin State,=
 it
was not mentioned in the report of the Special Rapporteur on Burma.=
 Therefore,
I would like to request the Special Rapporteur of Burma to investigate
religious persecutions suffered by the Christian in Burma and to include his
findings in future reports. Again, I ask the SPDC to stop religious=
 persecution
against Christian in Chinland and other part in Burma.=20

Thank You=20

*******************

RURAL RECONSTRUCTION NEPAL

April 19, 1999
55th Session of the UNHCR
Geneva, Switzerland
Oral Intervention on item 14 (Burma)
Delivered by Ms. Charm Tong


Madame Chairperson,

Today, many parts of Burma have become a land of =93ghost=94 villages=
 because of
the forced relocation campaign by the military regime and attacks on ethnic
peoples. There is no school, no hospital and no land to grow food. The=
 people
have been turned from dignified peasants into beggars. It is now normal to=
 see
groups of children begging for food and money in the towns and roadsides.=
 The
children are also forced to do labour and for the girl children, there have
been many cases of rape by the military.

Because of these terrible human rights violations in my country, hundred of
thousands of children have to run away from their land and become refugees=
 or
migrant workers. They thought they can earn some money for their families=
 and
have enough food to eat.=20

Sometimes agents came to their families and lend them money and the parents=
 let
their children work with the agents. For example in Thailand, many children
have been trafficked to work as construction workers and domestic servants=
 and
sex workers.

Many children leave Burma because they have no future, no school, no=
 hospital,
no food. Because the State Peace and Development Council is attacking their
homes. The only thing in Burma which is very cheap and easy to find is drugs
like =93amphetamines=94 and =93opium=94. Many also have no parents, because=
 the parents
were killed by the military, or taken away as porters and never came back.=
=20

When children are trafficked to another country, many bad things can happen=
 to
them, they still can=92t go to school and have to work in the dangerous=
 jobs.
Sometimes they don=92t get any pay for their work. Their dreams and hopes=
 are
broken.=20

Some NGOs try to help us, but the authorities did not allow them. For=
 example,
in a factory area near Bangkok, a Thai NGO ( Thai Action Committee for
Democracy in Burma) set up a free school for children from Burma. But my
government complained to the Thai government about this and the Thai
authorities closed it down last year. It is very unfair, the Burmese=
 government
did not give enough education to the children and they also try to stop my
brothers and sisters who are staying in Thailand from learning. Even in the
refugees camps, sometimes the military cross into Thailand and  attack the
refugees, the military also plants landmines near the refugees camps to stop
more people from going there.

I also want to tell you about the trafficking of girls in to the sex=
 industry.
I think about 40,000 girls from Burma became sex workers, most of them are=
 from
ethnic areas where they can not have any education. I try to help them and
visit them in the shelter to give them more support. Luckily the Thai NGOs
(Foundation for Women) can help me to do that. It is very terrible, because=
 the
girls (who came from Shan State) are the same age as me and some are even
younger.=20

Some of the girls were told they will do sex work, but they don=92t even=
 know
what is =93sex=94. When they were forced to have sex they got shocked and=
 want to
go home. Some of the girls cannot go back because they owed money to the
agents, sometimes they don=92t know where is their homes. Because their=
 villages
was forced to moved to another place by the army.

These girls don=92t know what is HIV/ AIDS. I am worried about what will=
 happen
to them in the future.=20

If there is no safety in my country, no jobs, no food, it will always be=
 easy
for the children to be trafficked to other countries.=20

This is why I want my government to stop attacking my brothers and sisters.=
 I
want them to stop using all our money for the army. I also want them to=
 respect
the election results of 1990. If we have a democratic government, we can=
 tell
the government what to do so that less children can be trafficked in the
future.=20

Maybe my government won=92t listen to me, so I ask all the countries to help=
 me
and give the same message to my government.

Thank you.

*********************
ANTI-SLAVERY INTERNATIONAL


UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
55th Session
Geneva, Switzerland
Oral Intervention delivered on 19th April 1999
Item 14  Displacement of populations in Western Burma (Myanmar)

Madam Chairperson,

In Burma, the widespread repression of ethnic minorities and the countrywide
practice of forced labour as documented in the ILO Commission of Inquiry=
 report
dated 2 July 1998, have led to an unprecedented displacement of populations.

We would like to call the special attention of the Commission and of the
Special Rapporteur on Myanmar to the situation of human rights in the=
 western
side of Burma, which has resulted in an unknown number of internally=
 displaced,
as well as an influx of over 40,000 people in the State of Mizoram of India=
 and
of thousands more in the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh.  It is important=
 to
note that, in these regions, there is little or no armed opposition which=
 the
regime could use as a justification for such policies.  Nevertheless, the
presence of the army has expanded in these areas to implement the junta's
policy of =ABBurmanisation=BB, and to carry out so-called "development=
 projects"
primarily for the military's benefits.  It is clear that the causes of
displacement of populations are not only military, but also political as=
 well
as =ABdevelopment=BB-induced.

"Burmanisation" is the assimilation into mainstream Burman culture of the
diverse ethnic peoples, and is promoted by the junta in its policy of=
 "national
reconsolidation", the military's monolithic image of "national unity".=20

So-called "Development programmes" consist mostly of infrastructure projects
carried out with unpaid forced labour and extortion from the local=
 population.
New roads are built to facilitate military penetration and to control border
trade for the economic interest of the military.  These projects have thus
provided little improvement to the inhabitants of these regions, but rather
persecution and impoverishment.

In Sagaing Division, Naga villagers are used as forced labour to upgrade=
 roads
for military purposes,  and are forced to become porters and recruits for=
 the
troops.=20

In the Kabaw Valley in Sagaing Division, a resettlement programme for=
 landless
families from Central Burma was implemented, but the local Kuki villagers=
 were
forced to clear the land.   =20

In Sagaing Division, a series of dam projects for irrigation has led to land
confiscation, destruction of sacred sites and forests, as well as extensive
forced labour.  The Kalay-Pakkoku railway was built with the forced labour=
 of
thousands of villagers and prisoners.

In Chin State, similar demands for forced labour, portering, extortion, as=
 well
as increased religious persecutions against Christians have spread fear and=
 put
a toll on the economic survival of the people.=20

In Arakan State, Rakhine villagers have not been spared from the so-called
"development policies" of the regime.  They are constantly used as forced
labour on road constructions, tourism projects, plantations and shrimp farms
for the commercial benefits of the army.

These military practices have meant that many people are no longer able to=
 grow
enough food or otherwise earn enough income to support their families.  They
have been impoverished to such an extent that they have no other option than
leaving their homes in search of a means of survival.

Madam Chairperson,

In particular, we would like to express our deep concern over the situation=
 of
the Rohingya Muslims living in Arakan State.  They are denied the=
 fundamental
rights of citizenship, and consequently do not enjoy freedom of movement.=20
Existing communal tensions have been stirred up by settling Buddhist Rakhine
families on Muslim Rohingya land in an exercise of demographic engineering.=
=20
This was one of the push factors which led to two mass exoduses of Rohingya
refugees into Bangladesh.  The majority of those who took refuge in the=
 camps
in 1992 have now returned, but the exodus has not stopped.  Recent arrivals=
 are
reporting continuous persecutions, excessive forced labour, and confiscation=
 of
their land.  Many Rohingya women are found begging or working in slavery
conditions in Bangladesh.  While their husbands were called for forced=
 labour,
they were unable to feed their children, and travel restrictions did not=
 allow
them to seek employment outside their villages.  Therefore, there is no
guarantee for their long-term safety, let alone the protection of their=
 basic
human rights.

Madam Chairperson,

The UNDP has calculated that from 1988 to 1994, between 5 and 10% of the
population were displaced.  We estimate that over 1 million people are
currently internally displaced, and this figure does not include those, at
least another million, who have fled to neighbouring countries, such as
Thailand, Bangladesh, India, or China.

In conclusion, we urge the Commission and the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General on Internally Displaced Persons to make strong requests to
the Government of Myanmar in order to investigate this issue and assess the
full dimensions of the humanitarian crisis.

Thank you.

***************

WAR RESISTERS INTERNATIONAL


COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS (55th Session)
Item 14
19 April 1999
Statement read by David Arnott

HIV/AIDS AND DENIAL=20



Mme Chair,

We read in report E/CN.4/1999/76 that a grand total of 13 governments=
 replied
to the Secretary-General's request of September 1998 for opinions on the=
 Draft
Guidelines on HIV/AIDS and Human Rights. This is a meagre response indeed,
given the severity of the problem, and indicates the level of denial=
 involved.

The human rights dimensions of HIV/AIDS highlight the inseparability of=
 civil
and political, and economic, social and cultural rights. The ICASO=
 statement,
delivered last Friday, and which we would endorse, rightly stresses the=
 civil
and political rights dimensions of the epidemic, since hitherto it has been
treated almost uniquely as a health issue. Here we address the question of
denial, taking as an example the epicentre of HIV/AIDS in Asia, namely=
 Burma,
keeping a special focus on the right to freedom of opinion and expression.=
=20

Addressing a Bangkok press conference on the 2nd April this year, the=
 Director
of UNAIDS, Peter Piot, said that "Burma has the second worst AIDS epidemic=
 in
Asia" (after Cambodia), that UNAIDS estimated there were at least 440,000=
 cases
of people infected by HIV/AIDS in Burma, where intravenous drug use is
widespread and there is an active cross-border sex trade with neighbouring
Thailand and China, and that "The big challenge is the recognition of the
problem by the government." The Burmese junta claims to have only 21,503
confirmed HIV cases and 2,854 AIDS cases.=20

To throw some light on the differences in these figures, I would like to=
 read
out a couple of paragraphs from a remarkable book, "War in the Blood: Sex,
Politics and Aids in Southeast Asia"*, by epidemiologist Dr Chris Beyrer who
spent some years in Southeast Asia doing research into HIV/AIDS in the=
 region,
and who is a leading authority in the field.

"In upper Burma I met a doctor working in a hospital. He is a lovely guy;
bright, committed and brave. He is starved of medical news and information=
 on
HIV, and longs to share his work. We talked in the tacky VIP room above a=
 local
bar -- his choice -- a place supposed to be "okay", meaning secure. He told=
 me
that in 1994 his superiors became alarmed at how many AIDS cases and deaths=
 he
was reporting. He was told to stop being so "thorough". His own practice has
become almost entirely AIDS care. He is one of only two physicians in this=
 town
who treat people with HIV infection.=20

[Most of his patients have three things in common: they're young, they're
addicts or ex-addicts, and they've worked in the jade and ruby mines in Shan=
 or
Kachin States. This doctor thinks the mines have been crucial in the spread=
 of
HIV. He explained that in the rainy season the mines have about 5,000=
 people.
When the ground dries out, the numbers swell into the hundreds of thousands.
People come from all over the country to work in the mines. It is dangerous=
 and
most don't do very well, but a handful do, and that's the draw. Heroin=
 dealers
are everywhere, as are cheap brothels; women migrate seasonally to earn some
money as well. SLORC runs the best concessions; the poorest people sift=
 through
their waste water looking for shards. When the rains come again, the miners=
 go
home, taking HIV to every nook and cranny".]=20

=85=85=85

Beyrer continues: "Health reform, like reform of virtually every other=
 sector,
will not move forward as long as the political process remains deadlocked.=
 =85The
Generals still do not come to the negotiating table. Burma's anguish=
 continues;
the triple epidemics of heroin use, HIV, and tuberculosis rage on.=20

"In November 1996, a Dutch journalist visiting the Shan states discovers=
 that
people with HIV infection are being isolated in leper colonies. The leprosy
patients are terrified of the people with AIDS, as are those with HIV=
 infection
of those with leprosy. This is reported to be a temporary measure" (as, we
remind the Commission, was the Burmese martial law administration=
 established
in 1988, which is still in power.)

"War in the Blood" draws a much more optimistic picture of the HIV situation=
 in
Thailand, where the authorities have acknowledged the problem, provided free
condoms, confidential testing and counseling, have engaged in extensive
research and consultation, and conducted wide-scale educational campaigns.=
 By
contrast, as Beyrer points out, in Burma, in addition to intimidating=
 doctors
from reporting, fear of the regime has also seriously inhibited people at=
 risk
from seeking testing and counseling, thus further lowering reporting.

In Thailand, the epidemic is no longer out of control, due to an open,
rights-oriented strategy backed by substantial political will. In Burma and
other parts of the world where politically weak, unstable governments deny
freedom of expression and other rights, the HIV/AIDS epidemic is likely to
spiral ever more out of control. With its cross-border vectors of shared
needles along drug trafficking routes, and sex and long-distance transport
workers, the HIV/AIDS epidemic and its management cannot be considered the
internal affair of a single country.=20


Mme Chair,

We encourage all countries to disseminate and implement the International
Guidelines, and we ask the Commission to request its country and thematic
rapporteurs to address HIV/AIDS-related issues in their reports.=20

Thank-you, Mr/Mme Chair.


* "War in the Blood: Sex, Politics and AIDS in Southeast Asia" by Chris=
 Beyrer,
White Lotus (Bangkok) and Zed Books Ltd (London) 1998.




Internet ProLink PC User

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<html>
<font face=3D"Times New Roman, Times">Statements by:<br>
<br>
Worldview International Foundation (Dr Suikar)<br>
Rural Reconstruction Nepal&nbsp; (Ms. Charm Tong)<br>
Anti-Slavery International<br>
War Resisters International (David Arnott)<br>
___________________<br>
<br>
55th session of UN Human Rights Commission: <br>
Agenda item 14:<br>
Oral intervention :<br>
Delivered by Dr. Suikhar<br>
Date: 19th April, 1999<br>
<br>
Madame Chairperson:<br>
<br>
It is a great pleasure for me to have the opportunity to speak about
religious persecutions in Chinland situated in the western part of Burma.
<br>
<br>
With the arrival of the first Christian missionary, Christianity was
introduced to the Chin people in 1899. Over the decades a large
percentage (nearly 90%) of the Chin people converted from animism to the
Christian faith, not only because of religious fervor, but also because
this helped the Chin people maintain a separate cultural identity in the
face of the Burman ethnic majority who are overwhelmingly Buddhist. Even
though the Constitution of Burma guaranteed a measure of freedom of
religion, since the Burmese Army took the State power in 1962 the
successive governments have undertaken religious persecution against
Christians and Muslims in Burma. To the military rulers who have adopted
a xenophobic, crypto-Marxist philosophy, it is a threat that a very large
percentage of the Chin people have embraced Christianity which they
consider a foreign religion. In any possible way, the military
dictatorship has continuously maneuvered to prevent the growth of the
Chin Christian Church and forcibly introduce Buddhism to Chin people.
Among the 40 ministries created by the regime, it is the Ministry of
Religious Affairs headed by Maj. Gen. Sien Htwa which deals with the
promotion of Buddhism and the abolition of other religions.<br>
<br>
Since 1995, the Chin children have been lured away from their parents
with the promises of sending them to be educated in Rangoon. But it was
later found out that they were rather placed in Buddhist monasteries,
forced to become Buddhist novices and learn Buddhism. The parents of
these children were denied information about them and given stern
warnings that any further attempt to contact their children would result
in imprisonment.<br>
<br>
Madame Chair,<br>
<br>
Since the military regime of State Law and Order Restoration Council (now
has changed State Peace and Development Council) emerged in 1988,
churches and crosses erected at the top of hills were dismantled and
replaced with pagodas. The regime then forced Chin Christians to build
pagodas and provide fund for it.&nbsp; A church and a missionary house in
Arn Myo, Ngaphe township were dismantled on 19th September, 1998 by the
regime and were replaced with a pagoda and a monastery.&nbsp; The
military regime sent their Buddhist monks to Chinland to preach Buddhism
among the Chin people. The monks are not only safeguarded by the army but
also the Chin people are forcibly called for porterage to carry the
monks' belongings. The Chin people are forcibly gathered and forced to
listen the preaching of Buddhism. While preaching of Buddhism is promoted
and sponsored by the regime, Christian missionary work is prevented by
any means. Chin for Christ in One Century, a native missionary
organization was totally banned by the military junta in 1996. The regime
accused them as having contact with Chin National Front (CNF) which
opposes the junta. Christians are discriminated even in the Army,&nbsp;
Christian soldiers cannot be promoted to ranks higher than Major.
Christian soldiers are offered promotion if they convert to
Buddhism.<br>
<br>
Madame Chair,<br>
<br>
As it has come for the Chin people to celebrate the Centenary of
Christianity in Chinland, the SPDC has increased religious persecutions
in Chinland. On January 5, 1999 six pastors were arrested in Thantlang
because they refused to remove crosses recently erected on hilltops to
commemorate the Centennial Jubilee. Citing security reasons, the regime
did not allow foreigners to take part in the Jubilee celebrations.
Furthermore, the junta did not allow the gathering of more than 5000
people in Haka to participate in the Jubilee festivities. Therefore, on
February 9, 1999, the CNF declared a unilateral cease-fire effective from
15 February 1999 to 15 April 1999 so that they will not be used as an
excuse, in the name of security, by the military junta for denying visas
to foreign guests and for refusing permission for the celebrations. But
this did not alter the regime's considerations so far.&nbsp; It is now
very uncertain if the Centenary could be celebrated as joyfully as
expected. <br>
<br>
Mr. Abdelfattah Amor, UN Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance
submitted a report on 11 January 1999 (E/CN.4/1999/58) to this session.
It stated under the Myanmar heading that the State reportedly practises a
policy of intolerance and discrimination against Christian minorities
(destruction of places of worship, conversion of children to Buddhism) in
the States of Chin and Karen and the Sagaing Division.<br>
<br>
Madame Chair,<br>
<br>
Even though religious persecutions are persistently occurring in Chin
State, it was not mentioned in the report of the Special Rapporteur on
Burma. Therefore, I would like to request the Special Rapporteur of Burma
to investigate religious persecutions suffered by the Christian in Burma
and to include his findings in future reports. Again, I ask the SPDC to
stop religious persecution against Christian in Chinland and other part
in Burma. <br>
<br>
Thank You <br>
<br>
*******************<br>
<br>
<div align=3D"center">
RURAL RECONSTRUCTION NEPAL<br>
<br>
</div>
April 19, 1999<br>
55<sup>th</sup> Session of the UNHCR<br>
Geneva, Switzerland<br>
Oral Intervention on item 14 (Burma)<br>
Delivered by Ms. Charm Tong<br>
<br>
<br>
Madame Chairperson,<br>
<br>
Today, many parts of Burma have become a land of =93ghost=94 villages becaus=
e
of the forced relocation campaign by the military regime and attacks on
ethnic peoples. There is no school, no hospital and no land to grow food.
The people have been turned from dignified peasants into beggars. It is
now normal to see groups of children begging for food and money in the
towns and roadsides. The children are also forced to do labour and for
the girl children, there have been many cases of rape by the
military.<br>
<br>
Because of these terrible human rights violations in my country, hundred
of thousands of children have to run away from their land and become
refugees or migrant workers. They thought they can earn some money for
their families and have enough food to eat. <br>
<br>
Sometimes agents came to their families and lend them money and the
parents let their children work with the agents. For example in Thailand,
many children have been trafficked to work as construction workers and
domestic servants and sex workers.<br>
<br>
Many children leave Burma because they have no future, no school, no
hospital, no food. Because the State Peace and Development Council is
attacking their homes. The only thing in Burma which is very cheap and
easy to find is drugs like =93amphetamines=94 and =93opium=94. Many also=
 have no
parents, because the parents were killed by the military, or taken away
as porters and never came back. <br>
<br>
When children are trafficked to another country, many bad things can
happen to them, they still can=92t go to school and have to work in the
dangerous jobs. Sometimes they don=92t get any pay for their work. Their
dreams and hopes are broken. <br>
<br>
Some NGOs try to help us, but the authorities did not allow them. For
example, in a factory area near Bangkok, a Thai NGO ( Thai Action
Committee for Democracy in Burma) set up a free school for children from
Burma. But my government complained to the Thai government about this and
the Thai authorities closed it down last year. It is very unfair, the
Burmese government did not give enough education to the children and they
also try to stop my brothers and sisters who are staying in Thailand from
learning. Even in the refugees camps, sometimes the military cross into
Thailand and&nbsp; attack the refugees, the military also plants
landmines near the refugees camps to stop more people from going
there.<br>
<br>
I also want to tell you about the trafficking of girls in to the sex
industry. I think about 40,000 girls from Burma became sex workers, most
of them are from ethnic areas where they can not have any education. I
try to help them and visit them in the shelter to give them more support.
Luckily the Thai NGOs (Foundation for Women) can help me to do that. It
is very terrible, because the girls (who came from Shan State) are the
same age as me and some are even younger. <br>
<br>
Some of the girls were told they will do sex work, but they don=92t even
know what is =93sex=94. When they were forced to have sex they got shocked
and want to go home. Some of the girls cannot go back because they owed
money to the agents, sometimes they don=92t know where is their homes.
Because their villages was forced to moved to another place by the
army.<br>
<br>
These girls don=92t know what is HIV/ AIDS. I am worried about what will
happen to them in the future. <br>
<br>
If there is no safety in my country, no jobs, no food, it will always be
easy for the children to be trafficked to other countries. <br>
<br>
This is why I want my government to stop attacking my brothers and
sisters. I want them to stop using all our money for the army. I also
want them to respect the election results of 1990. If we have a
democratic government, we can tell the government what to do so that less
children can be trafficked in the future. <br>
<br>
Maybe my government won=92t listen to me, so I ask all the countries to
help me and give the same message to my government.<br>
<br>
Thank you.<br>
<br>
*********************<br>
<div align=3D"center">
ANTI-SLAVERY INTERNATIONAL<br>
<br>
<br>
</div>
UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS<br>
55</font><font face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=
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Session<br>
Geneva, Switzerland<br>
Oral Intervention delivered on
19</font><font face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=
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April 1999<br>
Item 14&nbsp; Displacement of populations in Western Burma=20
(Myanmar)<br>
<br>
Madam Chairperson,<br>
<br>
In Burma, the widespread repression of ethnic minorities and the
countrywide practice of forced labour as documented in the ILO Commission
of Inquiry report dated 2 July 1998, have led to an unprecedented
displacement of populations.<br>
<br>
We would like to call the special attention of the Commission and of the
Special Rapporteur on Myanmar to the situation of human rights in the
western side of Burma, which has resulted in an unknown number of
internally displaced, as well as an influx of over 40,000 people in the
State of Mizoram of India and of thousands more in the Chittagong
Division of Bangladesh.&nbsp; It is important to note that, in these
regions, there is little or no armed opposition which the regime could
use as a justification for such policies.&nbsp; Nevertheless, the
presence of the army has expanded in these areas to implement the junta's
policy of =ABBurmanisation=BB, and to carry out so-called &quot;development
projects&quot; primarily for the military's benefits.&nbsp; It is clear
that the causes of displacement of populations are not only military, but
also political as well as =ABdevelopment=BB-induced.<br>
<br>
&quot;Burmanisation&quot; is the assimilation into mainstream Burman
culture of the diverse ethnic peoples, and is promoted by the junta in
its policy of &quot;national reconsolidation&quot;, the military's
monolithic image of &quot;national unity&quot;. <br>
<br>
So-called &quot;Development programmes&quot; consist mostly of
infrastructure projects carried out with unpaid forced labour and
extortion from the local population. New roads are built to facilitate
military penetration and to control border trade for the economic
interest of the military.&nbsp; These projects have thus provided little
improvement to the inhabitants of these regions, but rather persecution
and impoverishment.<br>
<br>
In Sagaing Division, Naga villagers are used as forced labour to upgrade
roads for military purposes,&nbsp; and are forced to become porters and
recruits for the troops. <br>
<br>
In the Kabaw Valley in Sagaing Division, a resettlement programme for
landless families from Central Burma was implemented, but the local Kuki
villagers were forced to clear the land.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <br>
<br>
In Sagaing Division, a series of dam projects for irrigation has led to
land confiscation, destruction of sacred sites and forests, as well as
extensive forced labour.&nbsp; The Kalay-Pakkoku railway was built with
the forced labour of thousands of villagers and prisoners.<br>
<br>
In Chin State, similar demands for forced labour, portering, extortion,
as well as increased religious persecutions against Christians have
spread fear and put a toll on the economic survival of the people. <br>
<br>
In Arakan State, Rakhine villagers have not been spared from the
so-called &quot;development policies&quot; of the regime.&nbsp; They are
constantly used as forced labour on road constructions, tourism projects,
plantations and shrimp farms for the commercial benefits of the
army.<br>
<br>
These military practices have meant that many people are no longer able
to grow enough food or otherwise earn enough income to support their
families.&nbsp; They have been impoverished to such an extent that they
have no other option than leaving their homes in search of a means of
survival.<br>
<br>
Madam Chairperson,<br>
<br>
In particular, we would like to express our deep concern over the
situation of the Rohingya Muslims living in Arakan State.&nbsp; They are
denied the fundamental rights of citizenship, and consequently do not
enjoy freedom of movement.&nbsp; Existing communal tensions have been
stirred up by settling Buddhist Rakhine families on Muslim Rohingya land
in an exercise of demographic engineering.&nbsp; This was one of the push
factors which led to two mass exoduses of Rohingya refugees into
Bangladesh.&nbsp; The majority of those who took refuge in the camps in
1992 have now returned, but the exodus has not stopped.&nbsp; Recent
arrivals are reporting continuous persecutions, excessive forced labour,
and confiscation of their land.&nbsp; Many Rohingya women are found
begging or working in slavery conditions in Bangladesh.&nbsp; While their
husbands were called for forced labour, they were unable to feed their
children, and travel restrictions did not allow them to seek employment
outside their villages.&nbsp; Therefore, there is no guarantee for their
long-term safety, let alone the protection of their basic human
rights.<br>
<br>
Madam Chairperson,<br>
<br>
The UNDP has calculated that from 1988 to 1994, between 5 and 10% of the
population were displaced.&nbsp; We estimate that over 1 million people
are currently internally displaced, and this figure does not include
those, at least another million, who have fled to neighbouring countries,
such as Thailand, Bangladesh, India, or China.<br>
<br>
In conclusion, we urge the Commission and the Special Representative of
the Secretary-General on Internally Displaced Persons to make strong
requests to the Government of Myanmar in order to investigate this issue
and assess the full dimensions of the humanitarian crisis.<br>
<br>
Thank you.<br>
<br>
***************<br>
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WAR RESISTERS INTERNATIONAL<br>
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COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
(55</font><font face=3D"Times New Roman, Times"=
 size=3D1><sup>th</font></sup><font face=3D"Times New Roman, Times">
Session)<br>
Item 14<br>
19 April 1999<br>
Statement read by David Arnott<br>
<br>
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HIV/AIDS AND DENIAL <br>
<br>
<br>
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Mme Chair,<br>
<br>
We read in report E/CN.4/1999/76 that a grand total of 13 governments
replied to the Secretary-General's request of September 1998 for opinions
on the Draft Guidelines on HIV/AIDS and Human Rights. This is a meagre
response indeed, given the severity of the problem, and indicates the
level of denial involved.<br>
<br>
The human rights dimensions of HIV/AIDS highlight the inseparability of
civil and political, and economic, social and cultural rights. The ICASO
statement, delivered last Friday, and which we would endorse, rightly
stresses the civil and political rights dimensions of the epidemic, since
hitherto it has been treated almost uniquely as a health issue. Here we
address the question of denial, taking as an example the epicentre of
HIV/AIDS in Asia, namely Burma, keeping a special focus on the right to
freedom of opinion and expression. <br>
<br>
Addressing a Bangkok press conference on the 2nd April this year, the
Director of UNAIDS, Peter Piot, said that &quot;Burma has the second
worst AIDS epidemic in Asia&quot; (after Cambodia), that UNAIDS estimated
there were at least 440,000 cases of people infected by HIV/AIDS in
Burma, where intravenous drug use is widespread and there is an active
cross-border sex trade with neighbouring Thailand and China, and that
&quot;The big challenge is the recognition of the problem by the
government.&quot; The Burmese junta claims to have only 21,503 confirmed
HIV cases and 2,854 AIDS cases. <br>
<br>
To throw some light on the differences in these figures, I would like to
read out a couple of paragraphs from a remarkable book, &quot;War in the
Blood: Sex, Politics and Aids in Southeast Asia&quot;*, by epidemiologist
Dr Chris Beyrer who spent some years in Southeast Asia doing research
into HIV/AIDS in the region, and who is a leading authority in the
field.<br>
<br>
&quot;In upper Burma I met a doctor working in a hospital. He is a lovely
guy; bright, committed and brave. He is starved of medical news and
information on HIV, and longs to share his work. We talked in the tacky
VIP room above a local bar -- his choice -- a place supposed to be
&quot;okay&quot;, meaning secure. He told me that in 1994 his superiors
became alarmed at how many AIDS cases and deaths he was reporting. He was
told to stop being so &quot;thorough&quot;. His own practice has become
almost entirely AIDS care. He is one of only two physicians in this town
who treat people with HIV infection. <br>
<br>
[Most of his patients have three things in common: they're young, they're
addicts or ex-addicts, and they've worked in the jade and ruby mines in
Shan or Kachin States. This doctor thinks the mines have been crucial in
the spread of HIV. He explained that in the rainy season the mines have
about 5,000 people. When the ground dries out, the numbers swell into the
hundreds of thousands. People come from all over the country to work in
the mines. It is dangerous and most don't do very well, but a handful do,
and that's the draw. Heroin dealers are everywhere, as are cheap
brothels; women migrate seasonally to earn some money as well. SLORC runs
the best concessions; the poorest people sift through their waste water
looking for shards. When the rains come again, the miners go home, taking
HIV to every nook and cranny&quot;.] <br>
<br>
=85=85=85<br>
<br>
Beyrer continues: &quot;Health reform, like reform of virtually every
other sector, will not move forward as long as the political process
remains deadlocked. =85The Generals still do not come to the negotiating
table. Burma's anguish continues; the triple epidemics of heroin use,
HIV, and tuberculosis rage on. <br>
<br>
&quot;In November 1996, a Dutch journalist visiting the Shan states
discovers that people with HIV infection are being isolated in leper
colonies. The leprosy patients are terrified of the people with AIDS, as
are those with HIV infection of those with leprosy. This is reported to
be a temporary measure&quot; (as, we remind the Commission, was the
Burmese martial law administration established in 1988, which is still in
power.)<br>
<br>
&quot;War in the Blood&quot; draws a much more optimistic picture of the
HIV situation in Thailand, where the authorities have acknowledged the
problem, provided free condoms, confidential testing and counseling, have
engaged in extensive research and consultation, and conducted wide-scale
educational campaigns. By contrast, as Beyrer points out, in Burma, in
addition to intimidating doctors from reporting, fear of the regime has
also seriously inhibited people at risk from seeking testing and
counseling, thus further lowering reporting.<br>
<br>
In Thailand, the epidemic is no longer out of control, due to an open,
rights-oriented strategy backed by substantial political will. In Burma
and other parts of the world where politically weak, unstable governments
deny freedom of expression and other rights, the HIV/AIDS epidemic is
likely to spiral ever more out of control. With its cross-border vectors
of shared needles along drug trafficking routes, and sex and
long-distance transport workers, the HIV/AIDS epidemic and its management
cannot be considered the internal affair of a single country. <br>
<br>
<br>
Mme Chair,<br>
<br>
We encourage all countries to disseminate and implement the International
Guidelines, and we ask the Commission to request its country and thematic
rapporteurs to address HIV/AIDS-related issues in their reports. <br>
<br>
Thank-you, Mr/Mme Chair.<br>
<br>
<br>
* &quot;War in the Blood: Sex, Politics and AIDS in Southeast Asia&quot;
by Chris Beyrer, White Lotus (Bangkok) and Zed Books Ltd (London)
1998.<br>
<br>
<br>
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