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Subject: The Nation - Regional Perspective: Burma champions Asean values

Editorial & Opinion
The Nation - June 25, 1999.

Regional Perspective: Burma champions Asean values

BURMA is taking Asean by the horns and is incrementally becoming the
defender of Asean values. Two recent trends show how.

At the recent meeting of the Asean standing committee in Bali, Indonesia,
the Burmese delegation circulated a piece of paper containing the five
principles to guide Asean. They were taken verbatim from the speech of
Singapore Foreign Minister S Jayakumar of 1997, on the eve of the welcoming
ceremony of Burma as the ninth member of Asean in Kuala Lumpur.

It quoted Jayakumar as saying Asean is guided by the principles of equality
and non-interference in domestic affairs. In addition, Asean cannot condone
the use of force to change an established government or an internationally
recognised political order and the need to have open economies based on free
markets. Finally, all Asean members have made Asean the cornerstone of their
foreign policy.

Asean officials were flabbergasted. It was the first time that a member has
done anything like that. No one knew the motive of Burma, but suffice it to
say that Burma wants to remind Asean of its state of being and its
principles that have governed Asean for the past three decades.

Burma has joined Asean for two years and its membership has become the main
source of friction among Asean members and the rest of its dialogue
partners. Canada, one of the biggest donors to Asean, has joined the
European Union in hardening its position against the Asian grouping. It has
recently informed Asean that it will not welcome Burma to attend the
upcoming joint Asean-Canada committee meeting. So far, Burma has not
contributed to the strengthening of the Asean fabric and polishing up of its
international image.

On the contrary, since Asean admitted Burma, the grouping's reputation has
plummeted to ground zero. It is now reaching the point where it can affect
the post-ministerial meeting between Asean and its Western dialogue partners
next month.

Therefore, Burma's wise tactic of citing the words of Jayakumar has helped
because it has disarmed the rest of Asean even though it was Singapore's
interpretation of Asean, and not shared by all members.


Over the weekend in Geneva, at the conference of the International Labour
Organisation (ILO), by a vote of 333 in favour to 27 against, Asean,
including Thailand, voted against the resolution condemning Burma's
long-standing policy of practising forced labour. The resolution also banned
Burma from participating in any ILO activities and assistance until Burma
changes its labour policy. Both Thai representatives of trade unions and
employers' groups had the good sense and wisdom to join the rest of the
world to vote for the resolution.

Before the voting, Thailand was thinking of abstaining but somehow it chose
at the very end to support Burma's terrible suppression. Thailand will have
to pay a high prize for its decision. One immediate effect would be the
dwindling support for Dr Supachai Panichpakdi's bid for the World Trade
Organisation's top job.

Everybody knows that Thailand has a weakness on labour-related issues. Even
though the country has tried to improve its labour standards in the past
years, foreign trade unions and non-governmental organisations have
continued to urge Thailand to do more. The voting in Geneva has also
confirmed one facet of Thailand -- the inconsistency of the Chuan
government's foreign policy. It wavers under pressure and those declared
principles of human rights, democracy and civil societies remain mere
slogans. When need be, Thailand fails to show leadership.

Burma's assertiveness and Asean's collective defence of the new member's
ill-record were unprecedented and came at the time when plenty of questions
have been asked about the future of the organisation. It also comes at the
end of Singapore's Asean chairmanship. Next month, Thailand will serve as
the new chairman. Bangkok will prepare Asean's year-long activities and
programmes. It is not difficult to see the linkage between Burma's game
plans and Thailand's upcoming chairmanship.

Apparently, Rangoon is pre-empting Asean from undertaking any new steps that
are outside of Singapore's five principles, even though progress has been
made within the grouping in responding to new reality and changes in the
region.

The Asean foreign ministers will have a retreat on Sentoza Island ahead of
their annual meeting next month in Singapore on two important topics: the
future of Asean and the future of Asean Regional Forum. Indonesian Foreign
Minister Ali Alatas and Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan have been tasked to
present their views on these two issues respectively.

As the most senior Asean foreign minister, Alatas will outline the crucial
developments that have taken place in the region, including the
democratisation process in his own country. It is anybody's guess what would
be his assessment of the future and direction of Asean now that the
grouping's largest member has already become more open and freer.

Will the latest development in Indonesia have any impact on Jakarta's Asean
policy and the future of Asean as a whole? Alatas probably has the answer.

When Surin presents the future of the ARF at the ministerial retreat, at the
top of his mind will be steps to ensure Asean's leading role in the

region-wide security forum. But mere words probably would not help much;
concrete measures have to be taken by Asean members to move the ARF process
forward. But then again, can Asean do that given its current widening gaps
of perceptions and developments in terms of political and security areas
among member countries?

The newly-formed Asean Eminent Persons Group, which met early this month,
has been tasked to prepare a report on the Asean's future for the grouping's
leaders at the summit in Singapore next year. The group will discuss the
Asean Vision 2020, post-Asian crisis economic scenarios, food security,
civil societies and Asean Monetary Fund.

Many questions linger. Can the Asean wise men ignore the democratisation in
Indonesia and focus only on ways to promote economic cooperation even if the
current economic problems are rooted in political dictatorship and cronyism?
Is it possible for Asean to promote its international role by remaining a
political dinosaur and working only through economic integration? Can Asean
compete with a more liberal Mercusor -- grouping Brazil, Argentina,
Paraguay, Uruguay -- or other outward-looking organisations?

It is ironic that Burma has quickly become the standard bearer of Asean in
the absence of real leadership in the grouping. If positive developments in
the region, highlighted through democratisation and openness, have been
ignored, one wonders how long Asean members have to speak and use the
rhetoric coming from Rangoon before real changes can take place.

These are challenges confronting Asean when it prepares for the transition
into the 21st century. Thailand has a special responsibility to usher Asean
along. If Thailand has to pretend and act while the democratisation of the
Thai political system and economic recovery cannot help Asean transform
itself into a better organisation, then why should Thailand stick around.

BY KAVI CHONGKITTAVORN

The Nation