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The BurmaNet News: July 16, 1999



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: July 16, 1999
Issue #1316

Noted in Passing: ?Major tour operators are reluctant to openly promote
Myanmar as they do not want to get caught up in an anti-Myanmar argument
with groups such as the Burma Action Group." - E&O Services (Singapore)
General Manager and Director, Mr. Tom Evers-Swindell (see TRAVEL TRADE
GAZETTE ASIA: BOYCOTT HITS LONG-HAUL TRAVEL)

HEADLINES:
==========
AFP: CONDITIONS ON DIALOGUE LIKELY TO SCUPPER TALKS 
BKK PHUCHATKAN: BURMESE ARMY ALLOWING WA SOLDIERS 
THE NATION: BURMESE REBELS SEIZE LAND 
THE NATION: JUNTA NEEDS A NEW ROLE MODEL 
NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: MYANMAR AND SOUTH AFRICA 
NEW STRAITS TIMES: KL WANTS TO HELP IN AGRICULTURE 
TRAVEL TRADE GAZETTE: BOYCOTT HITS LONG-HAUL TRAVEL 
ANNOUNCEMENT: CRPP BRIEFING AVAILABLE 
*****************************************************

AFP: MYANMAR JUNTA CONDITIONS DIALOGUE LIKELY TO SCUPPER TALKS  
15 July, 1999 

BANGKOK, July 15 (AFP) - Myanmar's junta has put a pre-condition on
dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition which effectively rules out
talks any time soon, analysts in Yangon said Thursday. The junta, known as
the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), said Wednesday it was
prepared to talk only if the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD)
dissolved its interim parliament set up last year. 

But diplomats in Yangon told AFP that was like asking the NLD to give up
everything it has fought for since its sweeping election victory in 1990
which was ignored by the junta. 

Hundreds of NLD supporters, including scores of MPs, have been imprisoned
or detained since a committee representing the "people's parliament" was
set up in August, a move which infuriated the generals. 

NLD leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is not likely to betray
their sacrifice to take up the junta's ill-defined offer of "meaningful
interaction," diplomats said. 

"Everybody knows that (the junta's pre-condition) is a non-starter and the
committee is one of the main things the NLD is clinging to," one envoy told
AFP from Yangon. 

"I can't see that this seriously represents some sort of new initiative. It
shows how little is happening when we have to read the tea leaves like this." 

A junta spokesman said the de-facto parliament could lead to "institutional
confusion, social chaos and political crisis" without a constitution to
back it up. 

The junta has been drafting a constitution through a convention of
hand-picked supporters which would guarantee its permanent role in politics. 

"The government views with grave concern the NLD's convening of a
parliament before the country had time to complete a national convention
which will ensure political stability," he said in a statement Thursday. 

"Without a constitution the government would be unable to govern
effectively." 

Aung San Suu Kyi told AFP recently the committee had been recognised by the
European parliament and certain foreign governments. 


"I think we can say that our greatest success has been the fact that the
authorities were shaken by the forming of this committee," she said. 

A special European Union mission met junta officials as well as Aung San
Suu Kyi last week, partly in a bid to bring them together. 

Diplomats here and in Yangon have been silent on the results, although a
British envoy in Yangon said Thursday that the team's findings could be
known early next week. 

The junta spokesman said the EU's effort had "nothing to do with"
Wednesday's statement in the SPDC's official "information sheet." 

The mission is the latest in a long line of attempts by the international
community to bring the two sides to a negotiating table. 

The World Bank last year reportedly offered the junta non-humanitarian aid
-- cut off in the wake of repeated allegations of gross human rights abuses
-- in exchange for genuine dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi. 

That unofficial proposal has been put on the backburner following
suggestions it was akin to bribing the generals, although diplomats in
Yangon say it is still a possible solution. 

In June the United Nations said it was planning to send an envoy on a new
mission to Myanmar in a bid to encourage political dialogue. 

UN Deputy Secretary General Louise Frechette said Myanmar's neighbours were
"gently encouraging" the junta to accept the mission by Alvaro de Soto,
special envoy of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. 

*****************************************************

BANGKOK PHUCHATKAN: BURMESE ARMY ALLOWING WA SOLDIERS TO PRODUCE AMPHETAMINES 
8 July, 1999 

[Translated from Thai; excerpted.  Phuchatkan is a business-oriented daily
newspaper.]

The Wa army has begun to expand its narcotics trafficking and armed
personnel to the south to take over the zone under control of the KNU in
Myawadi, which is opposite Thailand's Mae Sot District. It has concluded
negotiations with the Burmese army and the Karen Buddhists on sharing of
trade benefits, including those from narcotics trafficking. Certain local
Thai groups and Thai government officials have helped them to coordinate
marketing networks. 

According to a report of a Thai intelligence unit in Tak Province, on 22
June a Burmese colonel who supervised Burmese Army soldiers in Myawadi held
negotiations with a leader of the United Wa State Army, whose name was not
available, on a plan to deploy Wa volunteers/soldiers in Kokarek town
(QN9405), which was previously under control of the KNU Division 6, and all
the way to Ban Pang Kan (MU3645), formerly under control of the KNU
Division 7. These Wa volunteers/soldiers would work together with Burmese
soldiers to create a line to deny those areas from renewed KNU operations
or mass support. Kokarek town is opposite Thailand's Umphang District,
while Ban Pang Kan is opposite Mae Ramat District. 

The negotiations also concerned compensation the Wa army would receive from
the Burmese army for joining its operation. The Burmese agreed to allow the
Wa army to operate buses between Myawadi-Pa An-Moulmein and to set up
amphetamine production facilities in Myawadi. 


The report also noted that it was agreed that benefits derived from the
amphetamines produced by the Wa army would be shared among three
influential groups in the area. The Wa army will receive 40 percent, the
Burmese army 30 percent, and the remaining 30 percent would be given to the
Karen Buddhists. 

The Burmese army began to set up its base on the bank of the Moei river
southward of the Thai-Burma Friendship Bridge which links Thailand's Mae
Sot District with Burma's Myawadi Province. The Myawadi town is under
control of the Burmese government and the Burmese military intelligence
unit. The DKBA [Democratic Karen Buddhists Army] controls the area deeper
inside Burma around Burengnong market. 

The report noted that Thailand is the market for the amphetamines produced
by the Wa army. In the initial stage, amphetamines would be smuggled in
private cars across the friendship bridge every two or three days. The
amphetamines are also sold to Burmese vendors who smuggle them in Burmese
buses to the markets and temples in Mae Sot District. This smuggling
violates the transport agreement between Thailand and Burma, but it occurs
fairly regularly. 

According to the report, Thai and Burmese government authorities connive
with the narcotics network and share in the benefits. Influential
individuals in the area are also involved in the network. However, no
identities, positions or ranks are given of any of the Thais involved. The
report noted that these influential individuals in Mae Sot and Wa army
officials met two or three times a week in the past 2 months. 

The Wa army reportedly gave two used Toyota pickup trucks to the former KNU
units which deserted General Bo Mya's army in an effort to gain new allies
in the area. 

In addition to sharing the revenue from narcotics trafficking and
production by the Wa army, Burmese soldiers in Myawadi also regulate taxi
operations in Myawadi town by requiring taxi operators to buy its window
stickers at 5,000 kyat each and collecting 1,500 kyat from each truck for
passage. They forward 2 million kyat a month to their headquarters.

***************************************************** 

THE NATION: BURMESE REBELS SEIZE LAND 
15 July, 1999 

AFP 

MAE SOT- Burmese rebels yesterday claimed they had taken control of
territory around the former stronghold of drug tsar Khun Sa close to the
Thai border. 

The leader of the Shan State Army's (SSA) southern region said the rebels
took territory in fierce fighting with junta troops around the town of
Hmong just inside Burma. 

"The rebels are now in total control around Homong," Col Yawd Suk said at a
secret location on the border.

*****************************************************

THE NATION: JUNTA NEEDS A NEW ROLE MODEL 
15 July, 1999 by Khin Maung Win 

The Burmese junta once used the former Indonesian regime as a role model.
Now that Suharto has gone and democratic elections have taken place, what
path will the military in Rangoon take? Khin Maung Win monitored the
Indonesian poll and compares the two countries. 

Unlike in Burma, where the election winning party is treated as criminals,
Indonesia's opposition parties, sure to win the June 7 general elections,
are now discussing how a transitional government will be formed. Many
observers regard Indonesia's general elections as free and fair, and as the
first step towards political reform and democracy. 


In May 1990, the Burmese people voted in their general elections in the
hope that it would be the first step to political reform. The unexpected
result, which saw the opposition NLD, under the leadership of Nobel Peace
Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, win 81 per cent of the seats, was due to
the people's strong desire for democracy. Yet the dream of Burmese
democracy remains just that -- a dream. 

The question arises of whether the democratisation of Indonesia can have
any effect on Burma, a country that shares many of Indonesia's
characteristics in its political culture. The similarities between the two
should be examined, particularly to determine what is necessary to put
Burma on the right track to democracy. 

The historical relationship between Burma and Indonesia dates back to the
early 1950s. Burma's Prime Minister U Nu and Indonesia's President Sukarno
were active in formulating the principles of the Bandung Conference in
Indonesia in 1955 the precursor to the Non-Aligned Movement. After the
Burmese and Indonesian armies removed their respective leaders -- U Nu in
1962 and Sukarno in 1965 -- both countries introduced totalitarian and
authoritarian regimes. In both countries the main justification claimed by
the military for controlling power was that the military has a dual
function. Both claim that the armed forces have responsibilities not only
in matters of internal security and national defence, but also in virtually
every socio-political realm. 

Resistance against military oppression emerged in both countries, where
people, especially students, confronted troops in attempts to restore
democracy. 

Suu Kyi and Megawati Sukarnoputri emerged as leaders during the popular
struggles. Similarities between the two countries increased as Burma's
military junta copied Indonesia's authoritarian political system, despite
that system's gradual collapse. 

Since January 1993, the Burmese military junta has been drafting a state
constitution, introducing an Indonesian style authoritarian-presidential
government. The Burmese military has successfully set up a Burmese form of
Golkar, known as the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA),
as a political base for the military. 

At the peak of Burma's nationwide people's demonstration demanding
democracy, in which thousands were killed, the military agreed to hold a
multi-party general election. Similarly, there is no doubt that the June 7
general elections in Indonesia were the result of a series of student-led
bloody demonstrations for democracy which were at times brutally suppressed
by the armed forces. 

Despite the above similarities, the two countries are not progressing
equally in terms of democracy. While the prospects for political reform and
democracy in Indonesia are brightening, Burma's future is still one of
total uncertainty. This is because those in power in the two countries have
taken different approaches to the recognition of election results. 

Unlike Burma's Election Commission, the National Election Commission of
Indonesia (KPU) enjoys much independence in carrying out the tasks
stipulated for it by law. In contrast, Burma's Election Commission is
composed only of senior leaders of the former Burma Socialist Programme
Party (BSPP), the country's sole political party until it was brought down
by the mass demonstrations. The Election Commission is greatly influenced
by the ruling military junta, the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) - formerly known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council, or
Slorc. 


The only thing that Burma's Election Commission does these days is dismiss
elected representatives, while no attempt has been made to implement the
1990 election result as stipulated by law. The Indonesian KPU will most
certainly not behave as its Burmese counterpart is doing. 

Golkar and B J Habibie's government have promised to respect the election
results whoever the winners may be. Burmese who wish for genuine democracy
in Indonesia will be praying that such promises will not be reneged upon as
has occurred in Burma. 

The abilities of the two countries' militaries to adapt to the current
world trend also differ. Whatever its past sins, Abri, the Indonesian
military, now seems to be taking the gentle path to pave the way for
democratisation. Abri even accepts involvement by the United Nations in the
internal affairs of what it had once claimed as its own - East Timor.
However its counterpart in Burma strongly rejects any involvement by the UN. 

Unlike Suharto, who resigned from office just last year, Ne Win, who
officially resigned from office long ago, still wields great influence over
the performance of the Burmese military regime. Both Abri and Habibie's
government can take political initiatives independent of any input from
Suharto. The Burmese military regime does not have that independence.
Democratisation in Indonesia does not necessarily depend on the death of
Suharto. In Burma, however, the death of Ne Win is a prerequisite. 

Indonesian leaders will not dare to destroy an economy already weakened by
an unstable political situation. Whether in government or in opposition,
all Indonesian politicians are aware of the necessity for political
stability in order to pave the way for economic recovery. In contrast,
Burma's generals believe that power must be firmly held prior to any
recovery of the economy, which has deteriorated drastically since the
military came to power. 

It can be said that Suharto's removal is one step forward for democracy in
Indonesia, but also one step back for the Burmese military in copying
Indonesian style authoritarianism. If the Burmese generals had dared to
copy the Indonesia of before, will they dare to copy the model that will
emerge in the near future? The time has come for them to decide whether
they are going to match regional, if not international, trends or risk
staying alone in the dark. 

KHIN MAUNG WIN is an executive committee member of the Burma Lawyers' Council.

*****************************************************

NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR: MYANMAR AND SOUTH AFRICA 
9 July, 1999 

One of the nation-building endeavours of the State Peace and Development
Council is the extension of diplomatic relations, embassies, consulates,
which should be recorded in history. The government is extending the scope
of international relations in accord with the aim of fostering cordial
relations with all nations which is included in the principles of Myanmar
regarding international relations. In addition to its extension of new
embassies in the Republic of Korea, Brunei Darussalam, and Cambodia and the
new consulate in Kunming, Yunnan Province, the People's Republic of China,
the first ever Myanmar Embassy in South America, where Myanmar had not
opened any embassy in the past, was opened in Brasilia in Brazil. In Africa
too, apart from the Myanmar Embassy in Cairo which was opened soon after
Myanmar regained her independence, there were no other Myanmar missions in
central and south Africa where majority of Africans live; Myanmar opened
her embassy in Pretoria, the Republic of South Africa, in 1996. 


Though Africans are far away from the Asians, unity between the two
peoples has existed since some years ago. They had had to withstand all the
tribulations and bitter experiences under the subjugation of the aliens
who, though different in race or nationality, had the same degree of
brutality and wickedness in exercising the colonialism. They (countries of
Asia and Africa) were brethren who had shown unity as the countries which
were able to restore their independence earlier rendered assistance and
support to the ones that had not regained independence yet when they won
back independence from the colonialists in accord with the situation, time,
and degree of vigilance. 

As is known to all, the Non-Aligned Movement, which was hated by the
colonialists, was born of the Asian-African unity. Myanmar which has taken
part in the Non-Aligned Movement since its beginning valued the strength of
the Asian-African unity and always upheld the sector of African nations
which were participating in the international relations more and more
actively. 

The extension of diplomatic relations with African nations and opening of
the Myanmar Embassy in South Africa were the efforts of the Tatmadaw
government, which had always done the right thing without any hesitation
whenever opportunity arose, in practically realizing the Asian-African
unity. It would not be wrong if we said that the Myanmar Embassy in Cairo
related more with the Arab world and the new one concerned more with the
people of Africa. Of the 53 nations of the African continent, the history
of South Africa was much significant and interesting. 

Cape of Good Hope, which would be marked in the maritime history of the
world, was found in the late 15th Century. From the Cape of Good Hope,
which is located at the southernmost tip of the South African continent,
the Europeans continued their journey to the Far East. In that way, the
region where South Africa is located today had become a stopover for the
Europeans who wanted to colonize or trade with Eastern nations. The first
settlers were Dutch, then followed by the Germans and English who had
coveted the area. Later conflicts began to occur between the European
settlers and the natives such as the African bushmen and Batu-speaking
black people (later became known as famous Zulus and Xhosas) who moved into
the area from north Africa. Even the earliest White arrivals (later known
as Afrikaaners) moved into inland areas. The White colonialists settled in
South Africa in large numbers after diamond was found there in 1867 and
gold in 1886. 

The greed of the White colonialists, who wanted to own and exploit the
valuable natural resources, had prolonged the life of indigenous Black
people under subjugation. They had to suffer suppression and oppression.
The White aliens and Afrikaaners had practised Apartheid system infamous
for its racial and colour segregation policy. All the local Blacks, the
Coloureds (people of Black-White mixed race) and the Indians who were
brought into the nation en masse to work at sugarcane plantations had to
suffer beyond endurance under the Apartheid. In the later periods also
these people had to suffer evil consequences of the Apartheid the policy of
segregation which never regarded non-Whites as human beings. The non-Whites
could not live in the places they wished to. Those who worked in the cities
had to return to their places before dusk. These non-Whites when found on
the streets of the cities after sunset faced arrest. And it was said that
sometimes they were even shot dead. 


The evil consequences of the Apartheid were beyond expression in writing.
After suffering under the Apartheid, which was the copy of colonialist, for
many years the awakened Blacks under their leaders stood firmly against and
fought the Apartheid, winning support not only from the Coloured including
Indians but also from some of the Whites, who had participated in their
struggle with sympathy. Of the Black leaders who had fought Apartheid
persons such as Nelson Mandela and Walter Silulu were famous all over the
world. The Black leader of South Africa who was significantly well-known
and loved by his people was Nelson Mandela who was imprisoned by Whites for
27 years from 1964 to 1990. He had become the first President of the
Republic of South Africa which was established after the fall of Apartheid. 

THE NEW ERA OF MYANMAR-SOUTH AFRICA RELATIONS 

Myanmar, which had to live under subjugation of colonialists for over 100
years because of the colonialists' coveting of her strategic location and
richness in natural resources, was able to stand as an independent and
sovereign nation after the independence was regained with the united
strength of the entire people. She had totally opposed the inhuman
Apartheid since 1952 when the problem had become an open case at the United
Nations. She gave support to the people of South Africa who were revolting
against the Apartheid shedding their blood, showing the Asian-African
unity. During that period, some of the anti-Apartheid leaders of South
Africa even visited Yangon. They had received the warm welcome and the
strong support of the Myanmar government and the people. Such support and
encouragement was still remembered with gratitude by the people of South
Africa who had participated in the anti-Apartheid struggle. The former
President Nelson Mandela was one among them. It was heard that he (Mandela)
had made arrangements in the previous year to personally thank the leaders
of Asia for the support and encouragement rendered by the countries of
Asia; but the programme could not be realized for certain reasons. 

In the early 1990s the anti-Apartheid struggles of the people of South
Africa were winning more and more victories. The first election free of
colour and racial discrimination was held in April 1994. The leader of the
anti-Apartheid struggle Mr. Nelson Mandela was elected the first President
of the Republic of South Africa. The entire world rejoiced and praised this
success. Even those who had enslaved the nation once had to welcome this
victory with embarrassment. 

The Union of Myanmar which valued the Asian-African unity and the cordial
ties between South Africa and Myanmar welcomed this victory with pleasure.
When Myanmar was invited to attend the inauguration ceremony of President
Nelson Mandela which was held in May 1994, Deputy Prime Minister
Vice-Admiral Maung Maung Khin, on behalf of the Head of State, and
delegation attended it. 

Myanmar and South Africa extended diplomatic relations in April 1995. The
Myanmar Embassy in South Africa was opened on 4 June 1996 in Pretoria to
further strengthen the existing cordial relations between the people of
Myanmar and South Africa and to enhance the bilateral economic cooperation.
The first Ambassador of Myanmar to the Republic of South Africa presented
his credentials to the first President of RSA, Mr. Nelson Mandela on 27
June 1996. 


Opening of the Myanmar Embassy in the Republic of South Africa and
extension of the area of the bilateral diplomatic relations not only
further enhance the existing friendly ties between the people of the two
countries but will also enable Myanmar to safeguard the interests of the
over 200 Myanmars residing in South Africa. Myanmars residing in South
Africa heartily welcomed and rendered assistance to the opening of the
Myanmar mission in Pretoria. 

Again, Myanmar was invited to attend the inauguration ceremony of the
second President of the Republic of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki. Secretary-1
Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, on behalf of Chairman of the State Peace and Development
Council Senior General Than Shwe, accompanied by the high-level delegation
attended the ceremony. I wrote this article with great pleasure that the
presence of the Secretary-1 and high-level Myanmar delegation at the
inauguration ceremony will surely further strengthen the existing cordial
relations between Myanmar and the Republic of South Africa which was born
of the Asian-African unity.

*****************************************************

NEW STRAITS TIMES (MALAYSIA): KUALA LUMPUR WANTS TO HELP YANGON IN
AGRICULTURE 
13 July, 1999 

KUALA LUMPUR, - The Rural Development Ministry has identified several areas
of co-operation between Myanmar and Malaysia, its Minister Datuk Annuar
Musa said today.

He said the Myanmar Government had shown interest in co-operation in rural
development and the companies and subsidiaries under the Ministry,
including Risda and Felcra, had made several proposals that could be
implemented.

"I was surprised at the potential in Myanmar. They are now promoting
foreign investment and strategies for the commercialisation of agriculture,
an area that we have expertise in," he said after meeting Myanmar
Ambassador U Saw Tun.

Annuar said one area that has been identified is the land rehabilitation of
wetlands in Myanmar for commercial padi plantation. Felcra has had a
similar experience in land reclamation in Perak.

"So there is a potential for a joint venture between Felcra and either a
local company in Myanmar or a government agency. We have made our
intentions known to the Government," Anuar said.

The land reclamation will be for about 10,000ha and Malaysia will then
import the rice.

He said the rice would be cheaper as the cost of land and labour were lower
in Myanmar and the two countries are near each other.

He said the development and reclamation cost for padi plantation was
RM3,000 per hectare.

Annuar said Myanmar currently imported a substantial amount of palm oil
through third parties and it would be more efficient for the two countries
to deal directly with each other.

He added that Myanmar was also a gateway to the western part of China,
specifically the Yunan province which had a population of 100 million.
Myanmar has a population of 50 million.

The Ministry would also study the possibility of setting up a bulking
station for palm oil to be processed and distributed in Myanmar. This would
require co-operation between Governments as it would be a big project.


Malaysia, under its Technical Co-operation Programme, had invited several
Myanmar officers to various training institutes like Risda and Felcra.

He said Malaysia had also developed a low-intensity tapping system (LITS)
which could boost production by two or three times with less manpower and
hoped to export this expertise to Myanmar.

Annuar added that Malaysia hoped to export the LITS techonology to other
Asean countries as well.

"Many people assume that the Ministry is only involved in bringing
electricity and roads to the rural areas. In fact, there are 50 companies
under the Ministry with a turnover of over RM1 billion.

"We have the capacity to invest overseas. Our first foreign investment was
in an oil palm plantation in Kalimantan and we are in the process of
setting up a bulking station there as well," he said.

*****************************************************

TRAVEL TRADE GAZETTE ASIA: BOYCOTT HITS LONG-HAUL TRAFFIC 
18 June, 1999 

Passenger numbers on the Road to Mandalay cruises have remained practically
the same in the last two years, due to a boycott campaign by major client
markets.

Traffic from the UK and US have been affected largely by government travel
advisories as well as difficulty in acquiring visas.

E&O Services (Singapore) general manager and director, Mr Tom
Evers-Swindell, said: "Major tour operators are reluctant to openly promote
Myanmar as they do not want to get caught up in an anti-Myanmar argument
with groups such as the Burma Action Group.

"Despite this, the US is still our main clientele base, followed by
Germany, the UK and France."

He said 3,000 passengers travelled on the Road to Mandalay between
September last year and May.

"Passenger reaction to our product and the destination is extremely
positive, and generates strong word-of-mouth sales."

But rather than relaxing current stringent visa requirements, Mr
Evers-Swindell said the Myanmar government had made obtaining visas even
more difficult and time consuming. "Genuine visa-on-arrival facilities at
the airport, with a system similar to fellow ASEAN member Cambodia, has not
been implemented.

"There is also a lack of Myanmar consulate representatives in key market
countries. All this makes entry difficult and puts off potential travellers."

In the past, Orient Express products were booked direct but despite
political pressures, tour operators still account for more than 50 per cent
of all bookings.

However, the company has received an increase in Internet bookings in the
last six months. More than 15 per cent of the business came directly from
consumers. Mr Evers-Swindell said Road to Mandalay's core operation would
remain its cruises between Mandalay and Bagan, but the company was planning
a slew of new products next year.

These include a special one-time itinerary from Mandalay to the northern
town of Bhamo before returning to Bagan.

*****************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: CRPP BRIEFING AVAILABLE
16 July, 1999 from altsean@xxxxxxxxxx 

Dear Friends:

Altsean-Burma has just produced a 4-page briefing paper on the Committee
Representing the People's Parliament. We hope it will help activists
develop an overview of this development and/or use it in their work.
Sections covered: 


* Overview 
* Justification for the CRPP 
* CRPP Operations 
* Endorsement by Ethnic Nationality Groups 
* SPDC's Reaction to CRPP 
* International Support for CRPP

We will be happy to post it upon request as hard copy, fax or attached word
97 file. The briefing paper is a shorter version of a booklet on the CRPP
to be printed soon. 

Don't forget, please email us if you want a copy of the 4-page briefing and
tell us if you want it via post, fax or email (and provide the relevant
address!)

A L T S E A N - B U R M A 
Alternative Asean Network on Burma 
Tel: 66 2 275 1811 * Fax: 66 2 693 4515 
<altsean@xxxxxxxxxx>

*****************************************************