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The BurmaNet News: July 20, 1999



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: July 20, 1999
Issue #1318

HEADLINES:
==========
REUTERS: MYANMAR BLOCKS ROAD, BUT ALLOWS NLD
BKK POST: JUNTA IS READY FOR DIALOGUE 
IRRAWADDY: "DIALOGUE IS UNAVOIDABLE" 
SHAN: WA BECOMING A BAD WORD? 
NATION: ARMY WILL REPATRIATE 92 REFUGEES TODAY 
BKK POST: LIFE IS HARD FOR ILLEGAL BURMESE WORKERS 
THE INDEPENDENT: TALKS WITH YANGON 
WASHINGTON POST: A JOINT EFFORT AGAINST BURMA 
ANNOUNCEMENT: NEW VIDEO DOCUMENTARY AVAILABLE 
*****************************************************

REUTERS: MYANMAR BLOCKS ROAD, BUT ALLOWS NLD COMMEMORATION 
19 July, 1999 

YANGON, July 19 (Reuters) - Myanmar's military put road blocks around the
National League for Democracy (NLD) party headquarters on Monday to vet
attendance at a ceremony to mark the 1947 assassination of party leader
Aung San Suu Kyi's father. 

Security personnel allowed some 400 people with invitations to attend the
ceremony in the capital marking the 52nd anniversary of the death of Aung
San, Myanmar's national hero and founding father. No incidents were reported. 

Aung San was assassinated on July 19, 1947, six months before independence
from Britain. The day has been commemorated as ``Martyrs' Day'' ever since. 

The NLD said in a statement read at the meeting it would seek to resolve
the country's political crisis through peaceful dialogue. 

The NLD and Suu Kyi have been locked in a long and bitter standoff with the
ruling generals over the junta's failure to recognise the result of
Myanmar's last election in 1990, which the party won by a landslide. 

The military's efforts to silence the party since through arrests and
intimidation have provoked U.S. and EU sanctions. 

The NLD said it remained ready for dialogue. ``We... resolve to seek
answers to solve the political problems by holding talks peacefully through
political means,'' party vice chairman Tin Oo said at the ceremony. 

The military has said it was willing to resume contacts that began last
year but insisted the NLD must first renounce a committee it set up last
year to represent the parliament which was never allowed to form. 

Yangon has poured cold-water on international mediation efforts --
including a visit earlier this month by a mission from the European Union
-- saying it can solve its own problems. 

At the weekend, commentaries in the military-controlled official media
stepped up attacks on the NLD and Suu Kyi, blaming it for the current
political stalemate. 

The commentaries charged that aging members of the party's executive
committee were not brave enough to stand up to Suu Kyi, who has been
vilified in the official media for stubbornness.

*****************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: JUNTA IS READY FOR DIALOGUE
18 July, 1999 

DHAKA, AFP

Burma's Foreign Minister Win Aung d in Dhaka yesterday that the junta was
ready to talk with Aung San Suu Kyi, but first she had to stop attacking
the government. 


"The offer for dialogue with her is still there but first, accusations and
criticisms must stop," he told reporters Dhaka airport on arrival for a
three day to Bangladesh. 

"There is also the need for building confidence and the establishment of
ground for a dialogue," Mr Win Aung added. 

Nobel laureate Ms Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) has said it
is ready to sit down with junta officials but claims that the government
refuses negotiate with her. 

The official media in Burma has often accused Ms. Suu Kyi of being an
instrument of foreign powers, but the NLD insists that any delegation it
sends to meet the government must be led by her.

The NLD swept elections held in Burma in 1990 but the ruling junta has
refused to recognise the result. 

The government has said that talks cannot take place unless the NLD
disbands an interim parliamentary committee it set up last year. 

Hundreds of NLD supporters, including scores of MPs, have been imprisoned
or detained since the committee representing the "people's parliament" was
set up in August. 

Mr Win Aung and his Bangladesh counterpart Abdus Samad Azad were scheduled
to hold talks last night. 

"It is basically a familiarisation visit but Bangladesh hopes to use the
occasion to resolve some outstanding problems between the two sides," a
foreign ministry spokesman said. 

The two sides are expected to discuss the fate of more than 21,000 Muslim
Burmese refugees in Bangladesh, known as Rohingyas, who fled their homes in
Burma's Arakan province in 1991 alleging repression and human rights
violations. 

*****************************************************

THE IRRAWADDY: "DIALOGUE IS UNAVOIDABLE" 
June, 1999 

Vol7 No5

Recently, the editor of the Irrawaddy caught up with Dr. Thaung Htun, a
representative of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma's
United Nations delegation. A former senior member of the All Burma
Students' Democratic Front, he now works with the NCGUB office in
Washington and is considered to be a driving force in the government-in-exile.

Q: What is your view on the current political impasse in Burma?

A: When I look at the political and economic situation I see that Burma is
passing through a very critical stage. The current military regime is in
the worst shape that it has been in the last ten years, especially the
economic situation, which has been deteriorating very rapidly. One of the
reasons is the economic sanctions imposed by the international community
upon the regime. At the same time there is an intensive campaign of
imposing selective purchasing laws against the military regime in eighteen
cities (in the US). So these laws make the businesses and corporations
choose whether they are going to invest in Burma or lose their huge markets
in the US. Most of the companies decided to withdraw from Burma. 

Another factor is that the financial institutions have suspended loans and
grants since 1988. The military has no capital to improve the
infrastructure of the country. Of course they are trying to improve the
infrastructure such as roads and railroads by means of forced labor, but I
see that they are not so successful. 


If you look at the political situation we can find that the military
regime has increased its suppressive campaign against the NLD. Since August
of last year, they have closed down their offices and forced MPs to resign
from their parties. So I think the situation is that the military is
getting the sense that dialogue is unavoidable. Whether they like it or
not, they have to choose dialogue which is the last option for them.

Q: What can the opposition in exile contribute to the situation in Burma?

A: Our intention is to create a domestic and international atmosphere
conducive to a political dialogue. If we look at any successful political
dialogue it has to pass through the first stage of leveling the playing
ground. If one side is too powerful and too confident that they can control
the situation, then the negotiation is impossible as the one side won't
agree to start negotiation. 

The first stage, leveling the playing field, is based upon principles of
nonviolence where we work on building up different forms of pressure upon
the military regime. One thing is economic pressure. During the last ten
years we have launched an international campaign calling for a boycott,
economic sanctions and a boycott of tourism. I find our campaign is very
successful. 

Another means is diplomatic pressure. We work through the EU, other Western
democratic countries, and even Asean, whose policy (towards Burma) I see is
shifting a little bit. While Asean in general has its constructive
engagement policy, I see individual Asean countries taking their own
position when they interpret engagement policy. 

At the UN, Asean countries usually take their own positions and Asean has
never provided diplomatic protection for the regime at UN forums. 

Secondly, Asean is now in an economic crisis and not in a position to help
Burma. International economic and political pressure has been increasing,
putting pressure on the military regime to go to the negotiation table. 

As for our efforts for dialogue at the UN, we have raised the Burma issue
at the UN since 1990; first, at the UN Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) in
Geneva. The UNHRC has adopted consensus resolutions since 1989 and the UN
resolution has become stronger and stronger every year. In 1992, the UNHRC
appointed a special rapporteur on human rights which reviews the situation
every year. The Burma issue is kept alive at the level of the UN, so Burma
is well known as a pariah state within the international community. Our
efforts at the UN have made it difficult for the regime to improve their
image problem, even though they are doing some sort of superficial changes,
for example the transformation of the Slorc to the SPDC.

And the UN has tried to formulate mechanisms to implement the terms of the
resolution. The first initiative taken by the UN was the establishment of
informal consultative mechanisms to give policy recommendations to the
Secretary General. Now eight countries are working together within the
informal consultative mechanism: Sweden, Germany, the UK, Thailand,
Malaysia, the US, Canada, Australia and Japan. 


The UN Secretary General himself is actively involved in Burma affairs and
the UN is planning to send a special envoy led by Deputy Secretary General
De Soto.

Q: Do you think Asean is changing?

A: When I look at Asean, they are becoming more and more impatient because
of the behavior of the military regime. Burma is a cause of friction
between the EU and Asean. This is the reason that the Asean-EU summit has
failed for the last two years and then Asean hasn't been able to get
development assistance from the EU. Burma is a problem within Asean, and
other things are that Burmese affairs are having an impact on regional
stability, such as the refugee problem, cross border attacks into Thailand,
the flow of drugs throughout the region, the trafficking of women and the
HIV/Aids problem. Also in Thailand alone, there are one million migrant
workers from Burma. 

At first, Asean expected that Burma was going to change their behavior and
they would be able to tame the military regime. Later Asean started to
realize that the regime wasn't taking any positive steps after it joined
the organization. So Asean is more and more impatient and it is interested
in finding a political settlement. I find that some Asean countries are
actively cooperating to this end. 

Q: Do you think there is likely to be an uprising within the next year or so?

A: I would like to say that the potential for mass upheaval is there.
People are really fed up with the regime. The military has failed to
improve the economic situation, the living standards of the people, and
education of the younger generation. Since 1996 the military has closed
down most of the universities and the young people become more and more
frustrated. So this situation has the potential that can lead to a mass
upheaval. But I cannot say when exactly it will happen.

Q: How do you feel when you look at Burma's situation? Are you a pessimist
or optimist?

A: I'm optimistic. You know, the situation is not like in 1988. It's
totally different. In 1988, Burma was so isolated and when the 1988
uprising occurred the international community didn't know about anything
going on inside the country. But now the Burma situation is well known in
the international community. And Burma issues are at the top level of
foreign policy formulation in most of the developed countries.

The situation of the democracy movement is not like in 1988. In 1988, there
was no legitimate leading body. But now we have a legitimate ruling body,
which is the NLD, which won the election. 

Now we have a brilliant leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who has domestic and
international support. If we look outside the country, the Burmese
democracy movement has established institutions like the NCGUB and we have
access to high authorities in most of the democratic countries and access
directly to the UN General Secretary's offices. We have been engaging with
the Asean countries. We have already prepared a channel of communication
with the international community. When something happens in Burma we can
relay the information to the international community immediately. 


Q: How do you see the NCGUB's role? 

A: The role of the NCGUB is to create conditions, especially international
conditions, conducive to political dialogue. The real change has to come
from inside the country. Our role is a supporting role to the NLD and other
democracy groups struggling inside Burma. 

Our role is to make preparations for the transitional period inside Burma.
Because those political parties like the NLD are facing huge pressure. They
are busy with day-to-day matters and then we outside the country have the
conditions to prepare for the reconstruction of future Burma. Now we and
the democracy movement set up a Burma fund and we started to do research
for policy options for the reconstruction of Burma and also we are doing a
national reconciliation program to find a common vision for a future
federal Burma

Q: What will the role of the NCGUB become once Burma has become an open
society with a civilian government?

A: As NCGUB mentions in its first declaration, it doesn't intend to take
over power. As soon as we convene the first parliament based on the 1990
general elections the NCGUB will be dissolved. The members of the NCGUB,
elected MPs, will take part in parliament as members of the parliament.

And those policy options that we prepared will be transferred to the
transitional government, which is endorsed by the parliament. 

*****************************************************

SHAN HERALD AGENCY FOR NEWS (S.H.A.N.): WA BECOMING A BAD WORD? 
17 July, 1999 

Wa Becoming A Bad Word? 

Until recently, nobody cared very much for Wa, whose territory is in the
northeast corner of Shan States. Those who did in a modest way knew them as
the guys who toppled Burmese communism in 1989 and, later on, as somewhat
good guys who tackled with Khun Sa, then the world's "No. 1" drug lord. 

But when a Thai police general lately made a mistake by announcing that the
"Red Wa group" (popular name for the United Wa State Army) was led by
Mahasang, leader of an anti-communist Wa group (officially the Wa National
Organization) that is currently an ally to the anti-narcotic Shan States
Army and member of the opposition umbrella organizations, namely, the
National Democratic Front, the Democratic Alliance of Burma, and the
National Council of the Union of Burma, it made one start wondering if it
was a warning that the word "Wa" had taken an unfavorable meaning -- that
anyone who is of Wa blood is becoming fair game to the happy drug hunters. 

One observer remarked, "In the past, the drugs caught by the Thai
suppression units were almost always publicized as coming from Khun Sa. It
was as though to say otherwise would make one's capture an insignificant
achievement. Now the same thing is happening with the Was". 

Another also agreed. "In the past, it was bad luck to be born a Shan.
Because most of the people's mind, the word was synonymous to Khun Sa, and
consequently to drugs. Nowadays, you're going to be eyed suspiciously for
being a Wa". 

However, this does not mean good news for the Shans, that they are now out
of the plughole. Not by a long shot. Since Wa Territory is in the Shan
States, the chance is that both of them might still find themselves
swimming home in the same waters. 


It's therefore up to both to decide whether it is better to save their own
skins or work together to free themselves from the same shackles that have
bound them for so long.

e-mail: <shan@xxxxxxxxxxxx> 

*****************************************************

THE NATION: ARMY WILL REPATRIATE 92 BURMESE REFUGEES TODAY 
20 July, 1999 

The Thai Army will today repatriate 92 Burmese refugees who had fled
fighting between government troops and armed rebel soldiers battling for
autonomy, the Army public relations department said yesterday.

It said the situation in the area has returned to normal and fighting
between government troops and Karen National Union soldiers had ceased,
making it safe for the refugees to return.

The refugees are going back voluntarily, according to the Army.

The refugees will cross into Burma through the Huay Khok Moo pass in
Rachaburi's Suan Phung district.

Army chief Gen Surayudh Chulanont has ordered the region to ensure that the
refugees return to the area safely and that they be treated with the utmost
dignity.

The repatriation will be witnessed by Surayudh and representatives from the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, as well as other foreign
agencies, the statement said.

There are currently about 100,000 refugees from Burma stranded along the
border in camps run by foreign aid workers.

National Security Council chief Kajadpai Burapat said last week that
Thailand will repatriate all displaced Burmese living along the border
within the next three years.

Kajadapai said he will raise the issue with the UNHCR at the upcoming
meeting in Geneva in October.

A number of attacks have been carried out in the recent years by renegade
rebel factions, allegedly with the help of Burmese government troops, on
these camps.

The Thai Army has come under heavy criticism for not providing enough
security along these camps.

International agencies have condemned the Burmese military government for
gross violations of human rights, while a number of Thai government
agencies said the ruling junta has not done enough to curb the drug trade.

Kajadpai said the Burmese have indicated that they will take back the
refugees.

*****************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: LIFE IS HARD FOR ILLEGAL BURMESE WORKERS 
19 July, 1999 by Onnucha Hutasing, Preechasa-Ardsorn, Supamart Kasem, and
Nussara Sawatsawang

MADE TO SUFFER AT THE HANDS OF JOB BROKERS, EXTORTION GANGS AND EVEN POLICE 

To illegal Burmese workers, Thailand is a source of income, not a haven. 

They may be able to flee starvation in their homeland, but physical and
mental torture is also meted out to them here. 

"I used to dream that Thailand was more developed than Burma and should be
full of good things. 

"But that is not true and I don't want to think about it. I must continue
my work because I want money for my family," said Ko Thun Lin, a 29 year
old Karen man. 

He has worked at the Mahachai seafood market in Samut Sakhon province, west
of Bangkok, for three years. 

Surviving a manhunt by Burmese soldiers, Ko Thun Lin left his home town of
Pa-an to become a labourer at the seafood market. 


He must work 14 hours a day for 4,500 baht a month. 

Today he shares a 2.5m by 6m room with nine other people. 

The rent is 5,000 baht a month. Clothes are hung on wires to divide the
packed, unventilated and gloomy room into personal areas for two couples
and five bachelors. 

"We work from 10 pm until noon the following day. We just fall asleep right
after returning to our room. No one cares about the heat and humidity," he
said. 

The Mahachai seafood market seems to be the biggest work place for illegal
aliens in Thailand 

Over 20,000 illegal immigrants work there, mostly peeling shrimp. 

"Staying here, we are safe from the police perhaps because the roughhouses
belong to the market owner who has political influence. 

"We'll be in danger if we cross a road to the opposite side," another
Burmese worker said. 

Across the street, extortion gangs are waiting for illegal immigrants. 

Their victims are newcomers who have just arrived to sell their labour for
the first time. 

"They take the newcomers money and gold necklaces. Some women were even
taken to a nearby roughhouse and raped. The police are aware of this but
the Mafia still exists," the worker said. 

Illegal workers live in fear as they are always attacked, especially
sexually for women and girls. 

According to the worker, a policeman deployed at a booth in front of the
seafood market once inserted his finger in the vagina of an 11-year-old
Burmese girl. Hurting, she ran away and tried to escape by jumping from a
two-storey rowhouse. The girl broke her right leg. 

The policeman is still stationed at the booth, the worker said. 

According to him, police raid their places whenever the government
announces its strict action against illegal alien labour. "Our fellows who
have no work permits run as fast as they can. A pregnant woman had a
miscarriage while running. Some people even broke their legs jumping from
the second floor," he said. 

"The police simply search everything in our rooms. They take our money and
in one raid, they confiscated nearly 70-baht weight of gold necklaces," the
Burmese worker said. 

Workers, injured in such escape attempts or who fall sick do not go to
hospital for treatment, even though the government requires each of them to
buy a 500-baht health care card. 

"No one at the hospital can speak Burmese, so we simply take paracetamol
for any illness or go to our illegal doctors, another worker said. 

The "doctors" at the seafood market are illegal immigrants who used to work
at hospitals in Burma. Some were janitors there but are now the only
recourse for their fellow countrymen, especially for pregnant Burmese women. 

Such "doctors" charge 1,000 baht for an abortion. "Three to four pregnant
women go to such back-street abortionists every month and receive various
kinds of treatment. 

They press the belly of the women to force babies out," the worker said. 

Health problems were the most serious concern for illegal alien workers
because they did not know how to take care of themselves, said Pinyo
Veerasuksawat of the Care Thailand organisation. 


He said a number of workers were infected with HIV through sex and joint
use of syringes for drug injection. 

"We cannot know if they are sick until they enter a critical stage. Last
month we sent four AIDS patients back to Burma. They said they wanted to
die in their homeland," Mr Pinyo said. 

Suthee, a Burmese volunteer of Care Thailand, said all kinds of narcotics
were popular among alien workers. "Can you believe that 20,000 pills of
methamphetamine are sold at the seafood market every day?" he said. 

Despite the dangers, the influx of Burmese continues. 

They must pay 5,000-7,000 baht each to their brokers for their trip from
Kanchanaburi to Mahachai. 

Up to 300 Burmese reportedly enter Thailand every day. 

"A lot of trips are arranged each day. And none else but the police are the
guides," one Burmese worker said.

*****************************************************

THE INDEPENDENT: TALKS WITH YANGON 
19 July, 1999 

DHAKA

Editorial

The Foreign Ministers of Bangladesh and Myanmar have expressed their
optimism that the problems between the two countries will be resolved
through further discussion in future. Earlier, the official talks between
Bangladesh Foreign Minister Abdus Samad Azad and his Myanmar counterpart U
Win Aung ended at Dhaka on Saturday without anything concrete being achieved. 

U Win Aung put forward some proposals which deserve attention. For example,
formation of a joint commission to look into bilateral issues and problems
would indeed bring the two neighbours closer to each other and make it
easier for them to resolve disputes. However, it is obvious that no measure
will produce the desired results as long as the Rohingya problem strains
the relations between Yangon and Dhaka. Bangladesh, despite its resource
constraints, has shouldered the responsibility of a large number of
Rohingya refugees who crossed over to this country in 1991. The two
countries, however, had agreed to settle the matter amicably, and a
mutually acceptable formula was evolved for the repatriation of the refugees. 

Bangladesh has once again reminded the Myanmar authorities of the refugee
problem, pointing out that 21,000 Rohingyas are still living in our
country. Seven thousand of them were cleared as bona fide refugees by the
Myanmar authorities, but they are yet to return home. The Bangladesh
proposal that they be repatriated without further delay is based on the
agreement that the two countries had reached with any eye to ensuring a
speedy return of the Rohingyas. 

U Win Aung has said that some problems had cropped up in the resettlement
of the refugees in his country. While this is an internal affair of
Myanmar, Bangladesh, being burdened with a humanitarian problem of great
magnitude, can logically expect the repatriation process to gain the
desired speed. The recent developments do suggest that apart from being an
economic liability, some of the refugee camps have become crime-points
controlled by musclemen and gangsters. Law and order in and around those
camps is now a matter of worry. 

So Yangon should realise that Dhaka is interested in developing friendly
and meaningful ties with its neighbour, but the irritants like the refugee
problem must be removed before constructive ventures can be undertaken.


*****************************************************

WASHINGTON POST: A JOINT EFFORT AGAINST BURMA 
16 July, 1999 

Letter to the Editor

Few would argue with The Post's conclusion that the military dictators of
Burma have trampled on human rights and democracy [editorial, July 5]. But
The Post shouldn't focus entirely on the failure of ASEAN's barely
two-year-old policy of engagement as the reason. 

Although The Post's editorial didn't mention it, the official U.S. policy
toward Burma of isolation and unilateral economic sanctions is also two
years old -- and certainly hasn't worked. Coordinating U.S. policy with our
allies and trading partners might be a better path. Recent history tells us
that unilateral sanctions rarely work, are often counterproductive and are
almost always costly to other U.S. objectives. In contrast, when the United
States is part of a multilateral effort, chances for success improve
significantly. 

Frank D. Kittredge 
President 
National Foreign Trade Council Inc. 
Washington

*****************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: NEW VIDEO DOCUMENTARY AVAILABLE 
19 July, 1999 

New Video Documentary by Images Asia 

"ROAD TO NOWHERE" An investigation into forced labour in Burma. 

Forced labour: A practice condemned internationally as a crime against
humanity. 

Since a hard-line military regime seized power in 1988, Burma has become a
huge slave labour camp. Not one town or village has escaped forced labour
demands as the authorities "invite" people to work on the construction of
roads, bridges, irrigation projects, dams and airports. The military takes
thousands more against their will to porter supplies and arms for its
troops. A harsh penalty awaits those who refuse to comply. 

"ROAD TO NOWHERE" reviews the ILO investigation and features recent video
images of forced labour projects inside Burma, footage which is difficult
and sometimes dangerous to obtain. The documentary includes interviews with
ordinary people who have had their lives destroyed by forced labour
projects, and features the video taped submission to the ILO hearings by
Burma's democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It also includes interviews
with ILO investigators, the International Confederation of Trade Unions,
Amnesty International, and a spokesman for the Burmese military regime. 

"ROAD TO NOWHERE" is produced by Images Asia Inc., to encourage knowledge
and understanding of the situation inside Burma. 

Place order of video in both PAL/NTSC format at <images@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> or
P.O. Box 2 Phrasingha Post Office, Muang Chiangmai 50200, Thailand

*****************************************************