The BurmaNet News: October 26, 1999

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The BurmaNet News: October 26, 1999
Issue #1387

HEADLINES:
==========
AP: FOOD SHORTAGE DRIVES HUNDREDS OF MONKS TO THAILAND
SHAN: JUNTA UNITS IN SHAN STATE UNDERMANNED
NATION: GAMBLERS TO BE CHARGED OVER ILLEGAL ENTRY
BKK POST: JUNTA'S DISTRUST KEEPS BORDER ON EDGE
BKK POST: BORDER CLOSURE COMES AS A BOON
NATION: BURMESE STUDENTS PLEAD FOR CALM AT MANEELOY
CFOB: DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI ADDRESS TO CANADA
STRAITS TIMES: LAUREATES SAY HELLO TO CHILD MP'S
*****************************************************

ASSOCIATED PRESS: FOOD SHORTAGE DRIVES HUNDREDS OF MONKS TO THAILAND
25 October, 1999 by Chiravut Rungchamratrasamee

Myanmar Monks Face Food Shortage

AP, Maesot, 25 October. Hundreds of Buddhist monks and nuns have illegally
sneaked into Thailand from Myanmar to seek offerings because of food
shortages.

Their plight stems from the Myanmar military regime's closure of the
frontier Oct. 2 in response to Thailand's handling of the takeover of
Myanmar's embassy in Bangkok by armed student activists.

The monks and nuns, who normally eat only what they are given by devotees,
are not getting enough from their own people after the suspension of
cross-border trade sent food prices soaring.

Somchai Issaman, secretary of the Wat Luang temple at this border town, told
The Associated Press on Monday that at least 320 monks and 30 nuns have
sought shelter at the temple, seeking food.

The temple received a good supply of rice, dried food, and other necessities
from worshippers during the past three months of Buddhist Lent, which ended
Sunday, Somchai said.

The monks and nuns come from as many as 80 temples inside Myanmar, also
known as Burma, Somchai said. Their entry into Thailand under the current
circumstances would be illegal on both sides of the border, but police on
the Thai side have looked the other way.

Myanmar has been incensed that Thailand allowed a group of student
activists, who held 38 people hostage in a two-day siege, to fly to the
border and disappear. Thailand has said that letting them go was necessary
to resolve the crisis without bloodshed.

Some 3,000 students from Myanmar have sought refuge in Thailand since street
protests against military rule were crushed by the army a decade ago.

*****************************************************

SHAN HERALD AGENCY FOR NEWS: JUNTA UNITS IN SHAN STATE UNDERMANNED
25 October, 1999

The Burma Army's units in eastern Shan State, known as the Golden Triangle
Command, is believed to be woefully under strength, reported an informed
border watcher.

"One reason is desertion", he said. "But the other one is the intensive
training courses which are being conducted by the Triangle Command
headquarters in Kengtung".

Considerable numbers of soldiers are, at present, absent from their units to
attend these training courses, said the source.

Trainings are reportedly being given for agriculture and livestock,
non-Burmese local languages, artillery, tunneling, commando, medic and map
reading.

"For instance, IB 65 and LIB 225 in Mongton had informed Kengtung last week
they wouldn't be able to send trainees to attend the sergeant-majors'
refresher course and the explosives and booby-traps training", he said. "IB
43 (Mongpiang) also complained last week that its total strength had gone
down to 196".

With continued desertion and casualties, they were worried about their
capability to undergo the period of the state of emergency decreed by
Rangoon since the Bangkok embassy siege on 1-2 October.

[S.H.A.N. is a non-profit making, independent Shan media group. It is not
affiliated to any political or armed organization.]

*****************************************************

THE NATION: GAMBLERS TO BE CHARGED OVER ILLEGAL ENTRY
25 October, 1999

Agence France-Presse -- THIRTY-ONE Thai gamblers being held in Burma would
be charged within days for allegedly violating immigration laws, officials
said yesterday.

The men were among a group of more than 70 Thais who were arrested on Friday
after allegedly crossing illegally from southern Ranong province into Burma
to gamble at a casino.

Boworn Promkaew-ngam, chief of the Coordination Centre for Fisheries along
the Thai-Burmese border, said the 31 could be charged with illegal entry and
illegal gambling. He said they were being held in Burma's Kaw Song province.

Illegal entry carried a sentence of up to 10 years' imprisonment and fines
of up to 500,000 kyats (about Bt50,000).

Boworn said Thai authorities had been trying in vain to contact counterparts
on the other side of the border.

He said there had been no reply over the past few days to Thai radio
messages to Burma's Township Border Committee.

The detention of the Thais further strained relations between the two
neighbours following a hostage crisis in Bangkok early this month in which
five armed gunmen stormed the Burmese embassy.

"We have asked for a quick trial and that any punishment be confined to a
fine, not jail,'' said Ranong governor Thawat Hantra.

He said earlier reports indicated more Thais were being held in Burma but it
now appeared that eight of those detained were Burmese locals.

Burma denied yesterday that the arrest of Thai gamblers inside its territory
was related to the siege at its embassy.

"They were arrested for breaching the gambling act and appropriate legal
action shall be taken against all those involved, irrespective of
nationality,'' said an official statement received in Bangkok. ''It has
nothing to do with the embassy incident.''

It was not clear what gambling act the 31 persons had violated since the
casino had been given official permission to operate and thousands of Thais
had flocked there to try their luck.

Thawat said the wives and children of the Thai gamblers were released on
Friday. Nine men were freed early on Saturday.

The Ranong governor said provincial authorities had sent a letter to Burmese
officials in the Thai-Burmese Border Committee, asking for explanations over
the matter. He said he had received no reply.

Thawat said an informal channel had been established with Burma's local
authorities in Kaw Song. Thai businessman Vikrom Aisiri, who owns the
five-star Andaman Club hotel on Kaw Song and is closely connected with the
Burmese authorities, had contacted a senior Burmese military officer, who
agreed to help expedite the legal process for the arrested Thais.

Through a normal process, the case may take more than a week. But Thai
authorities want to ensure that the case would be dealt with before that.

He quoted the businessman as saying that the detained Thais were in good
health and were not mistreated.

Thawat said a meeting between Thai and Burmese members of the Border
Committee might be arranged. He said the fact that Burmese officials from
Rangoon had taken control from local officials might make it difficult for
Thai authorities to negotiate for their release.

Meanwhile, Ba Than, coordinator of Burmese student groups, said yesterday
many exiled Burmese students in Thailand had applied to be relocated to a
third country, particularly the United States.

He said many Burmese students were already living in the US and the exiles
in Thailand might enjoy more freedom there.

In a related development, former secretary-general for Foreign Affairs,
Pracha Kunakasem, yesterday called on the government to bring the issue of
the Thai-Burmese border closure to the negotiation table.

He said this was the best solution for the sake of national interests.

Burma closed its border with Thailand on Oct 2, after Bangkok provided an
escape helicopter for the five gunmen who had been holding 38 people hostage
at Rangoon's embassy.

Burma was angered by Thailand's handling of the hostage crisis, especially
by comments from a senior Thai minister who described the gunmen as ''not
terrorists, but student activists fighting for democracy''.

Rangoon indicated it would only re-open the border when the gunmen from the
''Vigorous Burmese Student Warriors'' organization were arrested.

Thailand issued arrest warrants for the student activists but said it did
not know their whereabouts.

Senior members of the activist group said earlier this week that the gunmen
were on the run inside Burma.

*****************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: JUNTA'S DISTRUST KEEPS BORDER ON EDGE
25 October, 1999 by Cheewin Sattha

Volatile past marked by repeated closures

Mae Hong Son - The border closure by Rangoon prompted by the occupation of
its embassy in Bangkok is not the first to disrupt Thai-Burmese relations.

Ties between the two countries, particularly at the local level, have always
been on tenterhooks.

The situation in Mae Hong Son, for example, which shares a 483km-long border
with Burma, reflects Rangoon's distrust and weakening Thai-Burmese ties.

Over the past five years, efforts by local Thai authorities to arrange a
meeting of a joint local committee between Thailand and Burma have been
fruitless. Officials' requests have been constantly turned down by the
Burmese soldiers.

The lack of trust apparently stems from suspicions regarding Thailand's
handling of ethnic minority groups and refugees fleeing fighting in Burma.

Rangoon has demonstrated its paranoia from time to time by alleging that
Thailand supports and assists these ethnic groups in standing up against its
government.

These allegations have always been denied by the Thai military and
government, which have also adopted different approaches to improve the sour
relations but apparently to no avail.

It is possible the treatment of ethnic minority groups by some local
authorities is viewed by Burma as being too generous.

It has been reported that local officials accompanied the leader of
anti-Rangoon Shan State Army to a series of meetings in Mae Hong Son, Tak
and Chiang Mai.

Such lack of trust has also led to a spate of military actions deemed a
threat to Thailand's security and sovereignty. These included mobilization
of Burmese troops along the border opposite the districts of Pang Ma Pha,
Muang, Khunyuam and Mae Sariang.

Officials here said they had no choice but to send in troops to secure the
border at the expense of taxpayers.

While the military men claimed the presence of troops was part of a routine
mission to ensure the safety of those living along the border, Burma has
always been able to call the shots in those border areas.

Border provinces are also home to refugees fleeing fighting in Burma. In Mae
Hong Son alone there are more than 35,000 refugees, some of whom appear to
be targets of foreign troops. As a result, Thai lives and property are on
the line.

In late 1994, Democratic Karen Buddhist Army troops burnt down Mae La Ma
Luang refugee camp with alleged support from the Burmese government. The
remnants of Mong Tai Army (MTA) who fled across the border occasionally
ransacked the border villages and robbed villagers of food and other
valuables when forced by drought or starvation.

In late 1996, a group from the Karenni National Patriotic Army attacked a
refugee camp in Ban Pang Kwai in Muang district. Two refugees were killed
and one wounded.

Although these refugees are under care of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, Thailand must shoulder medical expenses of at
least 25 million baht yearly.

Moreover, Thai people have been exposed to health risks and diseases such as
malaria, elephantiasis and dengue fever carried by these refugees.

The recent attack on Nam Piang Din police station was also said to be the
work of Burmese soldiers. The then governor, Samrueng Punyopakorn, pointed
the finger at the Burmese military.

A conflict between local Thai and Burmese authorities over illegal logging
activities was believed to have culminated in the attack on the police
station.

Drug trafficking and territorial disputes have also strained Thai-Burmese
relations and made border areas a danger zone.

It is believed more than 5,000 landmines have been laid along the border by
both Burmese troops and ethnic minorities.

So far, only 300 of these mines have been destroyed.

*****************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: BORDER CLOSURE COMES AS A BOON
25 October, 1999 by Subin Khuenkaew and Nussara Thaitawat

COMMENT / DEALING WITH BURMA

Rangoon's knee-jerk reaction of clapping shut the borders presents us with a
wonderful opportunity to get our house in order.

It is clear by now that the Burmese junta did not expect the reaction it got
from the Chuan government and the Thai public following the closure of its
land and maritime borders and the suspension of the fishing concessions of
Thai companies.

So just what reaction did it expect, one wonders? Perhaps the Burmese junta,
used to being pampered by the Thai government, expected it to come running
and begging on its knees for the earliest re-opening of the borders, and for
all its demands to be met, whether reasonable or not.

After all, Thailand has stood up for Burma's human rights abuses and
undemocratic ways for so long with that "constructive engagement policy"
even as the international community rejected the regime. Also, certain
former top brass with close links to past governments would be more than
helpful to their "friends" in Rangoon.

But this was not the case this time, certainly after Burmese ambassador to
Bangkok Hla Maung told reporters after meeting with Foreign Minister Surin
Pitsuwan that the re-opening of the borders depended on the arrest and
prosecution of the five students who occupied the Burmese embassy in Bangkok
on Oct 1-2.

The Foreign Ministry spokesman may have tried to excuse the ambassador by
saying he was not so abrupt in his talks with Mr Surin, but the message was
clear to senior members of the government, the army and anyone else
interested.

The initial panic at the huge economic losses for Thai businesses from the
closure of the border soon translated into a rekindling of that deep-down
antipathy many Thais have for that historical enemy, Burma.

Protests against the government soon lost momentum and the black market
trade along the porous 2,180km border has grown dramatically, with prices
skyrocketing, to the delight of small traders. Many of these traders say
they hope the border remains closed as long as possible.

A senior army analyst said the Burmese officials manning the border also
were enjoying the closure because of the exorbitant "taxes" they were
collecting.

"The Thailand of today is not what it was just one year ago," said one
senior military officer responsible for security along the northern border
with Burma. "To be precise, the army of today is not what it was just one
year ago." The personal interests of certain senior officers and the
influence they wielded on the government in Bangkok were for a long time the
critical factors which placed Thailand at a disadvantage when dealing with
Burma. These have been removed since Gen Surayud Chulanont took over as army
commander-in-chief last year.

The commander's well-publicised policies are to build a compact but strong
and efficient army, and to deal with the "uniformed mafia", the soldiers who
operate extortion gangs and commit other criminal offences.

The business ties between senior Thai army officers and the Burmese junta
must abide strictly by the law, according to Gen Surayud.

He also has said that with the personal interests of the bosses set aside,
the senior officers in the field will no longer feel embarrassed and
intimidated about addressing the real issues which affect ties between the
two countries.

Thailand and Burma, of course, rank the importance of these real issues
differently.

The most important issue for Thais is the influx of millions of
methamphetamine pills and heroin from Burma, which is regarded as a threat
to national security, while Burma sees Thailand's alleged complicity with
anti-Rangoon ethnic groups as most serious.

The second most important issue for Thais is the Burmese nationals and
ethnic minorities who are fleeing human rights abuses and economic hardship
in Burma-there is an estimated one million of these illegal immigrants in
Thailand.

This is followed by the spillover of the never-ending ethnic conflict
between the Burmese military rulers and the ethnic minority groups, border
demarcation, and the regulating of border trade. The spread of certain
communicable diseases, some already under control in Thailand such as
elephantiasis, is also causing concern and costing Thai taxpayers millions
of baht.

Over the past five years, all these problems have only gotten worse and most
analysts would agree that unless Burma can achieve a level of political
stability, they will never be resolved.

The senior military officer, who has been based in the North now for over a
decade, said it was not easy to read the collective mind of the Burmese
junta.

"Who knows how long the border will be closed," he said "It could be days,
weeks, months, even years." Sources in the Third Army said they were taking
advantage of the closed border to "stabilize" communities living along the
frontier and to settle certain long-standing issues. A closed border is
easier to handle from a military perspective, according to Third Army
commander Maj-Gen Wattanachai Chaimuanwongse.

Maj-Gen Tomorn Kittisophon, the 4th Infantry Division commander and also the
commander of the Tak-based Naresuan Task Force, said the army would work
more closely with civilians to win their support in the fight against
illicit drugs and illegal settlers.

The army has extensive experience in building strong civilian support from
its anti-communist drive in the 1960s and '70s. People served as its eyes
and ears, and supported it with supplies and other help.

This work, though never fully abandoned, was given less emphasis after the
communist threat subsided. But Maj-Gen Tomorn said the army would have no
problem picking it up again after some training for officers. "It's the same
type of work we did during the time of the communist insurgency, only the
enemy is different." The Third Army has been flexing its muscle over the
past two weeks after Burmese soldiers reinforced their positions along the
border after the embassy siege. It also has been exerting a very visible
presence in communities known to have close links with ethnic minority
groups across the border.

For example, troops with the 1st Cavalry Division, who since Oct 1 have
replaced the infantry in Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai, have been using their
V-150 armoured vehicles on the road running parallel to the border and park
them right in front of villagers' homes before knocking on their door.

There are training exercises in at least five sensitive locations along the
common border, with that in Mae Hong Son's Pai district being conducted by
the US Special Forces. The focus is on combat readiness in mountainous
terrain.

Maj-Gen Tomorn said there was nothing unusual about the training. It's
October and many of the soldiers in the North have just taken up their new
posts. But the training is being conducted with live ammunition and in
so-called problem areas near the border.

The Naresuan Task Force, which recently has been relocated from Chiang Mai
to Tak, is training near the border town of Mae Sot, an important trading
point across from Myawaddy township in Burma and a politically volatile area
where the Karen National Union and the Rangoon-backed Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army have reached a stand-off.

Soldiers with the 4th Infantry Regiment are training in Mae Sariang
district, and those of the 7th Infantry Regiment are in Mae Hong Son's Muang
district.

The Phamuang Task Force, made up of cavalrymen relocated recently from Nan
province where they were responsible for security along the Laotian border,
is training along a wide stretch of the most sensitive border region between
Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son.

The 7th Infantry Regiment's 5th battalion is being trained by the US Special
Forces in Pai district, Mae Hong Son. The training is part of the annual US
military assistance but the venue has been shifted from Lampang to the
rugged mountain ranges of Pai.

"We're most ready," said Maj-Gen Tomorn.

The Third Army is on the right track with its double strategy: winning the
hearts of the people as well as maintaining a strong military presence. The
challenge is more whether its cavalrymen can adapt to the new situation and
keep up the work, and whether other government agencies will work with them
to stabilize the border.

The cavalrymen were relocated from the border with Laos. "We could
communicate in Lao with the soldiers on the other side and with the local
people, but here we can't understand a thing," said one soldier with the 2nd
Cavalry Regiment manning the border in San Ma Ked village.

The village in Chiang Mai's Mae Fah Luang district is located just 2km from
the new headquarters of drug kingpin Wei Hsueh-kang of the United Wa State
Army, who is generally accepted to have close ties with the Burmese military
junta.

Thai businessmen have been pressing the government to open an official
border crossing at San Ma Ked after the San Ton Du temporary checkpoint was
shut over three months ago to deny the UWSA the fruits of the drug trade.

San Ma Ked and the adjoining villages of Hua Mae Kham and Mong Kaw Lang make
up a most sensitive area. They form an area of Thai land jutting into Burma
inhabited by ethnic Akha, Lahu, Lisor and Mong villagers, many of whom have
farmed the land on the other side of the border for as long as they
remember. Only villagers in their teens who have been to school can speak
Thai, making civilian work extremely difficult.

Narcotics officers are paying special attention to these villages,
especially Hua Mae Kham, as they believe they are part of the Wei network in
Thailand.

The Bangkok Post recently visited the three villages and noticed many
four-wheel-drive trucks parked at houses whose owners were unlikely to be
able to afford them. There also are new brick homes, which are in sharp
contrast to the old, dilapidated wooden homes of the ethnic villagers. The
owners of the brick homes have been nowhere to be seen after the Chuan
government got tough with drug traffickers along the northern border.

One army analyst said the cavalrymen were known to be rather rigid in their
methods and would have to be more flexible and adapt their strategy from
time to time while in the North. "Their armoured vehicles can only be a
deterrence for so long," he said.

He also said the Third Army's work could easily come to nothing if other
government agencies do not address the key issue of nationality for the
ethnic minority groups and their right to education and land ownership.

"How can we expect them to love Thailand when we deny them Thai citizenship?
How can we blame them for their allegiance to the other side rather than to
us when we see them as drug traffickers and destroyers of the environment?"
he asked.

The closure of the border should not be seen only from the economic point of
view, said the officer. "We have such an advantage over Burma, but we don't
realize it and we allow the Burmese junta to push us around." No one knows
how long the border will be closed. The Burmese generals themselves
certainly will not be affected.

Only the Burmese people, as usual, will suffer at having to buy goods at
exorbitant price on the black market - to the joy of Thai traders.

This is an opportunity for Thailand to settle its problems and build a
strong society along the border.

The Third Army is on the right track and should receive the co-operation of
all agencies, and the Burmese generals can just watch these developments in
Thailand if they please.

*****************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: CASINO OWNER HAS THE CONTACTS
25 October, 1999 by Achataya Chuenniran

Thai violations of fishing rights led to their ejection, argues negotiator

The name of Vikrom Aiyasiri may be unfamiliar to many, but people in border
trade circles cannot deny knowing him. Mr Vikrom, chairman of the Andaman
Club Company which operates a casino on the Burmese side of the border, is
known to have developed close ties with the Burmese military.

His name was drawn to the attention of the media and general public recently
when a group of fishing trawler owners, fish merchants, cold storage and
animal feed factory owners turned to him to act as a go-between to resolve
the conflict over fishing rights between Thai fishermen and Rangoon.

Since Burma closed the border and revoked fishing agreements with Thai
operators, the fishing industry and related businesses have been badly
affected. Rangoon made its move after five Burmese dissident students
stormed the Burmese embassy in Bangkok on Oct 1. While many believe Burma's
order to close the border was in retaliation for Thailand's handling of the
occupation of its embassy, Mr Vikrom thinks differently.

"Burma's orders to seal all border passes with Thailand and to suspend the
fishing concessions have nothing to do with the siege of its embassy in
Bangkok," said Mr Vikrom.

He said Rangoon was in the process of reassessing its fishing rights as Thai
fishing operators were mostly found to have violated fishing regulations.

"Burmese authorities want to scrap the old concession system and introduce a
new one, which will be more effective and stricter," Mr Vikrom said.

After the new system is introduced, Thai fishing operators who are granted
concessions to fish in Burmese waters must strictly abide by the
regulations.

Violators of fishing regulations will face harsh punishment, said Mr Vikrom.

After he was approached to convince Rangoon to reopen its border, the casino
operator began his task immediately.

Mr Vikrom had invited senior Burmese military officers and policy makers to
his Andaman Club on Koh Song in Burma to discuss fishing concessions for
Thai trawlers on several occasions.

"Our talks focus on the refunding of concession fees to Thai fishing
operators.

"The discussions will be lengthy.

"But, I believe there will be a positive response," said Mr Vikrom.

To run businesses smoothly in Burma, Thai and foreign businessmen must
strictly maintain an ethical approach to all aspects of the trade, he
emphasised.

Fishing violations by Thai trawlers have resulted in a huge loss of income
for Rangoon, he said.

This was the main reason why Burmese authorities decided to revoke fishing
concessions issued to Thai operators, he added.

*****************************************************

THE NATION: BURMESE STUDENTS PLEAD FOR CALM AT MANEELOY
25 October, 1999

A LEADING Burmese dissident group yesterday appealed to all sides, asking
them to keep their calm amid growing tension between the UN refugee agency
and a number of Burmese students who were angered after having been denied
their monthly stipends.

The All Burma Students Democratic Front yesterday urged the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to clarify the misunderstanding over an
incident at the Maneeloy holding centre on Oct 18 when a group of Burmese
students allegedly prevented five UN officials from leaving the meeting room
until they explained why some of the refugees had not been given their
monthly stipends.

Soe Aung, ABSDF's foreign affairs director, said, based on the federation's
initial findings, that it appeared there have been some inconsistencies over
how the UNHCR officials handled their operation at the Maneeloy centre. For
one thing, said Soe Aung, the UN agency had yet to explain why some of the
students had been paid, while others had been denied their monthly stipends.

Moreover, Soe Aung said the UNHCR has begun to demand that the students in
the camp end their political activities, suggesting that their monthly
allowance could be taken away if they refused. The federation believes this
is against the spirit of the UN and the humanitarian principles that the
world body preaches, Soe Aung said.

Such a move would prevent them from informing the world about the atrocities
committed in their homeland, he said.

The initial reason for not paying the 42 students at Maneeloy their monthly
Bt800 was because they were absent on the Sept 10 payday. Many had been in
front of the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok the day before, protesting on the
significant ''9-9-99'' day of action, while others were not present during
the roll call for pay, Soe Aung said.

Out of 42 people who had submitted a formal protest, only 28 were paid. No
reasons were given to the other 14 as to why they were denied payment, Soe
Aung said. The 42 people were in the same situation and therefore the
justification employed by the authorities should apply to all 42, he added.

During the argument in a meeting room at Maneeloy with the UNHCR officials
over the decision, one of the students locked the door, preventing the five
officials from leaving the room. Camp officials, who were called in to help,
settled the matter and Ratchaburi governor Komet Daengthongdee stepped in
and ended the dispute by paying out of his own pocket.

The students stated they would like to return the money to the governor
because it was the responsibility of the UNHCR to come up with the money,
Soe Aung said.

Many in the camp are afraid that the dispute could result in a anti-Burmese
dissident sentiment.

Soe Aung said the UNHCR needed to come up with their version of the story
over the Oct 18 incident quickly, as this would help clear the air.

There has been a growing tension between the UNHCR and the refugees at the
Maneeloy centre over the past year, he said. Communications between UN
officials and the refugees at the centre have been troubled. The recent
incident was fuelled by the growing mistrust, coupled with the negative
views each side has towards the other, Soe Aung said.

The federation would like to see both the students at the centre and the UN
officials find ways to improve the atmosphere and create an environment that
would facilitate the authorities' work, he added.

Maneeloy is home to about 1,000 Burmese students who have been granted
refugee status and are waiting to be moved to a third country.

*****************************************************

CANADIAN FRIENDS OF BURMA: DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI ADDRESS TO CANADA
September, 1999

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi address to Canadian government and friends of Burma

Commissioned by Canadian Friends of Burma; produced by Altsean and Images
Asia.

Aung San Suu Kyi - September 1999

Canada is one of those countries which has a special place in my heart
because it is very far away from Burma and yet consistently the people and
the government of Canada have shown great concern for our struggle for
democracy. Concern as well as sympathy. For that I would like to thank the
people of Canada, the members of the Parliament of Canada and the Canadian
government. It has been a very difficult time for us over the last 18
months. In this time, when the oppression of the military regime has
increased, the support of our allies all over the world has meant a great
deal to us. We have been
encouraged and heartened by the consistent stand in favour of democratic
change in Burma.

Canada is one the strongest industrial nations in the world. The investment
of Canadian firms in Burma is for this reason an important issue. The
National League for Democracy supported the call for sanctions which started
several years back after it became obvious that foreign investment was only
benefiting the military authorities and their close allies. We do not think
that investment in Burma at this time can do our country any good. It is not
because the National League for Democracy is against business as such. It is
not because we are against foreign investment. It is only because we do not
think that the time and circumstances are right for investment. Investment
made at the right time and in the right way could be of enormous benefit,
not only to the people of Burma but to those who are investing Burma. But
that time has not yet come. It is only when there is a democratic framework
that allows the operation of a genuine market economy is in place that
investment can be of benefit to both investors and to the people of country
that the investment takes place.

As we are talking about the economy, I would also like to talk about an
issue which is very closely linked to the everyday lives of the people of
Burma. This is the question of drugs. As many of you are aware, Burma is
the - well sometimes they say Afghanistan is now producing more opium than
Burma. But on the whole, I think it is agreed that Burma produces more opium
than any other country in the world. Not only that, in recent months the
production of amphetamines in Burma has increased. The drugs that are
produced in Burma are not only consumed by people in Burma but also by
people all over the world. I'm sure that, drugs which originate in Burma
have found their way to Canada as well. We are facing social problems
connected with drug addiction in our country and so are the people of Canada
and other countries of the world. In order to get rid of this great danger,
we need a committed government; a government that is committed to the
eradication of drugs; a government that will have no truck with drug
traffickers; that is to say, a government that is accountable and
responsible; A government that is the people's government.  Only a
government that is controlled by the people through regular democratic
elections will be able to work for the good of the people. Only a government
that has to account to the people for everything that it does will be able
to rid Burma of this terrible problem of drug production and trade.

I'm sure that the people of Canada and the members of the Canadian
parliament are as keen as we are to get on with the eradication of drugs in
Burma. But it is important that we should go about it in the right way. To
cooperate with organizations and groups which can do nothing about
eliminating the real cause of the drug production in Burma would reap only
very small short-term benefits. In order that we may eradicate drugs
completely and that the problem of drug addiction in Burma as well as in the
rest of the world may be dealt with effectively, we need in place good
governance. Democracy is about good governance. Everything I say comes back
to that democracy in Burma. The movement for democracy in Burma is working
for many things. And at the same time, it is working for just a few things.
If we were to detail all the effects that we expect from good governance in
Burma it would be endless. And yet we could put it all down to a few basic
facts. What we want is an accountable transparent government that would have
to work for the good of the people. What we want is a system that ensures a
healthy balance between freedom and security. With such a government and
with such a system, we would have no trouble going about the eradication of
opium production which does so much harm our people and to peoples all over
the world.

I'd like to thank the members of the Canadian government for their support
for our Committee representing Parliament. As many of you are aware,
democratic elections took place in Burma - now it's 1999 - so that's nine
years. Nine years ago democratic elections took place in Burma and still the
results of the elections have not been honoured by the military authorities.
By supporting our Committee representing parliament, you are supporting the
process of democratization in Burma. I hope that you will strengthen your
support and with your help, and with the strength and perseverance of our
people we shall achieve our goal in the near future, within a short time,
the shorter the better.

That we may achieve our goal in as short a time as possible, we would like
to call upon our friends in Canada to help us and support us at this time,
when support is very badly needed.

Thank you.

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