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U NE WIN'S SPEECH FROM THE BSPP EXT



[I AM POSTING THIS SEPARATELY, JUST IN CASE THE WHOLE REPORT I POSTED EARLIER
IS TOO BIG FOR SOME PEOPLE TO DOWNLOAD -- DA]


FROM THE BSPP EXTRAORDINARY CONGRESS, 23 JULY 1988:

"I request the present organizations to hand over authority without delay, if
the new Hluttaw or the organizations formed by that Hluttaw say that they are
no longer needed or continue assistance if asked to do so for some time."

Ne Win's Speech
        July 23:  [Text]        Party Congress delegates.  I speak on matters
for calling Extraordinary Party Congress and the matters to be presented,
discussed and approved by this Congress and carried out.  Other points which
need to be included will also be included.  I believe the 1988 March and June
bloodshed and disturbances were meant as moves by those who took part in the
disturbances and those behind them to show lack of confidence in the Government
and the Party leading the Government.
  It is necessary to assess whether among the people of the entire country, a
majority is behind those lacking confidence or a minority.  As I believe that
holding a national referendum on what they wish--a one-party system or a
multi-party system--would bring out the answer, I am asking the Party Congress
to hold a referendum.
  If the majority want a multi-party system, the present Constitution's
provision under Chapter II, Paragraph 11 for the sole political party leading
the State will have to be substituted with wording in consonance with a
multi-party system.  A suitable lapse of time would of course be needed for
convenient movement of the people, production of ballot cards and other
requirements.
  Roughly said, it should be set up no later than end of September.  It should
be held earlier than that if possible.  If, after the referendum more votes are
for a multi-party system, elections must be held at the earliest for a new
parliament.  Part[ies] formed by bonafide citizens, organizations and
individual citizens will have to register themselves with the elections
supervisory body.  Last date for registration will have to be prescribed.  The
elections supervisory body should co-ordinate with the organizations taking
part to set the last date for registration and decide whether or not individual
independants should be allowed to compete.  At the end of the registration
period, the elections supervisory body should co-ordinate with the registered
organizations the date for holding elections.  I believe all will be best
satisfied if the date for election is set as soon as possible.  The Hluttaw
elected thus, can write the Constitution and other necessary laws according to
its own wishes.  I request the organizations currently taking responsibility to
assert control as much as possible to keep the country from disarray till the
organizations formed by the Hluttaw can take over.
  I request the present organizations to hand over authority without delay, if
the new Hluttaw or the organizations formed by that Hluttaw say that they are
no longer needed or continue assistance if asked to do so for some time.
  If the majority of the people decide on a single party system, the present
party and organizations will have to continue to lead in keeping with the
changes made and the regulations which continue to be accepted.  I want to
specially point out my role if the present party is to continue to lead.
  As I consider that I am not totally free from responsibility even if
indirectly for the sad events that took place in March and June and because I
am advancing in age, I would like to request Party members to allow me to
relinquish the duty of Party Chairman and as a Party member.  In order to do
so, Paragraph 14 subpara (c) of the Party rules will have to be amended.  I
request you to do so.  If you do not want to amend the rule, I request this
Party Congress to treat it as a special exemption.
  Formerly, whenever I talked of relinquishing Party chairmanship, my
confidants and, colleagues prevented me and, unhappily, I have had to stay on
in this political samsara.  This time my confidants have not only consented to
allow me but have also asked that they too be allowed to leave along with me
and have entrusted their resignations to me.
  They are (1) U San Yu (2) U Aye Ko (3) U Sein Lwin (4) U Tun Tin (5) U Kyaw
Win.  There are others, quite a number, who have as seniors been shouldering
high responsibility, who want to retire, leave the Party.  I would like this
Party Congress to accede to their wishes to do so after transferring
responsibility with the emergence of the new Hluttaw.  I want to tell those
wanting to retire, to leave the Party, to tender their letters of resignation
in time while this Congress is in session.
  In short, (a) I submit to this Congress to seek the decision through a
nationwide vote which the majority of the people choose from the two, a
one-party system or a multi-party system (b) if the majority supports a
multi-party system, then, as I have said before, arrangements will have to be
made in accord with the terms concerning a multi-party system, (c) if the
majority of the people support a one-party system, those of us who want to
retire, must be allowed to do so in deference to our wishes while other
remaining Party members continue to shoulder responsibilities of State, (d)
please accede to the wishes of those who want to leave with me, (e) multi-party
system or one-party system, whichever of the two the people support, may I
conclude, declaring that I shall leave the political arena and turn away from
politics.
        That is what I have to say in connection with the Congress and I have
said it.  However, from what is currently happening--from what happened in
Taunggyi, what is happening in Prome--I cannot say if there is something
imitative, thinking that they could do as they like against discipline.  We
made arrangements to exercise restraint so that the events of June in Rangoon
would not lead to further bloodshed.  Despite this, what occured was not of our
creation--for example, it was in March, was it?  What happened was between some
locals and students.  The locals and students had it out in a teashop.  As a
matter of duty, the Government could not but intervene.  So, what ensued?  What
happened between the students and the locals faded away and the Government and
students met head-on.  Therefore, we tried all means to avoid recurrence of
such things in future.
  What occurred in Prome started on the 16th, and we knew it only on the 17th. 
When we heard it on the 17th we thought it could be controlled by the police
and the council, we hoped.  As I said earlier, in what concerned preventing
bloodshed, I asked that the Tatmadaw be not used in trifling matters and that
it be used only when really necessary.  I told them not to use the Tatmadaw
without my knowledge.  The Prome affair however did not subside but became
bolder.  So, I allowed the Tatmadaw to go in yesterday.
  There is what I said earlier that I would retire from politics.  Although I
said I would retire from politics, we will have to maintain control to prevent
the country from falling apart, from disarray, till the future organizations
can take full control.  In continuing to maintain control, I want the entire
nation, the people, to know that if in future there are mob disturbances, if
the army shoots, it hits --there is no firing into the air to scare.  So, if in
future there are such disturbances and if the army is used, let it be known
that those creating disturbances will not get off lightly.
        I now have this to say.  Be patient and listen to what I have to say. 
This part is separate from the other parts concerning the convening of the
congress.
  This may be the last time I am speaking before a gathering so, after putting
before you matters concerning the Party Congress, I want to tell you about an
episode which has led to misconception by students concerning me and the entire
Revolutionary Council.  The destruction of the University Students Union
building on 8 July 1962 morning is known by all.  Only if I reveal the role I
played on July 7 evening will the events of the day become more complete, so I
will do that.  Around 5 that evening I heard gunshots, so I telephoned Bo Kyaw
Soe to enquire.  He said Sayagyi U Kar and family had been sent to a safe
place, and that some 8 or 9 police had been injured.  Asked if the students
leaders creating disturbances had been apprehended, he said not yet and that
some were in the Student Union building.  In order that no more police and
Tatmadawmen may get hurt I instructed him as follows:
  (a) To use loud hailers to urge those in the union building to come out and
submit to arrest, and to warn that large-calibre arms would be used if they did
not do so.
  (b) To use recoilless gun if necessary if they failed to submit to arrest
peacefully
  And that it be done before dark.
        Here, I will tell you what is important.  I and some of the
Revolutionary Council members did not take part in the discussion and decision
for the explosion which destroyed the building.  Only when I enquired on
hearing a very loud bang like the explosion of a big bomb on July 8 morning did
I learn that the union building had been dynamited.  There were also quite a
number of Revolutionary Council members who knew of it only after they heard
that explosion.  However, all members of the Security Council composed of some
of the Revolutionary Council members, Security Council Chairman Colonel Kyaw
Soe who took responsibility for security, all security council members and all
officials in charge of security were at the broadcasting station.  Those
persons were Security Council Chairman Colonel Kyaw Soe, Colonel Hla Han,
Colonel Saw Myint, Colonel Ba Ni and from among officers Intelligence Colonel
Maung Lwin and Chief of Police U Ba Aye.  There were also many others present. 
When I called Bo Kyaw Soe and asked of what I had learned of the destruction of
the union building on July 8, he (Bo Kyaw Soe) replied that when I said on July
7 evening that recoilless gun could be used in necessary in apprehending the
ring leaders in the union building, he had thought that he was being told to
destroy the union building and had therefore destroyed it.  That being the case
with the acceptance of the concept of collective leadership, the statement by
Revolutionary Council leader which included the words "Sword with sword and
spear with spear" was broadcast.
        Three or four months later I heard that foreign correspondent circles
were saying that I gave the order to destroy the union building while I was
drunk.  I told Bo Kyaw Soe that I alone was being accused as the culprit who
ordered the destruction while I was drunk, and asked him to tell me about the
incidents of July 7.  Then only did Bo Kyaw Soe say he would tell the truth. 
He said that, previously, soon after the Revolutionary Council emerged, some
differences of opinion had appeared and that he was trying to cover that up. 
The fact was that one of those at the broadcasting station on July 7 had said
that the union building was becoming a rebel headquarters and declared that it
would be good to have it destroyed and thus whether or not to destroy it was
discussed.  Finally, he (Bo Kyaw Soe) said, it was decided to let me know about
it and to destroy the building if I agreed.
  Bo Aung Gyi had said he would go and submit it to `Bogyoke' and bring a reply
as to whether it was agreed or not.  He (Bo Aung Gyi) left in a car taking Ko
Hla Han along.  Later, Bo Aung Gyi returned to the broadcasting station and
claimed that `Bogyoke' had agreed.  The group at the broadcasting station
collected explosive materials and destroyed the building.  After getting that
answer, I called the Revolutionary Council member excluding Bo Aung Gyi and
told them that Bo Aung Gyi, without submitting to me and without asking my
opinion had told the group at the broadcasting station that I had agreed to the
destruction of the building.  
  After learning the truth, I called Bo Aung Gyi to my office and told him that
I had discovered that he had claimed that I agreed to destroying the building. 
So I told Bo Aung Gyi--if you want to be leader and think you can lead I will
get out; do I get out or do you get out?  Decide, I told him.  He said he would
get out.  He went back to his room and tendered his resignation.
  I will provide evidence to support my statements:
  First evidence:  Beginning with second line on page 24 of Bogyoke Aung Gyi's
letter dated 9 May 1988 --the person called Bogyoke Aung Gyi who became the
culprit heard Bo Hla Han tell Rector Sayagyi U Kar who was temporarily staying
at a bungalow near Inya Lake Hotel when he went along to Bogyoke's House with
Bo Hla Han and dropped in at that house that permission had been obtained to
destroy the union building and ventured to call Bo Kyaw Soe at the broadcasting
station on the phone and asked that the matter be delayed while he took the
matter up with `Bogyoke'; but when he arrived at Bogyoke's house he did not
tell Bogyoke anything;  but he claims to have tried to to stop the matter in a
devious way--that is the first evidence from what he had written.  
        Second evidence:  When I called those concerned and asked them to write
down what they knew to be true, there was in what Colonel Hla Han submitted--I
have his letter with me--in line four, page 5 of his letter "Bogyoke Aung Gyi
also arrived at that time.  When there was talk about the union, (he said)
Wait, I will go and submit it to `Bogyokegyi' and ask for orders, and taking me
along, started out.  On the way we dropped by to call on Sayagyi U Kar who was
at Colonel Tin Soe's house.  He also talked about the number of students killed
and injured."
  "At that time, I also told the Sayagyi about the plan to destroy the union
building.  Afterwards, the two of us proceeded to Bogyokegyi's house.  Bogyoke
Aung Gyi reported the situation when we met Bogyoke.  The union building matter
was not in what he submitted.  We got into the car to return."
  "In the car, I reminded him `Bogyoke, that matter has not been included.' 
Bogyoke Aung Gyi said `Let it be' and I kept quiet.  When we got back to the
broadcasting station, I heard Bogyoke Aung Gyi say `Okay' to Colonel Kyaw
Soe"--those are the points.
        So, these two points are, as I said earlier, what were told to others
without my knowledge but as if I knew; as if I had asked them to, and others
destroyed it as they had been told that I agreed.  So, taking the
above-mentioned points into consideration, I conclude by asking the entire
people to judge for themselves who the real culprit was in the destruction of
the union building. (Applause) (WPD 7/24)
 .c.:U Aye Ko on Congress
        July 23:  BSPP General Secretary U Aye Ko addressed the Extraordinary
Party Congress on why it was convened [excerpts]:
   The Fifth Party Congress...was held from August 2 to 7, 1985.  The Congress
laid down the 23 future tasks...and approved the guidelines for the Fifth Four
Year Plan.  Although it was possible to implement to a certain extent the
future tasks on political organizational affairs for the period, it was found
that those in economic affairs and the plan guidelines were not implemented as
successfully as original envisaged....  
  At the Central Committee Seventh Meeting held on October 8 and 9, 1987, the
Party Chairman said...the situation required laying down of new principles.... 

  ...it is with a view to expeditiously effecting policy changes in political,
economic and social affairs in order to bring about better conditions that the
Central Executive Committee has convened this Extraordinary Party Congress.
  The Burma Socialist Programme Party is firmly standing as the sole political
party leading the state.... [Party organizations] still have to do more to
function well....  [They must] keep close touch with the people and heed the
wishes of the people, get rid of bribery and corruption and do away with
weaknesses....
   In the judicial field...some judicial bodies are found to have handed down
judgements which are not in conformity with the law and not in accord with
directives, and there are instances of undue individual influence, bribery and
corruption....
  At present in the country, deterioration of morality and lowliness in spirit
is spreading amidst the people in various sectors.  In the various State
organizations and departments, there is too much weakness in performing duties
and rampant misappropriation of public funds and property, bribery and
corruption and such practices as fostering mentors and disciples to get
protection on default and secure undue privileges.  
  [Review of military and foreign affairs]
  In the economic sphere...a situation has been reached where there has been
almost no development....  While the economic situation is in such a state of
affairs, private capital is being widely used in blackmarketeering.... The
majority of the working people are having to depend on the blackmarket
trade.... The value of exports fell annually from K 918.9 million in 1983-84 to
only K 785.3 million in 1986-87....  In connection with foreign currency
receipts and expenditures there was a deficit of K 1777.2 million in
1986-87.... Mainly because of trade deficits, there was a main account deficit
of K 1949.6 million in 1986-87.... Borrowings from abroad ...totalling K 1214.9
million in 1977-78 came up to K 1730.4 million in 1986-87.  In terms of debt
service ration, it was 15.11 per cent in 1977-78 and it rose to 59.16 per cent
in 1986-87....
  [In education] there are still defects...such as being still unable to get
the education system meet the needs of the nation,...the number of unemployed
persons increasing from day to day; the number of qualified teachers still
being low and students from primary classes to post-graduate classes and also
those seeking to join services having to depend on private tuition.
  There are weaknesses in the field of health such as difficulty to get
admitted to hospitals...; insufficiency in medical equipment and supplies;
prevalence of bad dealings between health services staff and patients and their
families and frequent losses of lives owing to harmful substances faked as
medicines....
   [In agriculture] although the controlled crops were decontrolled stage by
stage, it did not ease the situation as much as expected and the people are
still having to buy basic foodstuffs paying exhorbitant prices....
  To halt and rectify the country's economic downslide...positive assurances
and proper arrangements must be made so as to encourage enthusiastic and
increased private investment.... Changes which ought to be made in the
different lines of economic activity have been submitted separately to this
Extraordinary Party Congress....
  It is essential for the guiding philosophy [of the BSPP] to always reflect
changing conditions.... In Chapter 3 of the guiding philosophy it is stated,
"When the economic relations of a given age can no longer serve the interests
of his society, man...endeavours to establish new systems which can better
serve his interest...."   The matter of empowering the Central Committee to
amend the Party's guiding philosophy...has been presented separately to the
Extraordinary Party Congress...." (WPD 7/24) 


[TEXT FROM THE "WORKING PEOPLE'S DAILY" TRANSCRIBED BY "BURMA PRESS SUMMARY"] 

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