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BurmaNet News: February 16, 2000
- Subject: BurmaNet News: February 16, 2000
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Wed, 16 Feb 2000 07:00:00
=========== The BurmaNet News ===========
Tuesday, February 16, 2000
Issue # 1464
=========================================
NOTED IN PASSING:
"Edigar's activities are not considered normal for a member of an NGO."
Prasong Soonsiri, Security advisor to Thai Prime Minister on the arrest
of Max Edigar, a pacifist Mennonite who founded a number of prominent
Thai NGOs, including Burma Issues. (See NATION: ARRESTED AMERICAN
ACTIVIST LINKED TO BURMA REBELS)
=========
Headlines
=========
Burma Today in Brief--
Inside Burma--
SPDC: PRESS RELEASE ON HAND OVER OF REMAINS OF JAPANESE SOLDIERS
THE SANGAI EXPRESS (India) MIZO TEACHER RELEASED BY MYANMARESE SOLDIERS
THE NIKKEI WEEKLY: MYANMAR'S INVESTMENT DROUGHT
International--
JOURNAL OF COMMERCE: NINE NATIONS SEEK WTO DELAY ON CUSTOMS VALUE
MIAMI HERALD: U.S. RULING [Mass. Burma law] MAY AFFECT COUNTY LAW
KYODO: WTO PANEL ON MASSACHUSETTS STATE LAW LAPSES WITHOUT RULING
NATION: ARRESTED AMERICAN ACTIVIST LINKED TO BURMA REBELS
NATION: GMS POWER TO KICK-START LAOS DAM PROJECT
DPA: MYANMAR NATIONALS STAGE REVOLT IN BANGLADESH PRISON
MIZZIMA: BURMESE REFUGEES ORDERED TO GO BACK TO THE CAMP
FNS: TESTIMONY OF GEN. BARY MCCAFFREY AT HOUSE HEARING
BURMANET: DRUG CZAR, CIA DIFFER OVER BURMA/MYANMAR DRUGS
Opinion/Editorial--
THE INDEPENDENT (London): LETTER: SON IN BURMA PRISON
BANGKOK POST: VIOLENCE AND EXTREMISM ARE NOT THE BURMESE WAY
Other--
FBC: JOIN BURMA FREEDOM SUMMER 2000!
ANNC: BURMESE ALBUM AVAILABLE ON-LINE
=========================================
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BURMANET: BURMA TODAY IN BRIEF--February 15, 2000
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
Regime stages ceremony to marking return of the remains of Japanese
soldiers killed 50 years ago, quietly returns Indian teacher abducted by
Burmese soldiers yesterday.
Japenese weekly says US sanctions, Burmese red tape killing investment
but Japanese business looking for change in hard-line US policy after
election. Regime asks WTO for five-year extension on Burmese red tape.
Drug Czar McCaffrey's comments on "Myanmar" hint some in administration
not on message with hard-line US policy before election.
Japanese gov drops WTO case over Mass. Burma law. Stakes high for US
cities in Mass. Burma Supreme Court case.
Thai police say pacifist Mennonite who documents human rights abuses in
ethnic areas attacking Burma. Thai company developing lucrative
hydropower partnership with Burmese regime in Burma ethnic areas.
Burmese/Rohingyas riot in Bangladesh jails because Burma won't let them
come back. India orders Burmese refugees back to camps.
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
INSIDE BURMA
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SPDC: PRESS RELEASE ON HAND OVER OF REMAINS OF JAPANESE SOLDIERS
Feb. 15, 2000
The hand-over ceremony of the ashes of the remains of the
Japanese soldiers killed in Myanmar front during the Second World War as
well as some aircraft parts and military wares was held at the Wungyi
Pedaytha Yarzar Hall in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 15 February.
During his meeting with Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman of
the State Peace and Development Council in December 1999 while on a
visit to Myanmar, former Japanese Prime Minister Mr. Ryutaro Hashimoto
stated that it had come to his knowledge that recently some remains of
Japanese soldiers and their military equipment had been recovered in
Myanmar and it was the desire of Japan to convey the remains and the
equipment back home. The present ceremony was therefore a result of the
discussions and the systematic arrangements made under the guidance of
the two leaders.
The Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, U Khin Maung Win,
handed over the ashes of the remains of the Japanese soldiers to the
visiting Former Health Minister of Japan, Mr. Sohei Miyashita. Starting
from 1975, Myanmar had handed over the recovered remains of Japanese
soldiers to the Japanese side and the present ceremony is the fourteenth
occasion so far held. The remains of the Japanese soldiers and some
military wares handed over today were those recovered near Nyaungdon
Township in February 1999 and Kyee-ni Chaung bridge in Aunglan Township
in November of the same year.
It is learnt that the ceremony was also attended by Deputy
Minister for Railways Thura U Thaung Lwin, officials from the Ministry
of Defence and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japanese Ambassador to
the Union of Myanmar Mr. Kazuo Asakai, members of the delegation who
came specially from Japan, members of the Japanese Embassy in Yangon,
and the Japanese military attache to Myanmar.
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
THE SANGAI EXPRESS (India) MIZO TEACHER RELEASED BY MYANMARESE SOLDIERS
IMPHAL TUESDAY
16 FEBERUARY 2000
AIZAWL, Feb 15: A Mizo teacher abducted by Myanmarese soliders from near
the border Hamlet of Lianpui was released by the abductors yesterday,
Champai District Superintendent of Police K Amon said.
The Mizo teacher, Zokunga, returned home after his release from
captivity.
Zokunga had been abducted by Myanmarese soldiers on Friday who had
crossed the international boundary in pursuit of rebel activists, police
sources said.
The Myanmarese, who were in pursuit of rebels, following an exchange of
fire, entered India and after being unable to trace the CNA rebels
abducted the teacher, police sources said.
Meanwhile, Chin National Front (CNF) leaders here denied that its armed
wing Chin National Army (CNA) was involved the encounter with the
Myanmarese army.
Leaders of the outfit which, they claimed, was fighting for restoration
of democracy in Myanmar, said that the oufit that fought with Myanmarese
army on Friday was Chin Independent Army.
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
THE NIKKEI WEEKLY: MYANMAR'S INVESTMENT DROUGHT
Economy beaten down by regional crisis, U.S. sanctions, red tape
February 14, 2000
MASASHI UEHARA Staff writer
BANGKOK - For a few short years last decade, Myanmar's economic
prospects looked hopeful. Foreign investment was gaining momentum thanks
to an open-market economic policy implemented by Than Shwe when he
became chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in
1992. But the hope began to fade when the Asian economic crisis hit, and
the investment outlook became bleak when the U.S. strengthened economic
sanctions against the military regime in 1996.
Today, the country is far down the list as an investment destination.
And while fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
are recovering from the regional crisis, Myanmar is still struggling.
About a 40-minute drive from downtown Yangon, the capital of Myanmar,
the Mingaladon Industrial Park lies almost vacant. Though it has been
open for two years, only four companies have moved into the vast
90-sq.-kilometer site near Yangon International Airport. One of these
operations, a packaging factory for Japan's Ajinomoto Co., remains idle.
Some foreign banks moved into the country, expecting a
foreign-investment boom, but four, including Japan's Fuji Bank, which
had been planning to tie up with Myanmar Yoma Bank, pulled out.
According to the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), foreign direct
investments peaked in the year through March 1997 and have been falling
ever since. In fiscal 1998, the commission approved only 10 investment
projects worth a total of 54.4 million, down about 95% from the previous
year. In April-June 1999, the MIC approved only four applications worth
8.23 million, submitted by Thai, Japanese and other companies.
The commission blames the sharp drop on the Asian currency crisis, which
started in 1997. Investments from neighboring Singapore, Thailand and
Malaysia, which accounted for a large percentage of investments in
Myanmar, dried up that year. Furthermore, U.S. economic sanctions
against Myanmar, including a ban on new investments in the country,
imposed in protest of Myanmar's poor human-rights record, have been
slowly squeezing the vitality out of the nation's economy.
Following the introduction of the sanctions, U.S. companies, including
PepsiCo Inc. and Eastman Kodak Co., withdrew their operations. Even
Japanese and European companies have remained cautious about investing
for fear of having their products boycotted in the U.S.
Gumming up the works
It appears, however, that external factors alone are not to blame for
the plunge in foreign investment. Red tape has also played a role. Said
one frustrated president of a foreign subsidiary in Myanmar: "We need to
get approval from multiple government agencies to import materials and
manufacturing equipment. It is impossible to plan production and
shipments because we never know when we can get all the necessary
approvals." In many cases, the benefits of low labor costs, around
one-tenth those in Thailand, that attracted foreign manufacturers to
Myanmar have been more than offset by government inefficiency.
In the case of Ajinomoto's monosodium-glutamate packaging factory, the
company was forced to fire its workers and halt operations in August
after the Ministry of Health banned the import of the material on
grounds that it was bad for people's health.
Concerned about the dearth of foreign investments, the government
conducted sweeping personnel changes in the management of the MIC. Maung
Maung, minister in the office of the SPDC chairman, was removed as
secretary-general and replaced by the deputy minister for electric
power, who happens to have exactly the same name as the former
secretary-general. In addition, the posts of commission chairman and
vice chairman were transferred from two deputy prime ministers to the
minister for science and technology, U Thaung, and the minister for
electric power, Tin Htut, respectively.
However, as far as the revitalization of investments by Japanese
companies is concerned, Iwao Toriumi, chairman of Marubeni Corp. and
head of the Japan-Myanmar Economic Committee, an in-house body of the
Japan Federation of Economic Organizations, or Keidanren, believes it
will only follow the resumption of the Japanese government economic aid.
The Japanese government has frozen economic aid to Myanmar, except for
small humanitarian assistance, since the military coup in 1988.
Tokyo is still committed to its policy of withholding aid as it is wary
of U.S. pressure to continue economic sanctions. Given the
circumstances, Japan is unlikely to resume its economic assistance
unless the military regime starts holding constructive dialogue with the
opposition party led by Aung San Suu Kyi.
But some Myanmar watchers say the Japanese government has already
started preparing for the resumption of economic aid with an eye toward
possible U.S. policy changes after the next U.S. presidential election.
Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi met with Than Shwe in Manila in
late November. Former Japanese Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto visited
Myanmar in early December. Just a few days after Hashimoto's visit,
Keidanren hosted a joint meeting with the Myanmar government.
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
INTERNATIONAL
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
JOURNAL OF COMMERCE: NINE NATIONS SEEK WTO DELAY ON CUSTOMS VALUE
February 14, 2000, Monday
BY JOHN ZAROCOSTAS
Nine developing countries are seeking authorization from the World Trade
Organization to delay, in some cases for up to six years, implementing a
global agreement concerning the way customs agencies value imports for
duty purposes.
Under the accord, the value of imported goods for duty purposes must be
calculated on actual transaction value and not on arbitrary or so-called
minimum prices that are still used in many developing countries.
The agreement gave 57 developing countries a five-year phase-in period
from the dates they joined the WTO. For 28 of those countries, the
deadline expired on Jan. 1.
But nine of those countries, including Senegal, have requested an
extension. In addition to Senegal, which is seeking a six-year
extension of the reprieve, the other nations whose deadlines passed on
Jan. 1 and are seeking extensions are Cote d'Ivoire and Myanmar, five
years; Bahrain, three years; and Sri Lanka, one year, trade officials
said.
Colombia, which has until April 30 to adhere to the customs accord, and
the Dominican Republic, which faces a March 9 deadline, have requested a
three- year extension. Guatemala is asking for a two-year extension from
its deadline of July 21.
Trade officials said Egypt also has requested a two-year extension, and
Uruguay has asked for a one-year extension to continue its
minimum-pricing values on textiles, clothing, and some sugar products.
The absence of modern customs agencies and prevalence of corrupt
officials have led some poor countries to resort to ""minimum-price''
programs as a way to prevent undervaluing. But this has hindered trade
and, in many cases, has led to higher valuation of shipments than what
the importer paid.
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
KYODO: WTO PANEL ON MASSACHUSETTS STATE LAW LAPSES WITHOUT RULING
February 11, 2000, Friday
GENEVA, Feb. 12 Kyodo
The World Trade Organization's arbitration panel on a Massachusetts
state law punishing companies that do business with Myanmar ended its
work without issuing any ruling, a WTO spokesman said Friday.
The WTO panel was set up in October 1998 at the request of Japan and the
European Union (EU), which complained the law is inconsistent with the
WTO government procurement rules.
The Massachusetts law bars the state from doing business with companies
which have business ties with Myanmar.
Japan and the EU, however, requested in February last year that the
three-man panel suspend its work, as a U.S. court had barred the
implementation of the Massachusetts measure. The panel put a hold on its
work, and refrained from issuing an arbitration ruling.
According to the WTO dispute settlement rules, a panel expires 12 months
after the request by complainants to suspend its work.
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
MIAMI HERALD: U.S. RULING [Mass. Burma law] MAY AFFECT COUNTY LAW
February 14, 2000
BY CAROL ROSENBERG
crosenberg@xxxxxxxxxx
WASHINGTON -- The case is about trade between a liberal New England
state and a brutal regime in southeast Asia.
But, experts say, the U.S. Supreme Court challenge being heard next
month could upset the Miami-Dade ordinance that effectively blocked the
Latin Grammys from AmericanAirlines Arena.
At issue is whether the justices will restore a 1996 Massachusetts law
that banned the state from buying products and services from firms that
do business with Burma, a military dictatorship. The court agreed to
hear arguments March 22 in Case No. 99-474 because lower federal courts
struck down the state legislature's law as unconstitutional.
On one side, the National Foreign Trade Council and other business
groups are arguing that the state legislature was trying to create a
rogue foreign policy from the capital in Boston, scene of an early
American boycott, The Tea Party.
On the other, activists, cities and states say grass-roots boycotts are
part of a proud American tradition. They brought down South Africa's
apartheid regime and persuaded the Swiss to swiftly settle Holocaust-era
claims.
Neither the State of Florida, which was invited to participate, nor
Miami-Dade County, which was not, has filed briefs in the suit.
``Just as a state can't say we're going to do only business with
white-owned companies they can't say we're going to use our power to
bring down a government in Burma, or bring down a government in Cuba or
bring down a government in Switzerland,'' said Tim Malan, executive
director of the Organization for International Investment, a party to
the suit.
``Our view is that despite the fact we can all agree that, `Gee, Burma
is a terrible regime and they're doing bad things,' it's only the
federal government that can make sanctions.''
A key issue is whether cities, counties and states can impose tougher
sanctions on foreign trade than the federal government. Lawyers expect a
ruling by June.
Miami-Dade County refused recently to let the Grammys use the county
arena under an ordinance against doing business with anyone that deals
with Cuba. The county restriction is tougher than the federal trade
embargo against Cuba, which exempts cultural visits.
HIGH COURT ARGUES
In the Supreme Court case, business groups argue that Massachusetts was
trying to conduct foreign policy, a power defined in the Constitution as
the work of the federal government.
Under the Massachusetts statute, the state's comptroller could buy none
of its $2 billion in goods and services from firms that do business with
Burma, unless a firm bid 10 percent lower.
A federal judge struck it down, and the 1st Circuit Court of Appeals
agreed. Massachusetts appealed to the high court, which reverses lower
court decisions about two-thirds of the time.
The U.S. government, in fact, has sanctions against Burma, which it
refuses to call by the dictatorship's name, Myanmar. But the
Massachusetts ban was more far-reaching, and was adopted three months
earlier.
IN BRIEF
In their brief, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the Organization for
International Investment and the American Petroleum Institute, said
``selective purchasing measures and other economic sanctions'' adopted
by cities and states creates ``significant burdens on international
commerce.''
The brief noted that Burma engages in $2.3 billion in foreign trade,
notably in timber, oil and gas, and that 346 companies, 44 of them in
the United States and 15 of them Fortune 500 companies, were affected by
the ban.
``As companies are forced to choose between doing business in
Massachusetts or in Burma, in Los Angeles or in Switzerland, in
Philadelphia or in Northern Ireland, in Alameda County, California, or
in Nigeria, for example, interstate and foreign commerce is fragmented
and balkanized,'' it said. ``Moreover, even the task of tracking such
legislation can be beyond the resources of many businesses.''
STATE COUNTERS
Massachusetts countered in a Jan. 12 brief that ``freedom from dictators
and forced commerce with their vendors -- does not interfere with the
ability of the federal government to `speak with one voice' in foreign
affairs.''
Human rights, labor and environmental groups -- including the Center for
Constitutional Rights, the Sierra Club and the Dominican Sisters of Hope
-- added that community-based South African divestiture movements of the
1980s helped convince Pretoria to end its apartheid regime.
And when cities threatened in the 1990s to cancel certain Swiss
financial services, it said, Swiss banks moved more swiftly to settle
claims on World War II victims' assets.
``From the abolition of the slave trade to apartheid in South Africa, a
rich tradition of state activism has helped give voice to citizen
concern and indeed, shaped domestic foreign policy,'' the groups said.
FLORIDA WON'T JOIN
North Dakota's attorney general took the lead in a 22-state state's
rights argument filed with the court, although Bismark has no special
sanctions. But Florida Solicitor General Tom Warner declined to take
part, said Beth Angus Baumstark of the North Dakota attorney general's
office.
In Miami, county assistant attorney Bob Cuevas, the point person on the
Supreme Court case, said Miami-Dade did not seek to join other U.S.
communities in a brief that defended ``community-based selective
purchasing laws.''
They included Los Angeles, New York, Philadelphia, San Francisco,
Amherst, Mass., Berkeley, Calif., and Boulder, Colo.
Cuevas also refused to comment on potential applications the court
challenge would have on Miami-Dade. Mayor Alex Penelas said, if needed,
he would defend Dade's ordinance but that he was unaware of the details
of the Supreme Court case.
But Howard Simon, executive director of Miami's American Civil Liberties
Union chapter, said that while Dade's statute echoes federal law, its
application is stricter. Federal law, for example, exempts cultural and
scientific exchanges from trade restrictions, but Dade County has banned
entertainment industry events from public venues.
``That's why this community stupidly lost the Latin Grammys -- because
of the possibility that a Cuban musician might walk into the
AmericanAirlines arena,'' Simon said. ``Its wording mirrors federal law;
its application does not respect the distinction for artistic, cultural
exchanges.''
The consequences for Miami-Dade would be ``dire'' if the court rules
against Massachusetts, said Georgetown University law professor Robert
K. Stumberg.
EFFECT IN MIAMI
Stumberg, an international trade agreement expert, worked on a brief by
Congress members, who asked the justices not to intrude.
Of Miami-Dade, he said: ``It's the same generic issue,'' Stumberg said.
``The arguments being used by the National Foreign Trade Council against
the Massachusetts Burma Law could be used against [the county] law as
well.''
Stumberg said a ruling overturning the Massachusetts Burma law might
have no direct effect in Miami, where the language of the law is not
identical to Boston's.
Instead, he said the county could voluntarily withdraw the ordinance. Or
someone might have to similarly challenge it in court, he said. But that
``depends on whether people have the guts to sue.''
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
NATION: ARRESTED AMERICAN ACTIVIST LINKED TO BURMA REBELS
February 16, 2000
LAST week's arrest of American human-rights activist Max Edigar was made
after police linked him to the Burmese rebels who seized Ratchaburi
Hospital, a senior security adviser to the premier said yesterday.
Police are now investigating Edigar's network in an attempt to crack
down on non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that allegedly use
Thailand as a base for terrorism, Prasong Soonsiri said.
"Edigar's activities are not considered normal for a member of an NGO.
We think his activities undermine national security. More importantly,
he used Thailand as a base to attack our neighbour," he said.
On Feb 12, police arrested Edigar and eight Burmese dissidents in a raid
on the office of Burma Issues, a research centre that tries to document
the human rights abuses committed by Burma's military junta. Edigar was
charged with harbouring illegal immigrants and working illegally. His
work permit expired last August.
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NATION: GMS POWER TO KICK-START LAOS DAM PROJECT
February 12, 2000, Saturday
NAREERAT WIRIYAPONG and PICHAYA CHANGSORN / The Nation
AFTER two years of delay, GMS Power Co aims to kick-start its Nam Ngum
III hydropower project in Laos and is looking for foreign partners and
financing with the hope of beginning construction early next year.
Although its parent company, the MDX Group, has not yet been able to
solve its debt problem, GMS Power is optimistic it can progress with the
US$600-million hydroelectric project.
GMS Power honorary adviser Subin Pinkayan said the project would be
helped by the company's successful completion in April 1998 of a
previous dam in Laos - the Nam Theun Hinboun dam. He said the
210-megawatt dam had a good operating record and could generate some
funding to partially finance the new venture.
Laos had attracted a lot of interest from Thai and international
investors interested in hydro-electric power development following a
bilateral agreement under which Thailand has agreed to buy 3,000
megawatts (MW) of power by 2006. But the recent economic crisis severely
hit Thailand's electricity demand and put a hold on several projects,
including the Nam Ngum III.
However, deputy prime minister Supachai Panitchpakdi, in his address to
a Greater Mekong Sub-region workshop held in Bangkok on Thursday, said
Thailand should promote regional co-operation by speeding up its
negotiations on power-purchase agreements with Laos concerning dam
projects.
Supachai also told reporters that he had just come back from Laos, where
he looked into ways to expand bilateral co-operation.
"Laos was also hit hard by the regional crisis as its currency has
depreciated considerably. Therefore, we should speed up the signing of
power-purchase contracts. Wood is another potential market worth
exploring. Presently, Laos does not like to export timber, but there is
the possibility of it developing a wood-processing industry, whose end
products we could import to service our furniture industry," Supachai
said.
Subin said GMS Power, which hopes to complete the 450 MW Nam Ngum III
project by 2004, would soon open bidding for the project.
He said the Asian Development Bank and Japan's Overseas Economic
Co-operation Fund would be approached to put up 70 per cent of the total
cost.
For the remainder, GMS Power would look for foreign partners to
participate in the project. Subin said that negotiations with a Japanese
power company were underway.
"Hydro-power plants could become a major source of income for the
Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS), which has vast resources when looking
at hydro-electric power. Income from the Theun Hinboun plant, for
example, accounts for roughly 8 per cent of Laos' gross domestic
product," he said.
Thailand would retain its status as the main outlet for electricity
produced from GMS countries as its economic growth was now in the black
again, Subin said. Thailand, which saw a 13 per cent per year growth in
electricity consumption prior to the economic crisis, has signed
memorandums of understanding to purchase another 3,000 MW of electricity
from China, and 1,500 MW from Burma.
He said apart from Laos, GMS Power also has a 1,500 MW Jinghong
hydropower project in Yunnan, China, for which a feasibility study has
been completed. As For Burma, Subin said the company was working with
the Myanmar Electricity Planning Enterprise and Myanmar Economic Corp to
lay down the foundations for a successful partnership concerning dam
projects.
Burma has several potential sites for hydropower projects on the Than
Lwin River and its tributaries.
The GMS covers Burma, China's Yunnan province, Cambodia, Lao, Vietnam,
and Thailand.
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DPA: MYANMAR NATIONALS STAGE REVOLT IN BANGLADESH PRISON
Deutsche Presse-Agentur
February 15, 2000, Tuesday, BC Cycle
Dhaka
Prison guards in northeastern Bangladesh used force to quell a revolt
by Myanmar prisoners that left at least two people critically injured,
local district police chief said Tuesday.
About 18 prisoners, all Myanmar (Burma) nationals, took part in the
revolt, overpowering guards as they were allowed out of their cells for
baths Monday, Sylhet district police chief Mohammad Hanif said.
Hanif said prisoners tried to jump over the walls after climbing
coconut trees on the prison compound. But their escape bid was foiled by
guards firing shots.
The prisoners, who completed their jail sentences in 1998 for smuggling
and other border crimes, were demanding return to their homeland.
"It is an inhuman state of affairs because the prisoners have completed
their period of punishment two years ago, but the Myanmar authorities
show no interest in taking them back," Hanif said.
The 18 rebellious prisoners are among the 79 jailed Myanmar nationals
who are waiting to return home.
Prison authorities said the prisoners would be set free only after
Myanmar agreed to take them back.
The prisoners were moved a year ago from a prison in the southern
Chittagong port city to Sylhet, a tea-growing town 340 kilometres
northeast of the capital Dhaka.
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MIZZIMA: BURMESE REFUGEES ORDERED TO GO BACK TO THE CAMP
February 15, 2000
Mizzima News Group
The authorities in Manipur have ordered Burmese refugees in the state to
go back to the refugee camp, which was established for them in 1988. The
order signed by Superintendent of Police, Imphal West District of
Manipur State was issued on 12th February.
After the military coup in Burma in 1988, hundreds of Burmese political
activists mainly students and youth crossed the border to Manipur State
of India for shelter. Manipur Government, as per direction of the
Government of India, set up a refugee camp in Leikhun, Chandel district
of the state. The Manipur Rifles soldiers guarded the refugee camp and
it is 64 Km away from the international border.
Initially, about 250 Burmese refugees were housed in the camp. However,
in the course of past eleven years, many of them have either moved to
various places in the state or moved to New Delhi where they get
protection and assistance from UNHCR office. Less than 30 refugees are
currently staying inside the camp.
The police order, made available to Burmese refugees, mentioned that
"Manipur Government has decided not to allow any Myanmar (Burma) refugee
to stay other than the refugee camp established at Leikhun".
The last date set for the refugees to enter the camp is February 29.
*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*-*
FNS: TESTIMONY OF GEN. BARY MCCAFFREY AT HOUSE HEARING
[Excerpt]
Federal News Service
February 15, 2000, Tuesday
PANEL I OF A HEARING OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE, DRUG POLICY AND HUMAN
RESOURCES SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE GOVERNMENT REFORM COMMITTEE
SUBJECT: U.S. RESPONSE TO THE CRISIS IN COLOMBIA
CHAIRED BY: REPRESENTATIVE JOHN MICA (R-FL)
WITNESS: GENERAL BARRY MCCAFFREY, DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF NATIONAL DRUG
CONTROL POLICY
LOCATION: 2247 RAYBURN HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.C.
TIME: 10:05 A.M. EST
[Begin Excerpt]
REP. OSE (California): All right. Two other questions, if I might. I'd
kind of like to look downstream and figure what I'm being asked to spend
versus what the likely outcomes are if I don't spend the money [to fund
Columbian army anti-drug efforts]. And I'm -- this might be relatively
unfair, but I'm going to ask it anyway -- could you speculate on the
future in Colombia as it relates to the drug threat to the United States
if we don't do this?
GEN. MCCAFFREY: Well, I think, Mr. Congressman, you make one point that
we've got to take into account. This is not North Korea. This is not
Myanmar. This is not far off Afghanistan. Drug production in Afghanistan
is unbelievable. They're the number one heroin producing nation on the
face of the earth, and that heroin is causing incredible damage in
Western Europe and Russia, and the Ukraine and other places...
[End Excerpt]
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BURMANET: DRUG CZAR, CIA DIFFER OVER BURMA/MYANMAR DRUGS
February 16, 2000
Barry McCaffrey's comments [see previous article] seem to indicate at
least a slight divergence of views within the administration in two
areas. Most importantly, McCaffrey downplays the significance of Burma
as a provider of heroin to the US. His remarks contrast with testimony
by CIA Director George Tenet on February 4, who said
"Burma, which has a serious drought, dropped to second place [among
world heroin producers], but will likely rebound quickly when the
weather improves." (See BurmaNet News, February 4, 2000
CIA: PREPARED TESTIMONY OF GEORGE J. TENET DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL
INTELLIGENCE BEFORE THE SENATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE)
The second discrepancy between the testimonies of the two senior
administration officials is that the CIA Director referred to "Burma"
while the drug czar spoke of "Myanmar." Here McCaffrey is clearly off
message with US policy, which is set by Foreign Names Committee of the
U.S. Board of Geographic Names (See below), an interagency body and
which refuses to use the regime's preferred term "Myanmar." It would
probably be wrong to read too much into McCaffrey's slip in terminology,
which probably indicates no more than a lack of focus on the finer
points of US Burma policy. But in downplaying to the Congress the
significance of Burma's heroin exports to the US, McCaffrey is sending a
signal likely to be welcomed in Rangoon.
Related Links: US Board of Geographic Names:
http://mapping.usgs.gov/www/gnis/bgn.html
About US policy on what to call Burma/Myanmar:
The Foreign Names Committee of the US Board on Geographic Names is an
interagency body that determines what the US government will call
foreign place names. The US' "basic policy for determining standard
names in foreign countries that use the Roman alphabet is to accept as
official the written forms of names recognized locally...The Board
cooperates wherever possible with foreign governments to standardize
foreign names for official U.S. purposes." (See
http://mapping.usgs.gov/www/gnis/pppdgn.html#A-D). In the case of
Burma, the Board deviated from its "basic policy" and declined the
regime's invitation to change what the US will call the country. The
decision to snub the name change request
puts Burma in the company of other regimes with suspect legitimacy such
as the current Serb-dominated Yugoslavia (officially "the former
Yugoslavia.")
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OPINION/EDITORIALS
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THE INDEPENDENT (London): LETTER: SON IN BURMA PRISON
February 14, 2000, Monday
David Mawdsley, Diana Mawdsley
Sir: It is not only Valentine's Day on 14 February, it is also the
birthday of James Mawdsley, the imprisoned campaigner for human rights
in Burma - and a much loved son and brother of our family.
Despite our sadness that we cannot be with him at this time, we know
that there is no wavering in his commitment to fight the injustice and
oppression of the military authorities in Burma.
It was no surprise to any of us to hear that his demonstrations against
the corrupt and genocidal activities of the military authorities had led
to his incarceration. The 17-year sentence and the subsequent pledges of
the Burmese authorities that James would indeed serve the full length of
his term were aimed at intimidating us and deterring others. However, it
was clear from the outset that James' focus and concern lay not in his
own welfare but ultimately in the struggle to establish a democratic and
civil society in Burma and end the genocide against the Karen and other
ethnic minorities.
It would be a betrayal of our son's intention if all our attention now
turned exclusively to gaining his release. We are united in our focus to
release all the political prisoners and expose this ruthless regime.
At 2pm today we are placing a large gift-wrapped bamboo cell outside
the Burmese embassy with a banner calling for an end to the genocide.
We urge Britain to press for the Burmese regime to be prosecuted for
its abuses, which are serious crimes under international law. The
British government should also follow the United States by completely
banning all new investment in Burma.
Happy birthday, James.
DAVID MAWDSLEY
DIANA MAWDSLEY
London SW7
[BurmaNet adds: Diana Mawsdley, the mother of
James Mawsdley, will join Rachel Goldwyn as a luncheon speaker at the
upcoming Free Burma Coalition conference at George Washington
University, Washington, DC (March 31-April 3).]
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BANGKOK POST: VIOLENCE AND EXTREMISM ARE NOT THE BURMESE WAY
February 16, 2000
Violence is met with violence in Burma, and the people aren't those best
equipped. Clearly they must put their case by other means.
U Win Naing, Rangoon
Reports of the siege of the Ratchaburi regional hospital last month by
Karens and their allies hit the Burmese people like a bomb. Although we
can sympathise with the suffering of the Karens and agree with their
democratic goals, we simply cannot support any act of extremism in
pursuit of their aims. That is not the Burmese way.
Different groups will try to justify the action taken but most Burmese
back home will simply shake their heads in disapproval. We want freedom,
human rights and democracy, but we would like to attain those rights
peacefully.
Forceful methods to win the rights of the people have been tried by many
in our country over the past 40 years, and all have failed miserably.
These attempts have caused unbearable loss of life and property, and
hampered the development of the Burmese people. They also have damaged
good relations with our neighbours. We certainly do not want to repeat
these mistakes.
Our present struggle is to win basic human rights for all Burmese ethnic
groups including the Karens. This struggle has entered the 12th year and
we are not getting anywhere in our endeavours to win those rights.
Why?My belief is that we are losing the fight because we are practising
highly emotional approaches to the problems-as in the case of the siege
at Ratchaburi. It is not only armed groups along our borders who pursue
direct confrontation policies but also the most powerful political party
in Burma and the ruling military junta. All are responsible for the kind
of state we have at present.
Nowadays, everybody seems to be saying one thing and doing another in
Burma. Everybody is asking for national reconciliation but none are
making any concrete move that will start the process towards that goal.
The military government is saying it is interested in having a dialogue
with the opposition parties but it has so far done nothing. The junta
also keeps promising to pave the way for a democratic system but never
encourages the people to practise even the basic rights.
The main opposition political party, the NLD or National League for
Democracy, is also screaming about wanting a dialogue with the
government. But all the party has done is attack the military government
left and right and take every possible step to put pressure on the
government.
This is not the kind of behaviour that will reduce tensions between
adversaries and bring them to the negotiating table. The NLD named
itself a league for democracy but it has nothing to do with other
political parties with the same democratic goals and so fails to achieve
the strong unity that is so essential to our fight for democracy.
The world powers who claim to carry the torch of free rights for all
people have proved biased in their choice of what kind of rights we
should enjoy. They also put down our means and methods for us to get
what we want. They will not listen to our ways of doing things in the
local style and refuse to help our struggle for the same goals that they
claim as their own.
A decade has passed since the great uprising of the Burmese people for
democracy in 1988. Many things have changed in those 11 years. The young
people who risked their lives in 1988 are not willing to do the same
now. They are afraid of going to jail and they shun the possibility of
their family lives being destroyed. They have grown 11 years older and
have learnt many lessons in life. The radical students have become
moderate and the moderate more serene and calm in their political
beliefs.
The constant pressure exerted by the military government on the students
and politicians alike have had marked results. We have not given in
completely, but we have to a certain extent under the circumstances. It
is a very shameful thing that others cannot or simply refuse to
recognise the difficult life we have under this junta because they are
out of harm's way.
We cannot keep hanging on to the same aggressive policies that we had in
1988 and 1990. They are not relevant to the new developments in our
country. This is the new millennium and it calls for new political
policies.
Since 1992, I have been advocating a moderate policy to get along with
the military government and ease the suffering of the people. Many
hard-liners and outsiders describe my theory as a "middle path policy",
or a "50-50 policy".
My policy is very simple: since we cannot beat the military government
just now, we should do our best to help ease people's suffering by
asking the military government to bend as much as possible in meeting
people's desires.
Some were outraged at first with my policy. They believed I had
abandoned the fight for human rights and democracy. I have not.
One political colleague accused me of going soft on the junta. My
argument is that if we go on fighting tooth and nail against the
military government it will retaliate tooth and nail, against everybody.
It will be the poor people who suffer most. and I do not want that.
Therefore we should abandon, for the time being, our demands for the
transfer of power to the people and for full human rights. By dropping
these demands, the junta might agree to go easy on other things and
allow more freedom with social, economic and even political activities.
The first, shocked public response to my policy came from US Secretary
of State Madeleine Albright in her Burma policy speech in May 1999. She
strongly criticised the "50-50 policy" and supported the present NLD
party policy of "transfer of power to the winner of the 1990 election",
the NLD.
Later on when a US diplomat visited me at my home, I asked her: "Why
does the US government keep on supporting the NLD party policy alone and
disregard other Burmese politicians' views and opinions?" She said it
was the US government's policy to support the democratically elected
party.
Fair enough, but I could not help asking her why the US was doing this
after 10 years have passed and the winning team has made no further
gains.
I pointed out to her that many Burmese people's opinions have changed
since 1990. People supported my new policy of a less aggressive approach
to the military government. Experienced politicians are now saying yes
to my "help the people first" approach.
What I am saying is time goes on. We live in the real world and by the
real events occurring at any given time.
The real situation in Burma for the majority of people is that they are
suffering. They do not have the strength, physically or mentally, to
fight dictatorial rule. They are ready to concede most of their rights
in return for some relief from hunger and brutal rule.
The world should recognise the realities of our country and change their
policies on Burma if they truly want to help the Burmese people. They
should accept the fact that students' opinions have changed, that
politicians' policies have changed, that people's beliefs have changed
over the past 11 years.
They still want freedom, democracy and human rights. There is no doubt
about that. But they also want immediate relief from their present
suffering and they want to achieve this without any more sacrifice on
their part.
Are they asking too much? I do not think so, because they have already
made all sacrifices humanly possible.
This is a big challenge to those who claim they would like to help. My
proposal to the world is to help the Burmese people from their misery by
going direct to them and fulfilling their basic needs such as food,
medicines, social welfare and education. Forget the political parties,
forget the politicians-just look after the Burmese people.
What has happened to mediation offers by world leaders such as
ex-President Mandela of South Africa? Australia offered early last year
to help to form a human rights commission in Burma but nothing has been
heard about this since. Are we abandoned? We need unselfish help, we
need practical and active help, not words, not superficialities. We are
worried about being used as pawns in international games of politics. If
our problems continue to get worse people will become more desperate and
desperate people might do desperate things such as in Ratchaburi.
U Win Naing is the promoter of "The Third Force", a Burmese democracy
movement.
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OTHER
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FBC: JOIN BURMA FREEDOM SUMMER 2000!
Feb. 15, 2000
Jeremy Woodrum
jeremy@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
For a photo diary of our last trip and for detailed information, please
check our website at
http://www.freeburmacoalition.org/campaigns/trips/trips.html or for more
information contact info@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx or call 202-387-8030!
The Free Burma Coalition is planning trips to the Thai-Burma border this
summer and would like students, professionals, and others from all over
the world to join! Nearly thirty years ago college students from all
across the United States gave up summer jobs and trekked down to the
South to conduct "Freedom Summers" in which they registered voters,
taught community organizing, and developed literacy projects.
In that tradition, which created the core of the civil rights movement,
we hope to make a difference in Burma, which is ruled by one of the
world's most brutal military regimes. We will take nine day or two week
trips to Thailand where we will meet with the student democracy
activists, leaders of Burma's "underground" movement, workers in AIDS
medical clinics, and elected members of 1991 Nobel Peace Prize Winner
Aung San Suu Kyi's outlawed political party, the National League for
Democracy. We will spend some time in Bangkok, but mostly in border
towns and refugee camps where we can see firsthand the struggle that
people confront on a daily basis.
Why Travel to the Thai-Burma border?
There are over 120,000 refugees from Thailand currently living in Burma,
where they have fled from Burma's dictators. These people, many of whom
have lived in the squalor of refugee camps for up to ten years, have
been persecuted simply for working for democracy.
Our trips provides the refugees (especially student refugees) with
encouragement because they see that young people from all over the
world care about them. Whenever visitors come to the camps it lifts the
spirits of everyone there. Right now, most of the student refugees on
the border are extremely frustrated at the lack of progress in the
country. Rather than leaving them cold and lonely, a resounding round
of support could help revitalize activities
Second, we can talk with the on-the-ground coordinators of the democracy
movement to learn more clearly how we can coordinate with them. Many of
the underground organizers who risk their lives on a daily basis simply
don't have enough money and supplies to carry out their activities.
When we meet them we will have the chance to ask "as fellow human
beings, what can we do to help you?"
Third, we will bring along plenty of material supplies to help out the
situation. These supplies include children's clothing, school supplies,
medical supplies, cameras, and books about effective underground
strategy
resistance. In the makeshift schools on the border, most children have
only a pencil and a notebook, far short of what is necessary for a
proper education. Moreover, many lack enough basic clothing to keep dry
and clean during the rainy season.
Dates
In order to make it so that people only have to miss one week of work or
school, we are planning the trips over a week and two weekends, so you
would be traveling from a Friday afternoon or Saturday and then nine
days later return on a Sunday.
Cost
The total cost is $1,650. This includes your plane ticket to Bangkok,
plane/bus fare within the country, meals, and all spending money
(including plenty for gifts, souvenirs, etc). You will not need extra
money. If money is a challenge, let us know and we can offer
suggestions!
http://www.freeburmacoalition.org/campaigns/trips/trips.html
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ANNC: BURMESE ALBUM AVAILABLE ON-LINE
Zaw Win Htut [zwhtut@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx]
Mee Douk's new album, "The Unknown Warrior" is available for downloading
in Real Audio or MP3 format at:
http://members.xoom.com/meedouk
The unknown warrior album contains (11) songs; (i) The bullet-ridden
school, (ii) Message from mother, (iii) Acid (In the palm of dictator's
hand), (iv) The unknown warrior, (v) Contribution to motherland, (vi)
(Turn over) a new leaf for new era, (vii) The horrors of war, (viii) The
graveyard for old philosophies, (ix) Determination, (x) The end of
corrupt regime, (xi) Hand in hand.
All songs are composed and performed by Mee Douk and in Burmese.
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coverage of Burma (Myanmar). For a subscription to Burma's only free
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Letters to the editor or enquiries should go to the same address or
BurmaNet can be contacted by telephone or fax:
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