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Subject: [theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: Weekend of March 11-12, 2000
__________________ THE BURMANET NEWS ___________________
/ An on-line newspaper covering Burma \
\___________________ www.burmanet.org _____________________/
Weekend of March 11-12, 2000
Issue # 1484
To view the version of this issue with photographs, go to-
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com
____________________ NOTED IN PASSING ___________________
"I saw one woman with both a baby and a toddler.
Two or three babies are born each week in the prison. The
midwife is a prisoner herself. Presumably many of the
children in the jail have never seen outside the jail."
Rachel Goldwyn, a British democracy activist who spent two
months in Insein Prison last year, (See BURMA COURIER:
CHILDREN LOCKED UP WITH MOTHERS IN INSEIN PRISON)
_________________________________________________________
*Inside Burma
BANGKOK POST: JUNTA WAGE GRAB HITS EXPATRIATE BURMESE:
CITIZENS REQUIRED TO REMIT 50% OF INCOME
XINHUA: DEMAND FOR REAL ESTATE DECLINING IN MYANMAR
BURMA COURIER: CHILDREN LOCKED UP WITH MOTHERS IN INSEIN PRISON
BURMA COURIER: SKY-LINK COMMUNICATIONS AWARDED MOBILE PHONE CONTRACT
BANGKOK POST: NEW KNU LEADER: 'POLITICS-BEFORE-
MILITARY'
KYODO: MYANMAR AUCTIONING MORE THAN $29 MIL. IN JADE AND
GEMS
BANGKOK POST: CHANGING OF THE GUARD
KYODO: MYANMAR AUCTIONING MORE THAN $29 MIL. IN JADE AND
GEMS
NLM: SECRETARY-L ATTENDS OPENING CEREMONY OF NGW HSAUNG BEACH RESORT
THE NATION : KARENNIS FLEE TO AVOID RELOCATION
SHAN: SHAN WORKER: WA RELOCATION PROGRAM PUT OFF
*International
NATION: FROM THE EDGE: JAPAN, KOREA TAKE UP BURMA DIPLOMACY
RADIO AUSTRALIA: THAILAND DEFENDS PARTICIPATION IN
SECRETIVE CONFERENCE
*Opinion/Editorial
SPDC: "THE BRITISH COLONISTS DEVIL PRACTICES IN BURMA"
______________________ INSIDE BURMA ________________________
BANGKOK POST: JUNTA WAGE GRAB HITS EXPATRIATE BURMESE:
CITIZENS REQUIRED TO REMIT 50% OF INCOME
March 12, 2000
Cash-strapped Burma has come up with its latest scheme to
rake in as much foreign currency as possible to replenish
its almost empty coffers.
Burmese citizens working overseas must now remit in
foreign exchange 50% of their annual income under a new
regulation issued by the Directorate of Labour. This is
in addition to annual income tax of 10%.
Originally, the 50% ruling applied only to sailors
working on foreign vessels. That has now been cut to 30%
with another 10% tax of their gross earnings.
In return for the remittance, the Myanmar (Burma) Foreign
Trade Bank will issue the said amount in Foreign Exchange
Certificates to the persons concerned - that is the
applicant's family or representative through the former's
account at the bank.
The FEC rate fluctuates between 325-330 kyat to the US
dollar while the black market pays two to three kyat
more. The official rate is about six kyat to the dollar.
The three new regulations for registration under the Law
Related to Overseas Employment by the directorate comes
with many provisions, making it almost impossible to
evade.
They affect: A. Those working overseas under their own
arrangements who have returned temporarily on leave; B.
Those who will go abroad after securing employment; and
C. Those applying for passports to work abroad.
Those who apply under categories A and B "shall sign the
bond for the following provisions in the presence of two
guarantors together with parents or guardians in the
presence of an officer from the directorate".
They will "undertake to regularly pay 10% of the income
every fiscal year to the Myanmar embassy in the country
of employment or in countries where there are no
embassies to the Internal Revenue Department through the
Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank;"Undertake to legally remit in
foreign exchange 50% of the applicant's salary to the
applicant's family or representative through the
applicant's account at the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank
(the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank will issue the said
amount in FEC to the persons concerned)".
Category C applicants have to produce an original
employment letter which has to be endorsed by the embassy
in the country concerned, or by a notary public in
countries where there are no Burmese embassies.
Workers cleared by the Overseas Employment Registration
Screen Board are "required to deposit 200 FEC to the Non-
Refundable Account of the Directorate of Labour at the
Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank in the form of a service fee".
The $200, though, according to Burmese expatriates, could
be halved by paying the immigration people $100 to obtain
the D, or departure form.
Attached to these new regulations are provisions such as
producing proof of leave from the employer and income tax
returns during employment, work permit, education
clearance (from the Burmese authorities), proof of
resignation for government personnel.
The new stipulations have put many expatriates in a
dilemma.
Questions have been raised such as: how can I live on
half my salary and pay school fees and what if I don't
have immediate relatives in Burma.
The most pertinent concerns students with work visas who
have come out on Burmese passports. They pay to secure
"appointment letters" from so-called "overseas employers"
to further studies the junta does not allow.
Some expatriate employees, who still have a few more
years before their passports expire, are reluctant to go
home. At least for the time being.
Ralph Bachoe
_________________________________________________________
XINHUA: DEMAND FOR REAL ESTATE DECLINING IN MYANMAR
YANGON, March 11
Demand for real estate is declining now in Myanmar,
according to the latest issue of the Myanmar Times.
An official of the Myanmar Housing Department was quoted
as saying that developers should not take up new housing
projects for the next two years.
U Arnt Kyaw, director-general of the department, added
that the realty market could make a rebound in the next
few years.
Real estate prices in Myanmar collapsed in mid-1998 and
the sale of property remained stagnant through the rest
of that year.
As a result, 1999 became a tough year for the real estate
players as property did not return to its status as a
"tangible asset" considered worthy of investment.
There are now many finished buildings remaining
unoccupied and some housing projects are incomplete in
the country.
Faced with the situation, housing developers here are
attempting to put life back into the property market
again by using all marketing ploys such as real estate
trade fairs, generous discounts and hire purchase.
More than five years ago, Myanmar initiated modern
housing schemes in the capital, jointly implemented by
the Housing Department, the Yangon City Development
Committee and the private construction entrepreneurs,
aimed at improving the living standards of city dwellers.
_________________________________________________________
BURMA COURIER: CHILDREN LOCKED UP WITH MOTHERS IN INSEIN PRISON
Prison watch
Rachel Goldwyn in 'Scratching the Surface':
March 5, 2000
LONDON -- A British graduate student who was a prisoner in
Rangoon' s infamous Insein jail for two months last year
says children are routinely locked up with their mothers
inside the prison.
Rachel Goldwyn, who was sentenced to seven years in prison
for singing a liberation song while chained to a lamp-post
on a Rangoon street, last week released a report detailing
experiences during her trial and solitary confinement
before she was released in November at her parents' plea.
Goldwyn said that many women have young children with them
in prison. She said the oldest she had seen was about five
years of age. "I saw one woman with both a baby and a toddler.
Two or three babies are born each week in the prison. The
midwife is a prisoner herself. Presumably many of the
children in the jail have never seen outside the jail."
"The children have no toys or play area. As prisoners
cannot have books, neither can the children. There is
no provision for teaching the children. The children
stay with their mothers at all times, and so spend most of
their time indoors. I never saw children playing in the yard
area, I generally only saw them at the wash tank, so it
appears that mothers and children only leave their multiple
occupancy cell for washing."
Although usually prevented from contact with other prisoners,
Goldwyn was able to observe women with their children at the
wash tank in the female section. "Higher rank prisoners
pack the ordinary prisoners tightly around the wash tank,
making them stand sideways on, approximately 20 women at a
time around a 2.5m by 1.5m tank set against the wall. The
higher rank prisoner then calls 'dip' and 'pour', which
the women must do in unison."
"They get 3 dips with their small plastic bowls; then
are left for approximately one minute to scrub up. Few
had soap; none had adequate time to wash before the higher
rank prisoner called the second set of dip and pour,
normally seven dips. For most women washing meant merely
getting wet, and quickly rubbing one or two limbs with the
wet tamay (woman' sarong) they were wearing."
"During the 'VIP' visits to our compound and at other 'silent
times' (i.e. after morning prayers [at 4:45 AM], during the
night and in the midday rest period) the children also had
to be silent. Sometimes we had to wait in silence for an
hour or so for an impending 'VIP' visit."
"The children and those in the clinic were served rice
gruel in the morning, in addition to the standard two
subsequent meals of boiled rice and 'hin yea' a watery
soup of hot water with a little fish paste and
unwashed vegetables and chili (and the occasional
bit of mud). These vegetables are grown in the prison
where they have human excrement spread on them as
fertilizer. I couldn't believe the clumps of earth
really were 'mud' as they were so large, and wondered
if they were in fact some kind of root vegetable, so
I tried to eat one, and found out that it really was
'mud' or maybe even human faeces. Infrequently
the 'hin yea' had beans in it."
____________________________________________________________
BURMA COURIER: SKY-LINK COMMUNICATIONS AWARDED MOBILE PHONE CONTRACT
Company news
RANGOON, Mar 10 (Xinhua, MTBR) -- Sky-Link Communications Ltd,
a British Virgin Islands registered company, will handle
the installation of a $US 144 million mobile phone system
in Burma starting in May. A nationally registered subsidiary
of the company, the Myanmar Sky-Link Company, has
been awarded the contract to install the system
which will eventually be transferred to the state-run
Myanmar Posts and Telecommunications.
The awarding of the contract was front page news in
the first regular issue of the weekly Myanmar Times
and Business Review, which came out on Monday
this week. According to the journal, a hundred
thousand mobile phones --70,000 in Rangoon and
30,000 in Mandalay -- are to be made available during
the first phase of the project. A second phase, to
take place within six months after the completion of the
first, is to make the system operational
in 11 smaller cities between Rangoon and Mandalay.
It will add a total of 33,000 more mobiles to the
system and make it possible for people traveling
between the two larger cities to get into the system
en route.
The new communications network will employ the Global
System for Mobiles (GSM) which claims to offer better
sound quality and improved data transmission. When
completed in three years time the new system should
increase by more than 50% the number of phones in the
country. Currently there are only about 225,000
fixed-line telephones and about 10,000
cellular mobiles.
The newspaper story did not say how the new phone
system would be financed but experience shows that
Virgin registered companies can be 'flexible' and
'imaginative' in seeking backers. The Times, whose
parent company is also registered in the Virgins,
had an initial press run of 30-thousand copies.
Editor Ross Dunkley said an Internet edition would
be available soon.
____________________________________________________________
BANGKOK POST: NEW KNU LEADER: 'POLITICS-BEFORE-
MILITARY'
12-3-2000
INTERVIEW: Newly-elected Karen National Union leader
Saw Ba Thin tells where he stands in relation to the
junta
Surath Jinakul
Saw Ba Thin, 73, took over the helm of the Karen
National Union (KNU) from Gen Bo Mya, who became vice-
president, in January. He joined the KNU in 1949 as a
private soldier and was later promoted to prime
minister and general secretary before being elected
overall leader at the 12th Congress.
Saw Ba Thin is seen as a more flexible leader than Gen
Bo Mya, who had commanded the KNU since 1975. He also
enjoys support for change from so-called Young Turks
within the KNU who carry clout with the rank and file.
In an interview with Perspective at a border area
opposite Tak province, the new president stressed his
"politics-before-military" policy. He vowed to fight
the Burmese regime to the bitter end to save the
Karen's national identity and preserve their freedom.
Perspective: What is your policy?Saw Ba Thin:The KNU
congress wants unity and peace through a policy of
"politics-before-military."Perspective:What direction
will your command of the KNU take?Saw Ba Thin:We will
stress:(1) the solidarity of Karen factions. [Breakaway
Karen groups include the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army
led by Phra Uthasana which has defected to Rangoon; the
Karen Solidarity Organisation under Maj Robert Zan and
God's Army, led by 12-year-old twins which was
responsible for the Ratchaburi hospital seizure earlier
this year];(2) Co-operation with our allies in fighting
against the Burmese regime;(3) Well-being and education
for all of the KNU people through political means [as
opposed to military intervention].
Perspective:Will your "politics before military" policy
mean you will have more talks with the Burmese military
despite the fact that you reached deadlock on two
previous occasions? Saw Ba Thin: We need a resolution
from the congress before we can go ahead with any
talks. The earlier negotiations stalled because the
Burmese regime demanded that we first lay down our arms
and agree to be under Burmese control.
We will never lay down our arms. The KNU has fought
with the regime for half a century. How can we yield to
such a demand so easily?Perspective: Would you accept
the same offer as the United Wa State Army under Wei
Hseueh-Kang, i.e. to become a "special administrative
zone" under the Burmese regime?Saw Ba Thin: You must
first understand that we and the Red Wa have different
ways of thinking. We, the KNU, adhere to our own
ideology and will never follow in the Red Wa's
footsteps. Perspective: Then how much chance does the
KNU have to pursue peace and freedom? After all, the
KNU is fighting alone against not just Burmese forces
but the minorities which have already defected to
Rangoon? How long will the journey last and how many
lives will have to be sacrificed?Saw Ba Thin: We know
Red Wa troops fight for the Burmese, although they
haven't been around here. But if the Karen forces see
them, we will fight them.
Perspective: How is the relationship between you and
other minority groups, such as the Karen Buddhist Army,
the Mon, the Arakan and the Shan?Saw Ba Thin: We have a
very good relationship with them.
Perspective: Are you still supporting God's Army after
it split from the KNU?Saw Ba Thin: We supported them in
the past since we were allies and shared the same
ideology and principles. We were in the same boat
because we were fighting the Burmese regime. But since
they left, we have stopped supporting them because the
Independent Karen state led by the KNU doesn't accept
their independence.
Perspective: Will the KNU punish God's Army? Saw Ba
Thin: Of course, there will be some kind of punishment.
These people are poorly educated. Thailand's decisive
action against God's Army was within the scope of Thai
law. The Thai authorities have the right to punish
them. We have our own way of punishing God's Army. What
they did in Thailand was totally wrong.
Perspective: How is the KNU coping with the defeat at
the western border stretch near Kanchana Buri-Ranong?
Will there be any changes in strategy?Saw Ba Thin: We
can definitely gather enough allied forces along this
front line. This is a long stretch of combat line but
we've been able to dig deep into Burmese soil. We
always join hands to fight against Rangoon for our
ideology.
We've adapted a new strategy which involves dividing
our troops into groups. This will make it easy to
conduct a guerrilla war and arrange logistics backup.
It's safer to stay in small groups.
Rangoon wants to take control and change the combat
line to a trading zone. They want to build roads and
harbours to facilitate foreign investors.
The Burmese troops may keep bombarding us to get hold
of the area for commercial development but we'll
continue to live there happily because we can always
change our strategy. We'll divide the troops into small
groups to fight a guerrilla style war.
Perspective: Since you are being squeezed from all
sides, will you ask for help from a third country? Saw
Ba Thin: So far, we've asked for help from some
democratic countries, including the United States and
some European countries. We've co-operated with anti-
Burmese government groups.
We've also tried to work with Aung San Su Kyi's group
(the National League for Democracy). We're all in the
same boat fighting the Burmese Junta for freedom.
Perspective: When will you return to the negotiating
table with Rangoon? Analysts say such talks could yield
good results for both sides.
Saw Ba Thin: There is nothing fixed at the moment. It's
up to our congress whether or not to open talks with
the regime.
However, there's no point if Rangoon insists we lay
down our arms. Nor would we accept being under their
control. We can co-exist, Karens live in Karen lands,
Burmese live in Burma, the Mon live in their territory
and so on. The media can predict anything but the
bottom line is we cannot accept the regime's
conditions.
After all, we haven't heard from Burma.
Perspective: On one side, you have the Burmese
authorities cut a road to KNU strongholds and on the
other, there are entrepreneurs eager to clear the area
for trade. How do you cope with the isolation?Saw Ba
Thin: We adapt and cope in our own way. It's difficult
and complicated since we have to not only fight against
the Burmese regime but also the capitalists seeking
economic colonies.
We are adapting new strategies. It will be hard for us
if they really cut the road to our territory, but we'll
survive. We've been in much worse situations. We will
continue to fight for our ideology and homeland. We
will continue to fight to the bitter end
____________________________________________________________
BANGKOK POST: CHANGING OF THE GUARD
12-3-2000
KNU CONGRESS: A new KNU president raises expectations
of finding a political solution to the current
stalemate with the SPDC
Ralph Bachoe
Saw Ba Thin, the newly elected president of the Karen
National Union, says the policy in dealing with the
military regime in Rangoon remains the same. The KNU
remains as united as ever despite a change in
leadership and in the new central committee line-up.
The new group, comprising the 30-member Central
Standing Committee and 15 candidate members, was
elected in early January at the 12th Congress of the
KNU. General Saw Bo Mya, president since 1976, was
named vice-president. About half of the new team
members are in their early 50s and "are an enthusiastic
lot with a far better understanding of the political
situation and trends in Burma and in the international
arenas", he says.
"Of course differences of ideas will definitely exist
between them and us [the older generation], in areas of
politicking, progressive ideas and conducting ceasefire
negotiations," said Saw Ba Thin. "Being young, they are
bound to be more energetic when undertaking their
duties and responsibilities." Saw Ba Thin does not
believe there will be conflict between the KNU, the
political wing, and the Karen National Liberation Army,
the military, in dealing with the junta. Gen Saw Bo
Mya, a no-nonsense soldier, still commands the Karen
National Liberation Army.
"This could not happen. We had openly discussed the
issue at our last congress. And as before, we are
unanimous that, in our Karen revolution, solving the
political problem takes precedence over military
affairs.
"Because military affairs will be directed along the
lines adopted by the political wing. But to achieve our
political goal, the support of the army is essential.
However, military might alone will not get us there.
Therefore both will have to work together," said the
73-year-old leader.
NATURAL DISAGREEMENTS
However, Saw Ba Thin grudgingly admitted that there
will be a clash of ideas. Like in any family,
differences of opinion and arguments will arise from
time to time. "But this does not mean the family is
split. It's a natural thing and it is to be
expected."Forging peace is purely up to the Rangoon
government, he said, with the KNU open to negotiations
leading to a peaceful and just settlement. "We have met
them at every given opportunity to negotiate a
political settlement. But we have never really been
given a chance to achieve this."The fourth and most
recent round, held in the Mon State capital of Moulmein
from Nov 21-Nov 23, 1996, ended in stalemate. The KNU
delegation was led by Gen Saw Tamlabaw. The State Law
and Order Restoration Council (now SPDC) was
represented by Col Kyaw Win, deputy director of the
Military Intelligence Service.
Saw Ba Thin said the sticking point towards a
negotiated settlement was significant. "They want us to
first lay down our arms unconditionally before moving
on, while our priority is to first reach a political
settlement before this could happen.
"Their response is that not being a politically-elected
government, they cannot deal with this question. But
our policy still stands. A political settlement must
come first."Saw Ba Thin called on Asean governments to
take an active role in settling a conflict in a member
state. He said he had seen no positive results to the
so-called constructive engagement policy adopted by
members of Asean.
"It has been many years, [since the constructive
engagement stance was taken] but I don't see any
development so far. We hope Asean can persuade the SPDC
to reach a political settlement with us." But of
course, he said, it will also depend on the Rangoon
government.
LACK OF FEEDBACK
He said that he has yet to receive any sort of feedback
from Rangoon to resume talks with them since the change
in the rank and file of the KNU. Likewise, he has not
heard from the breakaway Democratic Karen Buddhist
Association, which would nonetheless be welcomed back
to the fold. "After all, they are Karen like us who are
suffering under oppressive Burmese rulers. We must
convince them, make them understand, and try to win
them back.
Saw Ba Thin reiterated the KNU's readiness to resume
talks with the military regime. "People say the cold
war is over and we have to solve our problems
peacefully by political means." They had been trying
that since the very beginning but "when your enemy
comes at you with heavy artillery and machine guns
blazing, you will have to defend yourself for
survival."Unlike East Timor, the Karen are not seeking
independence or to break away from the Union, but only
the establishment of a federal government.
"From the start, ever since 1950, we have laid down our
policy very clearly of Burma being a multi-racial
state. The most feasible solution is the establishment
of a federal union whereby all ethnic nationalities can
enjoy equal rights. Since then we have been
endeavouring for the creation of such a state."
CALL FOR FEDERALISM
Successive Burmese rulers had wrongly interpreted this
call for federalism, saying that it would lead to
national disintegration. "Even the students who arrived
in 1988 [in KNU territory] told us frankly that this is
what they have been made to understand." Saw Ba Thin
believes a federal form of government is the best
solution for Burma, a country of such diversity-race,
culture and religion. He says a federal constitution is
systematically planned and written which ensures the
unity of a nation with equal rights for each and every
citizen. He describes this as "a democracy".
Burmese dissident groups, like the KNU and other ethnic
minorities opposing the military regime, are unanimous
that a federal government is the only cure for the ills
of a divided country like Burma.
GOD'S ARMY
Commenting on the recent siege of Ratchaburi regional
hospital by the God's Army, Saw Ba Thin said:"The siege
had tarnished the image of the Karen people and created
a wrong impression of the ethnic race in the eyes of
the Thai people." Saw Ba Thin added that the
"undesirable" incident may have led some Thai people to
misunderstand the attitudes and political aims and
objectives of the Karen.
"But later, they realised the true situation, after we
clearly stated that the organisation of this group is
based mainly on religious belief and is not connected
with the KNU nor is it under the direct control of the
Karen army."He said the KNU had no idea or knowledge of
their move. At the time of the hospital raid, the Karen
leadership was deep in the Burmese jungle holding its
annual congress.
"We first heard about it over the radio. We were
surprised. Hey, what the heck has happened, we
thought."Since then, Saw Ba Thin said he had instructed
Gen Oliver, commander of the No 4 Brigade, to make the
group understand that their action has tarnished the
image of the Karen. They have been told to end such
violent and foolish acts.
EMPATHY WITH EXTREMISTS
Although he condemns the group's action, led by 12-
year-old twin brothers Luther and Johnny Htoo, being a
Karen himself, he empathises with the sufferings of
this rag-tag army which could number in strength from
50 to 200 depending on the time and situation.
The Fourth Brigade area of the KNU forces is where the
twins live. It has recently come under heavy
bombardment by the Burmese military. The KNU mobile
headquarters is located in the Mergui-Tavoy districts
in southern Burma which spans from Hua Hin to Prachuap
Khiri Khan.
Saw Ba Thin said whenever the Burmese army launches
assaults, the Karen villagers had "to run for their
lives, abandoning homes, vegetable patches and
orchards".
He said the shelling by the Ninth Infantry Division in
Kanchanaburi intended to prevent SPDC forces from
intruding into Thai territory actually landed in the
area where the twins were.
According to God's Army, this had resulted in a number
of casualties.
The constant harassment by the Burmese army has led the
"visionary" twins to take up arms against their enemy.
They are organising their friends to counter the
offensive. Saw Ba Thin calls them "pick soldiers"
because they are picked up in a village to fight the
enemy, after which they return to resume their lives as
civilians. Their force could range from 50-60, and at
times from 100 to 200 depending on the situation. "They
are not regular soldiers."He says God's Army is not a
political organisation and has no understanding of the
concept of sovereignty or the consequences of
violations. The KNU supplies them with arms on occasion
because they want to fight the common enemy. "We cannot
stop them because they want to fight," he said. "They
are volunteers.
____________________________________________________________
KYODO: MYANMAR AUCTIONING MORE THAN $29 MIL. IN JADE AND
GEMS
YANGON, March 11 Kyodo
Myanmar's state-owned gem enterprise will sell jade,
gems, jewelry and pearls worth at least $29.84 million by
auction at the 37th Jade and Gems Emporium in Yangon from
March 12 to 18, Khin Ohn, the enterprise's director
general, said Saturday.
Of the total, jade accounts for about $20 million in
1,062 lots.
The largest single lot is a 10-ton jade boulder with $9.8
million floor price.
The gem stones, mostly rubies and sapphires, have a total
floor price of more than $8 million.
More than 400 gem merchants from Canada, Hong Kong,
India, Italy, Japan, Malaysia, China, South Korea,
Singapore, Spain, Switzerland, Thailand, the United
States and Vietnam will take part in the bidding, Khin
Ohn said.
Most the of the merchandise on sale belongs to private
enterprises that mine of jade and gems under government
license.
The Myanmar government receives tax and service fees of
about 10% of the sale prices for holding the auction.
____________________________________________________________
NLM: SECRETARY-L ATTENDS OPENING CEREMONY OF NGW HSAUNG BEACH RESORT
New Light of Myanmar
YANGON, 11 March - Secretary-1 of the State Peace and Development
Council Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, accompanied by ministers, deputy
ministers, the Chief of Staff (Air), the Director-General of
the State Peace and Development Council Office, department
heads and officials, left here by Tatmadaw aircraft this
morning and arrived at Ngwe Hsaung Beach Resort in Pathein
Township, Ayeyawady Division at 8.50 am today. Then, the
opening ceremony of Ngwe Hsaung Beach Resort: was held
at the resort at 9.45 am, attended by Secretary-1 of
the State Peace and Development Council Lt-Gen Khin
Nyunt.
First, Secretary-l Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt delivered an address.
____________________________________________________________
THE NATION : KARENNIS FLEE TO AVOID RELOCATION
March 11, 2000
Associated Press
MAE HONG SON - About 700 ethnic Karennis from Burma
crossed the border into Thailand and said they were
trying to escape forced relocation by Burmese
government troops, Thai officials reported yesterday.
There was no immediate response to the allegations
from the junta, which has battled an insurgency by
Karenni rebels along the frontier for several years.
Surapol Panasampol, chief of Muang district in Mae
Hong Son province, said the refugees began arrivig
on Thursday night and continued to arrive yesterday.
They were mostly women and children.
The refugees told officials they had come from several
villages in the southern part of Burma's eastern Karen
state, the stronghold of the Karen ethnic group, which
also has insurgents fighting the government.
"So far, they've said they fled the relocation by
Myanmar [Burmese] soldiers from their villages in
the south of Karen state to a drought-ridden area
in the north," Surapol said.
Other details were not available. The Burmese army,
which has ruled the country since 1962, has used
forcible relocation in border areas in the past
to deny insurgents refuge among sympathizers.
Thailand typically grants shelter to civililans
fleeing fighting inside Burma, though the kingdom
will not allow rebel fighters to enter unless
they give up their weapons.
Surapol said that appeals were being made to
non-governmental organizations to help the
refugees, who were being gathered at the nearby
Ban Kwai camp that already houses Karenni refugees.
Over the past decade, the current generation of
ruling generals has reached cease-fire agreements
with most of the myriad insurgent armies that
once operated in rugged border areas, but not
with the Karen and Karenni groups.
____________________________________________________________
SHAN: SHAN WORKER: WA RELOCATION PROGRAM PUT OFF
10 March 2000
No: 3 - 7
A Shan worker from Monghsat told S.H.A.N. that motor
columns from the Wa capital of Panghsang had ceased
to come down for almost a month now.
"Since early February, we have not seen trucks
carrying Wa settlers anymore," he said. "Instead, we
are seeing trucks carrying rice and building materials
coming to the 5 relocation sites".
The 5-relocation sites are Mongkhid in Mongton Township
and Banhoong, Site 46, Mongyawn, Hoyawd and Mongkarn
in Monghsat Township.
"Although they had initially planned to resettle 50,000
households, I doubt the total up to now exceeds much more
than 25,000 (about 125,000 persons)," he said.
He cited several reasons for the abrupt suspension
of the program: One was the explosions in Mongyawn that
damaged a 40-room two-story hotel in construction, an
electricity plant and the house of Wei Hsaitang, the
Wa commander in the area that filled the Was with
suspicions that the Burmese might be behind the sabotage;
Two, the killing of a Burmese soldier in Piangkham near
Mongyawn on 12 February; although the Burmese army had
arrested some Shan laborers, the Wa army was still
held responsible for the affair;
Three, the necessity to stock rice for those that had
already been resettled during the coming rainy season.
"Maybe they have other reasons," he said "But I'm just
as outsider". The Was, in cooperation with the SPDC Army,
had been launching a publicized forced relocation program
since late October aiming at a zero production of
opium in the Wa region near the Chinese border. The
program has been criticized as an act of human rights
violation by rights groups and as a disguised attempt
to increase production along the Thai-Shan border by
skeptical Burma watchers.
_____________________ INTERNATIONAL ________________________
NATION: FROM THE EDGE: JAPAN, KOREA TAKE UP BURMA DIPLOMACY
The Nation (March 11, 2000)
Burma's military junta is desperate to end Western pressure
and the blockade of foreign capital and international aid
to the cash-starved country.
Equally frustrated are members of the world community who
seem to have exhausted all measures to persuade or force
the regime in Rangoon to cede even the slightest
political compromise.
For over 10 years, Burma has been a testing ground for
two different political approaches. The West, led by
the United States and the European Union, has pursued
a tough policy of pressure and isolation. Asia led by
Asean, on the other hand, has adopted a soft approach
under the guise of "constructive engagement".
Both have claimed some minor successes such as the
release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from
house arrest and two superficial dialogues between
Suu Kyi and the ruling generals, but realistically
the two have failed to force tangible democratic
reforms and human-rights improvement.
This failure has generally been the result of
insincerity and a lack of political will to
implement the policies of both parties in their
true spirit. Constructive engagement has turned
out to be a mere tool for economic engagement,
since political engagement constitutes "an
interference in domestic affairs" - a principle
which Asean has so much guarded against. Isolation
has never been truly isolation as the Western
countries have turned a blind eye to their national
firms investing in Burma on the pretext that "we
are not encouraging nor discouraging economic
activities in Burma".
The double standard of both the West and Asean plus
Japan has played into the hands of Burma's ruling
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), which
has over the years shrewdly exploited the lack of
a unified universal approach to force political
change in Burma.
Meanwhile, international organisations and humanitarian
agencies both inside and outside Burma have grown
increasingly listless over the sheer lack of global
interest in the social dimensions of the country.
They see social disasters looming on many fronts. There
has been no proper higher education in Burma since the
pro-democracy uprising in 1988. The health system has
collapsed, with a severe shortage of medicine and
equipment, not to mention doctors, nurses and medical
staff. Child mortality and malnutrition, drug addiction,
the uncontrollable spread of the HIV virus and other
deadly diseases, internal and external migration
(either voluntary or forced) and trafficking in women
and children are all on the increase.
In pursuit of a workable Burmese political formula to
break the deadlock, global political players seem to
have overlooked the immediate humanitarian need to cope
with these social emergencies.
In October 1998 a new global initiative was adopted by
a group of Asian and Western countries at a meeting in
England. The United Nations promptly conveyed to Rangoon
an offer from the World Bank of US$1 billion in
humanitarian and technical assistance in return
for democratic and human-rights improvement.
But it did not take long for the SPDC to shoot down
the proposal on the grounds that the country "is
not a monkey awaiting a hand-out banana".
Since then the international community has been
at its wit's end how to break the political deadlock
in Burma, said a New York-based senior UN official
in a recent interview. While he remained optimistic
that changes would take place, he admitted that the
UN did not have a new initiative to push the junta
into a political dialogue with the NLD.
An option of employing a peace-broker similar to
American emissary George Mitchell, who successfully
helped broker the Northern Ireland peace process,
also ran into the difficulty of finding an influential
and respectable person to do the peace brokerage.
In the meantime the overall political, economic and
social conditions in the country have grown worse.
According to the World Bank's August 1999 draft report
"Myanmar-Burma: An Economic and Social Assessment",
Burma's economic gains of the past decade have fallen
short of meeting the human-development challenge
facing the country.
"Poverty is still widespread, and many social indicators
show a dismal picture," the report stated. "Reform
measures, partial and some reversed, have not been
enough to eliminate deep-seated structural distortions and
economic imbalances. Liberalisation efforts have stalled
in recent years, with persistent delays in pursuing
fundamental economic reforms and further deterioration
of macroeconomic imbalances."
In recent months there has been growing debate among
global aid agencies and relief thinkers that humanitarian
assistance should not be held hostage by another party,
pending a breakthrough in the political conflicts in
Burma. The military junta, the National League for
Democracy - which officially won the 1990 general
elections but was not allowed to rule - and over a
dozen armed ethnic groups should not block or place
any conditions on humanitarian aid to the Burmese needy.
Last weekend in South Korea the same group of diplomats
and government officials who had met in England in 1998
resumed their talks to assess the overall situation in
Burma, to evaluate their $1-billion approach and to
seek a new formula to break the political stalemate
and end human misery there.
As the $1-billion initiative had been rejected on the
grounds of being a haughty Western attempt to use
money to buy off the regime, the Seoul meeting came
up with a more Asian flavour.
According to a senior Thai official who attended the
Korean gathering, there was no tough criticism of the
Burmese regime as initially feared. Participants,
particularly those from Japan and South Korea, agreed
that there was a pressing need for the international
community to help Burma develop its human resources
and reform its economy.
"Every party involved is concerned about the future
of Burma and is looking for a way to help encourage
positive development in the country," he said.
Although Japan has not confronted the United States
in its tough Burma policy, the Asian economic giant
has been supporting the Burmese junta in various UN
meetings. Although Tokyo has not resumed its
Official Development Assistance (ODA), it has been
providing various forms of financial and material
aid under humanitarian and technical programmes to
Burma. There has been talk that Japan, the single
largest aid donor to Burma before 1988, will
increase its aid or even resume its ODA to the
country.
Although South Korean President Kim Daejung is personally
sympathetic to the Burmese democracy movement, he and
his country have not publicly condemned the military
regime for its harsh crack-down on political dissent.
Moreover South Korea has established a large economic
presence in Burma over the past decade.
It will not be a surprise if in the coming months
Japan and South Korea, with Asean members backstage,
play a more active but quiet diplomatic role to
persuade the SPDC and the NLD to come to some sort
of a peace dialogue. The West was given its
chance; now it is the turn of East Asia to
perform.
BY Yindee Lertcharoenchok
___________________________________________________________
RADIO AUSTRALIA: THAILAND DEFENDS PARTICIPATION IN
SECRETIVE CONFERENCE
Melbourne, in English 1105 gmt 9 Mar 00
Text of report from the "Asia-Pacific" programme by Radio
Australia on 9th March
[Presenter Linda Lopresti] Thailand has defended its
participation in a secretive international conference
aimed at breaking the political deadlock between
government and opposition in Burma. The meeting, which
ended recently in Seoul, has been criticized by Rangoon
as a Western-inspired plot, but authorities in Bangkok
say the gathering was motivated by genuine international
concern over the country's future. Tom Fayle reports.
[Fayle] Organized jointly by the United Nations and South
Korea, the two-day meeting was attended by diplomats and
officials from at least 14 countries, including the
United States, Japan and Australia. Despite intense
lobbying by Rangoon, three of Burma's ASEAN partners were
also there - Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines.
Burma itself was not invited.
The conference has been described as a follow-up to a
similar international gathering held two years ago in
Britain. After that meeting the military regime in
Rangoon was offered 1bn dollars in aid in exchange for
implementing political reform. The offer was rejected.
The political stalemate between the military and the
democratic opposition led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu
Kyi has continued ever since.
Until now, participants at the Seoul gathering have been
tight-lipped about what was discussed. Australia is among
those still reluctant to talk publicly. Thailand,
however, is willing to reveal what happened at the
meeting.
[Thai delegate (?Napathon Patama)] It's a brainstorming
session, so several matters or issues or aspects
regarding Burma were raised in the meeting, with respect
to humanitarian aid, with respect to the United Nations
special envoy for Burma, which is due to be appointed by
the UN secretary-general. And also the situation in
Burma, a report of the recent or the present situation in
Burma by two academics from the University of Washington
and Prof [name indistinct] from Georgetown University and
also the report by a senior adviser to the World Bank,
[Fayle] The Thai delegate to the meeting was Napathon
Patama. He is an MP and parliamentary secretary to
Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan. Mr Napathon says above
all the meeting wanted to see the swift appointment of a
new UN special envoy for Burma, with a brief to encourage
national reconciliation and dialogue.
[Napathon] The meeting felt that the UN special envoy
should be appointed sooner rather than later, and there
should be a positive development in Burma and we trust
that he would do an excellent job and should be able to
spend some time in Burma and talk to all groups in Burma.
[Fayle] Thailand rejects any suggestion that its
participation in the Seoul meeting is tacit recognition
that ASEAN's traditional policy of constructive
engagement has failed, arguing that only through talking
can there be any hope of political or economic reform in
its troublesome neighbour. But what of Rangoon's
assertion that the gathering in South Korea is a scheme
hatched by Western countries to interfere in Burma's
internal affairs.
[Napathon] I think it's a meeting well attended by not
only Western countries, but also countries from Asia as
well. I think it's a genuine international concern, it's
not a plot to topple the Burmese regime. The Burmese
government is entitled to hold any view. We are doing our
duty as an independent state. We are listening to the
concern by the international community and we sent our
delegation to attend the meeting.
___________________ OPINION/EDITORIALS _____________________
SPDC: "THE BRITISH COLONISTS DEVIL PRACTICES IN BURMA"
March 12, 2000
*****
Message posted by myanmar@listbot; Myanmar Information -
http://www.myanmar.com/
Hi!
Please visit to "The British Colonists Devil Practices in Burma (in
Burmese)" homepage is ready for you. The address (or URL) for this web
site is:
http://www.geocities.com/bahtoo_2000/
Best regards,
Ba Htoo
****
BurmaNet editor's note: This website was announced today on the
regime's mailing list by Ba Htoo, a frequent Internet spokesperson.
With the exception of the title, "The British Colonists Devil
practices in Burma" is a 64 page tract all in Burmese.
For those who do not read Burmese, the title itself gives
some indication of the content of the regime's views with
respect to Britain.
_________________________________________________________
________________
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(Myanmar).
For a subscription to Burma's only free daily newspaper,
write to: strider@xxxxxxx
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