Mizzima: Time to change the Tatmada

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Time to change the Tatmadaw's image

(Win Htein, correspondent for Democratic Voice of Burma, examines the
Burma Army (Tamadaw) on its 55th Anniversary.)

By Win Htein
Bangkok, March 26, 2000

In the summer of 1945, General Aung San, the commander of the Burma
Independent Army (BIA) and the chairman of the Anti Fascist Organization
(AFO), declared zero hour to the fascist Japanese in Rangoon, with a
code meaning "find and attack the nearest enemy".

In Burma's history, that summer day of 27th March became "Fascist
Revolution Day". But for the military junta, the day is Tatmadaw (armed
forces) Day.

The re-naming of the anniversary is very controversial, because it
overstates the Tatmadaw's role in the Burma revolution. Dr Aung Khin, a
Burmese history professor in London said, "The BIA was founded on 26
December 1941 in Bangkok".

Earlier that year, thirty young rebels had secretly left Burma to travel
to Hinam Island in the southern China, which was then controlled by
Japanese troops. The Japanese army gave them military training for five
months, to enable them to fight against the British in Burma. They then
traveled to Bangkok where they founded the BIA, before returning to
Burma.

"Why does the junta say now that it is 'Tatmadaw day'? It's a lie about
history," the professor continued in his radio articles in Democratic
Voice of Burma, which is based in Norway.

In fact, the Tatmadaw's role was not important in the revolution era
because it had so few members. The AFO and Communist Party of Burma
(CPB) were more important than the Tatmadaw because they could organize
the people to rebel against the Fascists. It was really a 'people's
revolution', not just the Tatmadaw's offensive.

Moreover, the BIA and thirty commanders were accused of inciting civil
war and racism. During the offensive against the fascists, the BIA
troops killed about 200 Karen in the delta region.

A half-century had passed and the Tatmadaw has been saying that "We have
rescued the country from falling into the hell-holes of Fascism,
Colonialism, Communism and Federalism". Then they nailed in their minds
that the Tatmadaw men are not just normal civil servants, they are above
the State. Everyone must obey their commands without any complaint.

Despite its inauspicious birth as a badly armed group, the Tatmadaw now
fully controls the state power and is the strongest organization in the
country with 500,000 soldiers. They have refused to accept the
reasonable suggestions of the United Nations and the world community.
One example is their rejection of any dialogue with the National League
for Democracy (NLD), their continued connection with drug-lords, and
their failure to stop human rights abuses in the country.

Last year, the Rangoon War Office ordered all front line battalions to
grow vegetables and raise livestock, as rations would be reduced. Then
the front troops took whatever they wanted from the villagers. Many
villagers were forced to work on the army's new projects.

Soldiers were also very disappointed and there were increased desertions
from the army. Some soldiers who thought there was no way to escape
committed suicide.

Thailand-based All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) has claimed:
"There are nearly 100,000 soldiers who have deserted from the Tatmadaw
during the last 12- years. They are facing a shortage of food and
medicine. And there are many problems among the officers, soldiers and
the MIS (Military Intelligence Service)".

A few months ago, the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB)
founded a 'Rehabilitation Center' (RC) in Karen State to welcome
ex-soldiers and deserters from Burma army. "Monthly, about 50 soldiers
join us in the Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled areas," said U
Maung Maung Tate, a member of Rehabilitation Center.

These are just the numbers in Karen State. Many other deserters have
crossed over to Thailand as illegal workers and some have joined other
rebel groups along the border.

Recently, Ko Hla Thong (Tatmadaw ID 662392), a 35-year old ex-sergeant
from LIB 284 who defected to the KNU with five other colleagues, told
DVB, "There are many problems in our Tatmadaw. The first one is that we
have not had enough rations of food and medicine for two years. The
second is that they (officers and MIS) ordered us not to talk to
villagers and not to listen to overseas radio (BBC, VOA, RFA, and DVB)".

"Why do people join the Tatmadaw even though it has many problems?"
asked a Burmese reporter to ex-Tatmadaw men in a Thai-Burma border area.
One of the defectors, Maung Aung Kyaw Thein, a 19-year old from a
training camp for new recruits in Wetgali, answered, "I was arrested in
Mae Sod by Thai police as an illegal worker. Then they sent me to
Myawaddy. On 3rd March 1988, Light Infantry Battalion 32 in Myawaddy
arrested me again. They sent me to Mingaladon Training School via
Moulmein soldiers' conscription camp".

Then, why do graduates join the Tatmadaw"? Ko Myint Wai, a defector from
Burma Air Force (No.501 in Hmaw Bi), commented: "Before the 8888
uprising, students were keen to become young Tatmadaw officers. It was a
popular choice because it was an opportunity for job and a guaranteed
future".

Ko Myint Wai left the Burma Air Force in 1988 to join the students in
people's uprising in Burma and he is now working in a human rights
organization in Thailand.

Comparing Thai army and Burma's Tatmadaw, he said: "Their pasts are not
too different. Both armies have staged coups. But today, the Thai army
is obeying the civilian government's orders, while our Tatmadaw is
denying the legitimacy of the elected government".

"Another important point is their budgets. The Thai army has full
facilities while our Tatmadaw men are so poor. The lowest Thai soldier's
salary is 4,000 Baht while Burmese counterparts received 850 kyat (85
Bt.). There is no civil war in Thailand, so the army's budget is enough
for them," he added.

When General Than Shwe, chairman of the ruling military junta (SPDC) in
Burma, visited Bangkok early March 1999, the NCUB suggested that he
learn from the Thai army. But the problem is that the Burmese generals
never respect the Thais because in their minds the Thai is 'Nge Nai', or
an opponent they can always beat.

Instead, they have looked into a country they respect. They have tried
to copy the Indonesian army as it was before the fall of Suharto's
regime.

They want an Indonesian-style Parliament with an ex-soldier as Head of
the State in Burma. However, the Indonesian army is less willing now to
be the tool of a dictator, and has moved towards supporting democracy.
This has left the Burmese Tatmadaw with a dilemma, as its role model has
changed.

Many observers believe that there are two different groups in the
Tatmadaw: the MIS group and the front line troops. The first secretary
of the SPDC, Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt, controls the MIS group, while vice
chairman Gen. Maung Aye commands the front line troops.

The observers have suggested that Khin Nyunt now wants to change the
image of Tatmadaw. For example, his MIS group has negotiated cease-fire
with 15 ethnic armed groups during the last ten years. The MIS's next
negotiation will be with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD.

But Maung Aye group does not agree with the MIS's idea. His group wants
to fully control the country forever. Their policy is: "We don't need to
talk with weak groups".

In this situation, how much could Than Shwe compromise between Khin
Nyunt and Maung Aye? And how long could they control this country?

The time is now to change the Tatmadaw's image.

(Contributed this article to Mizzima News Group).