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BurmaNet News: September 18, 2000



______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
_________September 18, 2000   Issue # 1622__________

NOTED IN PASSING:
``It is obvious that Mrs. Michael Aris, alias Daw Suu Kyi, is the satan 
of destruction delivered by Western colonialists¡¯¡® Myanmar Alin, SPDC 
state press.  See AP: Myanmar Junta Denounce Suu Kyi 

INSIDE BURMA _______
*The Sunday Times: Burmese junta calls up Buddha against Suu Kyi 
*The Sunday Times: Fulfilling the last wish of a love that defied 
Burma's generals 
*BBC: New international airport opened in Burma
*AP: Myanmar Junta Denounce Suu Kyi 
*DVB: Five Burmese troops reported dead, one wounded in ambush
*New Light of Myanmar (SPDC): Cut spending and increase family income
*Burma Peace Foundation: When is a cease-fire not a cease-fire?

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*Indonesian Observer: Wahid pledges help for Aung San Suu Kyi
*WB (Netherlands): Students in Burma struggle for education
*NCGUB: Urgent Action Alert to call the US Congress in support of 
keeping the US sanctions in place: A Note from the Burmese Exiled 
Government        

OPINION/EDITORIALS _______
*The Daily Star: Suu Kyi's Determind Struggle
*Committee to Protect Journalist: CPJ Outraged by Imprisonment of Cheng 
Poh

OTHER _______
*PD Burma: Calendar of events with regard to Burma

The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com


__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________


The Sunday Times: Burmese junta calls up Buddha against Suu Kyi 

Michael Sheridan, Rangoon 

Sep 17, 2000.

 
HIGH on the rainswept hilltop of Mindhamma, the general and the Buddha 
came face to face. Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, one of Burma's 
military dictators, reached out with a chisel to carve the first crease 
in the Buddha's rough-hewn stone robes. An audience of monks and 
soldiers applauded in the monsoon downpour.  

It may seem a strange way of doing battle with Aung San Suu Kyi, leader 
of the country's democratic movement, but, as Rudyard Kipling wrote, 
"this is Burma and it will be quite unlike any land you know".  

While the generals dice diplomacy with indignant foreign countries and 
play cat-and-mouse restrictions with the opposition, they have also 
turned to esoteric methods of staying on top. The saga of the Buddha 
image is a ploy by Khin Nyunt and his comrades to win prestige. Among 
ordinary Burmese people, astrologers, magic and traditional cosmic 
numerology are as important as regiments in retaining the mystique of 
power.  

For decades, their master, the reclusive Ne Win, now 90, has lurked in 
his lakeside villa, conjuring up spells and watching his luck to ensure 
he remains at the pinnacle of Burmese society. The old supremo is 
rumoured to be declining, however, despite his energetic soothsayers and 
medicine men. In the teashops of Rangoon, the muttered talk over cups of 
sweet, milky brew has been of a widely believed prophecy that one day 
Suu Kyi will be placed higher than the generals.  

That is where the giant Buddha - the Loka Chantha Abhaya Muni, as it is 
reverently known - comes in. Earlier this year, Khin Nyunt's ears 
pricked up when he heard that stone sculptors in Mandalay had discovered 
a huge stone monolith in the Sagyin hills near the old Burmese capital.  


"Religiously inspired" - or so The New Light of Myanmar, an official 
daily paper, informs us - "they decided to make it over to the state." 
Their zeal was assisted by a flying visit from Khin Nyunt, who had had 
an inspiration of his own. For the army's zodiacal experts had told him 
that in the Burmese alphabet, the syllables "Sagyin" carried the same 
astrological weight as "Suu Kyi."  

Khin Nyunt flew back to Rangoon and explained the possibilities to his 
boss, Senior General Than Shwe, who "gave guidance" for the monolith to 
be carved into a Buddha image and transported more than 440 miles to 
Rangoon. There, it was to be placed on a hill overlooking the city, 
naturally positioned above the generals. Thus the prophecy would be 
fulfilled and the ignorant would learn that it had nothing to do with 
Suu Kyi.  

On July 24, the monolith began its epic journey. It was dragged on 
rollers through villages full of prostrate peasants. It was floated down 
the Irrawaddy river, making stops at 13 towns to receive the homage of 
the devout. 
 
A few dared to scorn its religious authenticity, pointing out that no 
Buddhist should revere an image until it is properly consecrated. The 
hastily sculpted image was neither complete nor blessed, but Khin 
Nyunt's men arrested one village headman who ventured to say so.  

On August 26 it reached Rangoon. A specially constructed railway brought 
it to the foot of Mindhamma hill and on September 5 workmen hauled it 
upright to the summit.  
Suu Kyi, who has explained this extraordinary story to visitors, was 
languishing in the Rangoon suburb of Dalla. She had set off with her 
supporters to campaign outside the city, but they were blocked by 
military intelligence agents. 
 
The standoff broke on September 2. "Six burly female officers wrestled 
me to the ground and dragged me into a vehicle and took me back home," 
Suu Kyi said. "One of our youth members was beaten and another was 
almost drowned in a stream."  

She was isolated. Military intelligence officers simultaneously raided 
her modest National League for Democracy (NLD) office, ransacked the 
place and shut it down. The British ambassador, seeking to find out if 
Suu Kyi was all right, was sent packing.  

While a chorus of weary outrage echoed around the world, the junta 
proceeded with the business at hand. Pavilions were erected in the rain 
at Mindhamma. Garlands of flowers were brought and monks chanted sutras. 
Boys and girls were led by their parents barefoot up the muddy slope to 
gape at the blank-faced image.
  
Last Tuesday Khin Nyunt assumed an expression of pious devotion, stood 
on a plinth and prayed alongside the clergy to inaugurate it. Than Shwe, 
too grand a general to attend in person, sent his wife, Kyaing Kyaing. 
The wives of the junta are said to have become the greediest of its 
beneficiaries and the most resolute in urging their husbands not to give 
in to the "democracy stunt actress".  

Two days later a satisfied Khin Nyunt unexpectedly summoned one of Suu 
Kyi's aides and told him that all restrictions were lifted. She was soon 
receiving her supporters again and was able to venture out to the NLD 
office. "This isn't the end of the story," she said. "If we don't keep 
politically active, the party will die. So we are going to head outside 
Rangoon again very soon." 
 
Yesterday, Khin Nyunt's men materialised again. They blocked the road 
leading to the NLD office. Plans to hold a meeting were frustrated. It 
was back to cat and mouse again for Suu Kyi and her captors.  

Up on Mindhamma, Khin Nyunt's insurance policy sits enthroned in a sea 
of mud. The power of the graven image, however, may not be as great as 
the generals believe.  

"Don't give it a single kyat in donation," said an onlooker, referring 
to the devalued local currency. "It's a show for Khin Nyunt, not our 
religion," said another. Trying to outwit a prophecy can be a 
treacherous game in a country as spiritual as Burma. 


____________________________________________________


The Sunday Times: Fulfilling the last wish of a love that defied Burma's 
generals 


Sep 17, 2000.

Fulfilling the last wish of a love that defied Burma's generals Burma is 
still in chains but the late husband of Aung San Suu Kyi has had another 
dream come true, writes Jon Swain  

As he lay dying in hospital a year and a half ago, Michael Aris, the 
husband of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate and Burma's opposition 
leader, had two last wishes: to be granted permission to fly to Rangoon 
to say goodbye in person to his beloved wife struggling for democracy, 
whom the military had prevented him from seeing for most of the past 10 
years, and to create a permanent centre for Tibetan and Himalayan 
studies in Britain.  Tragically, he was never granted his first wish, 
but the second has come beautifully true.  

Aris's friends had made all the travel arrangements; a plane with 
paramedics was standing by to fly him out to Rangoon. All that was 
missing was a Burmese visa. It was clear that Aris had no wish to 
embarrass the Burmese military or to score political points. Yet with a 
vindictiveness that is still typical of the generals who run Burma 
today, they denied the terminally ill academic a visa, resolving to use 
his cancer as an opportunity to try to get rid of his wife.  

Suu Kyi, the daughter of General Aung San, Burma's independence hero, 
had been a thorn in their side since her party, the National League for 
Democracy, had overwhelmingly won legislative elections in 1990. Rather 
than allowing the sick Aris fly to Rangoon, they said, if she flew to 
London they would allow her to return.  

It was a heartbreaking decision to have to make, to put her commitment 
to her country above her family. She refused to leave, knowing she would 
end up in permanent exile if she did, and on his 53rd birthday Aris 
slipped into unconsciousness and died without saying goodbye to the wife 
he so adored.  

He had always known that one day her sense of family political destiny 
and obligation as Aung San's daughter would compel her to go back to 
Burma, and so, even on his deathbed, he kept his word that he would 
never ask her to come back to him.  

Recently Suu Kyi's fortitude and determination have again been tested in 
a confrontation with the security forces who blocked her vehicle as she 
tried to drive out of Rangoon to the countryside for party work. She 
camped out in the open for nine days before being forcibly returned to 
Rangoon.  

Last week the military lifted the security restrictions but the reality 
is that her movements are still limited even though the padlock has been 
removed from the gate of her house.  

As she recovers from this latest ordeal, it must, at least, be a comfort 
to her to know that her husband's other dying wish, for a Tibetan centre 
in Britain, has been fulfilled.  

Ever since his wife was first put under house arrest in 1989, Aris, a 
shy Oxford don and Tibetologist in a tweed coat, had worked tirelessly 
behind the scenes on her be half. He went through enormous strife, 
fearing many times for her safety. He did not share his agony and 
despair throughout those lonely years, bringing up their two boys Kim 
and Alexander virtually on his own, and because of his retiring nature 
few outside their close family circle knew how wonderfully effective he 
was.  

Almost the fact that she got the Nobel peace prize was his work. He 
could lift the telephone and call political leaders, and it was largely 
because of him that Suu Kyi has continued to have the strong support of 
the Foreign Office.  

As a result of this stubborn love and devotion what he was going to 
leave behind in terms of his own life was never on Aris's mind. Then 
when he was diagnosed with terminal cancer early last year he started to 
work on the idea of a centre for Tibetan studies.  

He always thought it extraordinary that there was no official centre for 
Tibetan studies in Britain, a country with closer links to Tibet than 
any other western nation. He gathered the powerful guns of Oxford, 
including the heads of the Bodleian and leading colleges, and worked up 
an ambitious appeal covering eight full-time posts, four studentships, a 
library and a university lectureship so that Tibetan studies and 
teaching would be strong after his death.  

Just before he became terribly sick he got a pledge for a very large sum 
from a wealthy international benefactor. That day he went by ambulance 
to Highgrove and asked Prince Charles to be patron of the trust. The 
prince agreed on condition that his name was used for academic not 
political purposes, which it has been.  

The Michael Aris Memorial Trust for Tibetan and Himalayan Studies is 
largely in the hands of Anthony Aris, his identical twin brother. The 
twins were born in Havana and spent their early childhood in Peru before 
being sent to a Sussex boarding school run by Dominican monks. This 
Catholic upbringing led, surprisingly, to a shared passion for the East. 
 

Anthony says the lectureship has now been endowed and a candidate 
selected to start in October at the Oriental Institute in Oxford. The 
trust has so far raised about ¨²1.6m and now seeks further resources. 
"There was a fund of goodwill for Michael," says Anthony. "He was much 
loved."  

Anthony, who is as sensitive as his brother to the need to protect Suu 
Kyi and her family, is now considering donating his brother's diaries 
and personal papers to the library under limited access. Several 
cardboard cartons take up a corner of his London home.  

Michael saw himself as just a husband "trying to support my wife as best 
I can". Should his twin make these papers public, the full extent of his 
unstinting devotion will become known.

____________________________________________________


BBC: New international airport opened in Burma

Sunday, 17 September, 2000, 07:56 GMT 08:56 UK 

 
The military government in Burma has opened a new international airport 
which it hopes will boost the country's tourist industry.  

The airport, north of the capital, Rangoon, which cost one hundred and 
fifty million dollars, has the capacity to handle large wide-bodied 
passenger jets and some three million passengers a year.  

Correspondents though say visitors have been deterred from Burma because 
of its human rights record and the opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi's 
call for a tourism boycott.  

____________________________________________________


AP: Myanmar Junta Denounce Suu Kyi 

Monday September 18 2:49 AM ET

By AYE AYE WIN, Associated Press Writer 
 
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) - A government newspaper Monday urged people not to 
join with democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, calling her the ``satan of 
destruction,'' intent only on confronting Myanmar's nationalist rulers.  


'``Relying on the international community and in collusion with foreign 
countries, she makes confrontation and tries to cause difficulty to the 
government,'' read a commentary in Myanma Alin. 

``As the strength of a nation lies within the country I want to urge the 
people to prevent and to be aware of the dangers of destructionist 
ax-handles,'' the article said. Ax-handle is a way of describing a 
traitor in Myanmar, also known as Burma. 

Myanmar's state media have stepped up their near-daily dose of criticism 
against Suu Kyi during the last three weeks as she and her National 
League for Democracy party were locked in a test of wills with the 
government. 

It started on Aug. 24, when security forces blocked her car as she tried 
to travel outside Yangon for party work. She camped out in the open for 
nine days before being forcibly hauled back to the capital on Sept 1. 

Then she and eight top party leaders were kept under virtual house 
arrest for two weeks until the security restrictions were lifted last 
Thursday. 

Suu Kyi has said she will defy the government again and try to travel 
outside soon.  
``This is confrontational. I wonder if her conscience is clear,'' the 
Myanma Alin article said. 

Only the military, ``who are the national forces, ... can work for the 
benefit of the country. Anyone that joins hands with destructive forces 
will work for the destruction of the country,'' the article said. 

``It is obvious that Mrs. Michael Aris, alias Daw Suu Kyi, is the satan 
of destruction delivered by Western colonialists,'' it said, referring 
to her late husband, Michael Aris. 
The commentary came on the 12th anniversary of the rise to power of the 
current military regime. Thousands of people were killed in the 
crackdown against a nationwide protest for civilian rule. 

The August-September 1988 upheaval catapulted Suu Kyi, the daughter of 
Myanmar's independence hero, Aung San, to political prominence. She 
later formed the National League for Democracy but was put under house 
arrest from 1989 until 1995. Her party won national elections in 1990 
but the junta never recognized the results.  


____________________________________________________


DVB: Five Burmese troops reported dead, one wounded in ambush

Text of report by Burmese opposition radio on 13th September 

Five SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] soldiers were killed and 
another was wounded when a SPDC platoon was ambushed by Karenni 
guerrillas on their return from Loikaw in Kayah State on 31st August. 

A platoon from LIR [Light Infantry Regiment] No 418 led by Maj Thet 
Naing that is active in Hpruso Township, Kayah State, was ambushed when 
they returned from Loikaw by car after withdrawing their salary. DVB 
correspondent Kaung Myat reported that another battle with the Karenni 
guerrillas ensued when more SPDC soldiers that later arrived as 
reinforcements pursued the rebels.

Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo, in Burmese 1245 gmt 13 Sep 00 


____________________________________________________


New Light of Myanmar (SPDC): Cut spending and increase family income

Saturday, 16 September, 2000

The State is assisting for maintaining agriculture and livestock 
breeding on a manageable scale so that there may be sufficiency in food, 
clothing and shelter nationwide. Similarly, Myanmar Maternal and Child 
Welfare Association is giving household vocational training. The 
Association does so with an objective of closing money leakage and 
increasing family's income. Such a training course was opened on 17 
August 1998 at Multi-purpose hall of the association. Up to date Saving 
Class has seen opened eleven times and Cookery Training ten times. A 
regular two-month training on sewing and cookery has been conducted. 

We women undertake cooking food for the family. We try to provide 
tasteful and nutritious food to the family with less expenditure. If we 
cannot save money in incurring kitchen expenditure it will be really a 
disservice to our family. It will lead to loss in human resources 
development. The cookery Training Course is teaching us domestic 
science. It also teaches us how to earn household income separately. The 
experienced chef teaches us cooking and confectionary art both in theory 
and practice. 

Sewing is an essential art for the family. By stitching clothes for self 
and family, expenditure can be saved. If it can be done on commercial 
scale, family income will be increased. The graduates from these 
training courses conduct multiplier courses when they get back to their 
townships and regions. Thus it will benefit the outsiders. We read often 
in the papers about the conclusion ceremonies of Saving and Cookery 
Courses conducted by State, Division and Township Maternal and Child 
Welfare Associations. This writer takes pride on behalf of the 
woman-mass. The income of woman-trainee is learnt to be between Kyats 
3000 to 5000 per month. 

In giving speeches to course conclusion ceremonies, the Chairperson of 
the association Professor Daw Kyu Kyu Swe and Vice Chairperson Dr Daw 
Khin Win Shwe said that they are glad to present Course completion 
certificates. As they wish the trainees to be skilful, the training 
courses are held in spite of heavy duties they are performing. At the 
end of every course, reviews are made by the supervision committee 
whether there is any difficulty or not. Only after they are satisfied 
with the completed course, the next course is opened. They take pride in 
the emergence of outstanding trainees. Pass certificates are presented 
only to the trainees who observe discipline, who are punctual and who 
are practically skilful. I heard these points whenever I attended the 
closing ceremonies on duty. 

These training courses are opened even in border areas under the 
arrangement of Maternal and Child Welfare Association of States and 
Divisions. Trainees coming from the districts are accommodated well. The 
Maternal and Child Welfare Association is a reliable organization for 
the entire womenfolk all over the country. The courses can be opened 
because of the endeavours of the patrons, Central Executive Committee 
members and course supervisors of the Association. Every woman should 
attend the training course. The training fee is only 2,000 kyats. The 
fee is quite reasonable when compared with outside training courses. The 
course lasts for two months. State Peace and Development Council is 
building Peaceful, modern, developed Nation. Women also take part in 
this task as a reliable force. Work is being done for the security of 
women. In accordance with the aims and objectives of the State, the 
Maternal and Child Welfare Association is working for the development of 
women who form ! more than half of the national population. I am not 
going too far if I say that the Maternal and Child Welfare Association 
is taking the vital role in playing for the improvement of women. 

Article : Nwe Nwe Kyi


____________________________________________________


Burma Peace Foundation: When is a cease-fire not a cease-fire?

David Arnott
Sept 15, 2000

About 10 days ago I posted the summary and URL of the "Landmine Monitor" 
report on Burma (Myanmar): 
http://www.igc.org/nonviolence/burmamines/lm2.html 
One thing I didn't notice then was the Chart of Ethnic Political  
Organizations with
Armed Wings in Burma, which you have to click on a button to find. An  
interesting
thing about this list of 33 armed groups* in Burma is how many of them 
have no cease-fire arrangement with Rangoon. Out of  33,  the chart 
lists 10 as having cease-fires**,  21 with no ceasefire, one (the KNPP) 
as having a broken  cease-fire and one (NSCN-Khaplang) is queried. It 
would be absurd to count the KNPP among the cease-fire groups, given 
their recent battles with the SPDC, and Khaplang's troops were fighting 
the Burma Army just a few weeks ago. On the other hand,  the DKBA, while 
having no cease-fire, is not really in a state of belligerency with 
Rangoon.

So that makes 10 armed groups which currently have a cease-fire with 
Rangoon to 23 which do not.  These are rather different figures to the 
SPDC's 18 cease-fire groups to 1 non cease-fire.

The reason the junta cooks the books here as elsewhere is presumably 
because it seeks to present itself as successful in this area, at least. 
But unfortunately, even in the military field, where one might have 
expected accuracy, the generals' figures must be consigned to the same 
smoking heap as their inflated economic growth figures, Khin Nyunt's 
"25,000" HIV/AIDS infections" (as contrasted with a conservative 
estimate of 530,000 by UNAIDS***) and so on.

The number of current cease-fire arrangements the junta has claimed has 
given it a fair amount of credit with other countries and international 
organisations; but it seems that once more, the claims are  fraudulent. 
--------------------------------------

* There are a variety of small self proclaimed armed groups that are  
dysfunctional or not currently active which are not included. 
Revolutionary political  organizations, which do not maintain an armed 
wing, are not included. Some of the armed ethnic  organizations are 
primarily involved in the narcotics trade for self-perpetuation rather  
than any real political activity. Several armed groups are quite small, 
and work only in  alliance with other groups. (chart footnotes)

** Ceasefire: Has verbally negotiated ceasefire agreement with SLORC or 
SPDC (no written agreements exist) (chart footnotes)

*** Dr Chris Beyrer of Johns Hopkins University, one of the world's 
leading  experts in the epidemiology of  HIV/AIDS  who has worked for 
several years in the  region, says that  there  must be at least 750,000 
HIV cases in Burma, and I have  heard estimates of up to 2 million. 



___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
					

Indonesian Observer: Wahid pledges help for Aung San Suu Kyi

September 9, 2000



JAKARTA (IO) - President Abdurrahman Wahid yesterday pledged to do his  
best to help Myanmarese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi who was 
last  week placed under a road blockade and is now under house arrest. 

Speaking before accepting a global leadership award from Columbia  
University in New York on Thursday evening (Friday morning in 
Indonesia),  Wahid said he had received a written request from Suu Kyi 
to help her  fight for democracy in Myanmar.

The president was quoted by Antara as saying he would do everything in 
his  capacity to help safeguard the Myanmarese opposition leader.  

He said helping Suu Kyi is one of 11 cases in various countries which  
Indonesia has been asked to help to find solutions.

The other issues include the India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir, and  
disputes between Iran and other countries in the Persian Gulf. 
Wahid was on Thursday urged to immediately come forward as a mediator in 
 the political conflict in Myanmar.

Five organizations - the Independent Journalists Association (AJI),  
Kontras, Solidamor, Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) and the Southeast Asia  
Press Association (SEAPA) - all want Wahid to help out Suu Kyi.  
The five groups released a joint statement of concern on the blocking of 
 Suu Kyi and the attack against the Myanmarese Democratic National 
League  (NLD) headquarters, Antara reported.

The statement was signed by Didik Supriyanto (AJI), Munarman (Kontras),  
Lukas Luwarso (SEAPA), Bonar Tigor Naipospos and Bambang Ekalaya 
(YLBHI). 

They want the Myanmarese military regime to immediately put an end to 
its  brutality by opening a dialog with Suu Kyi. The groups said that 
only  through a dialog can the differences in governing the state be 
settled. 

The five organizations then urged Wahid to mediate between the military  
junta under Than Shwe and the NLD of Suu Kyi. 

"It is quite ironic and shameful that Gus Dur's government allows and 
even  supports the fascist regime, the dictator who robbed Burma's 
democracy,"  one particularly brusque point of the statement said.

For the Indonesian people who are struggling for reform, supporting  
democracy in Myanmar is an inseparable part of the fight for reform, 
said  the statement.

The recent blockade incident was the fourth since Suu Kyi, 1991 Nobel  
Peace Prize winner, was freed from house arrest in 1995. In 1998, Suu 
Kyi  and a party were blocked in the outskirt of Yangoon where they 
stayed in  their vehicles for 13 days. But this time the blocking 
by the military junta lasted only for 10 days. It was followed by an  
attack by the Army against the NLD headquarters.

Myanmar's state-run press yesterday accused Suu Kyi of being "power 
crazy"  and blaming her for pushing the country toward "utter 
devastation", AP  reported.

The 55-year-old leader's party headquarters has been closed, and senior  
party officials confined to their homes.

Yesterday's commentary in Myanmar-language Kyemon daily revived an old  
allegation that Suu Kyi - whom it mockingly referred to as the 
"democracy  princess" - had once called for Western military 
intervention in Myanmar,  which was formerly called Burma.

Sounding eerily similar to the downright rubbish that ex-president  
Soeharto's regime used to say about pro-democracy activists in 
Indonesia,  the Kyemon said Suu Kyi's pressures on the government were 
undertaken  "with the aim of pushing the country toward utter 
devastation". 

"With the aim of grabbing power, the democracy stunt princess and her  
party invite foreign interference and welcome any intervention or  
invasion," it said.

Suu Kyi has for many years been a frequent target of the 
state-controlled  press, which parrots the ruling junta's ludicrous 
claims that she and her  party are impeding progress toward democracy 
and prosperity. 

On August 24, police stopped Suu Kyi and 14 party colleagues in a suburb 
 of the capital, barring them from traveling to the countryside to carry 
 out political organizing.

Suu Kyi and her colleagues refused to return to the capital, and drew  
international attention and sympathy by camping out in their cars until  
they were forcibly returned to Yangon on the night of September 1. 
The government said the party leaders were asked to stay home to  
facilitate an investigation at their headquarters. The junta alleges 
there  are links between some National League for Democracy (NLD) youth 
wing  members and anti-government groups who were allegedly planning 
"terrorist"  activities. 

Myanmar's government has kept the NLD on a tight leash since 1988 when 
Suu  Kyi led pro-democracy demonstrations. The military allowed national 
 elections in 1990 but refused to honor the results when the NLD won a  
landslide.

The roadside confrontation and the crackdown have drawn attention in the 
 international press and criticism from Western nations.

In a separate attack also in yesterday's edition of Kyemon, the 
purported  former secretary of the NLD branch office in Dala - the 
suburb where Suu  Kyi staged her roadside standoff - lauded the 
authorities for sending her  and her colleagues back to Yangon before 
local residents drove them out. 
Asked about movements to secede from the Republic of Indonesia, 
President  Wahid expressed his confidence that they would be overcome 
satisfactorily. President Wahid said the separatist movements in the 
provinces of Aceh,  Irian Jaya, Riau, Maluku and North Maluku have no 
significant number of  supporters.

On the occasion, he noted with emphasis that the conflicts in Maluku and 
 North Maluku have nothing to do with inter-religious issues, but are  
between extremist Muslims and Christians.


The blocking of Suu Kyi, the attack against the NLD headquarters and the 
 house arrest of NLD activists are an effort to separate the party's 
leader  from the people, said the statement. 

The groups said that what has been done by the military regime was a  
violation of human rights, the right of movement from one place to  
another, and the right of assembly and expression.

Calls and appeals from the outside world both from the West and  
international institutions to the military regime in Myanmar to hold a  
dialog with Suu Kyi and the NLD have never been heeded.

Analysts say Myanmar's regime used to model some of its aspects on the  
regime of Soeharto.
  






____________________________________________________


WB (Netherlands): Students in Burma struggle for education

WB, Weekblad voor Wageningen UR, 7 September 2000

(Weekly Magazine of University of Wageningen, The Netherlands) 

Dutch student and chairwoman of the Wageningen student organisation WSO, 
Annette de Raadt, came back shocked from a visit to Burma last week. 
''The only thing students want is freedom, democracy and education. Yet 
they are denied these basic human rights.''

Student protests against the lack of democracy of the ruling military 
regime in Burma reached a peak in 1988. The demonstrations were brutally 
suppressed and many students were killed, and since then the 
universities have been closed most of the time. Last July Burmese 
authorities officially opened the universities again. But the re-opening 
was recently condemned 'a sham' by a group of 14 visiting students, 
academics, journalists and NGO representatives from ten different 
countries.

De Raadt, student and chairwoman of the Wageningen student organisation 
WSO, was one of them. De Raadt: ''Next to each university is a military 
camp. Any student who does not agree with the regime is arrested. 
Students, their teachers and family have to swear loyalty to the 
government before they are admitted to the university.'' De Raadt says 
that education is used as a political tool in Burma and wants to direct 
attention of the public and politicians here to the issue. She attended 
a forum meeting in Rangoon, the capital of what the authorities call 
Myanmar, but is still called Burma by most citizens of the Southeast 
Asian country. The forum discussion, on free education and democracy in 
Burma, was organised by Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition 
party National League for Democracy NLD. Suu Kyi won the Nobel Prize for 
peace in 1991, a year after her party won an overwhelming 82 percent of 
the votes in the general election, which was ignored by the regime.

De Raadt was invited to attend the forum through the Dutch Burma Centre 
(Birma Centrum Nederland). She continues: ''The WSO is a student union 
for students from Wageningen, but like the university we are 
internationally oriented. We want to contribute to student participation 
in countries where students are oppressed.'' De Raadt herself was kept 
under surveillance and questioned by Burmese police when she crossed the 
border with Thailand to meet with Burmese refugees to discuss their 
situation. She says she was afraid of being arrested while being in 
Burma, but believes that remaining together as a group of western 
representatives made it difficult for the authorities to arrest them. 
Now De Raadt hopes that Dutch or international politicians will voice 
their concern about the situation in Burma. She also wants to start a 
discussion within the Wageningen academic community on the contribution 
Wageningen as a university can make to improving conditions in other 
countries where students and scientists are not free to study and work. 
| J.T.




____________________________________________________


NCGUB: Urgent Action Alert to call the US Congress in support of keeping 
the US sanctions in place: A Note from the Burmese Exiled Government     
   

[Abridged] 

September 13, 2000


We alert you of an emerging, in fact, a discouraging congressional 
attitude towards Burma.  
Last May, a concurrent resolution on Burma, which is H. Con. Res. 328 
and S. Con. Res. 113, was introduced in the House and Senate. It is a 
bipartisan effort to express the sense of the Congress in recognition of 
the 1990 elections and the urgent need to improve the democratic and 
human rights of the people of Burma. So far, 18 Senators and 47 House of 
Representatives have cosponsored the resolution. The Senate has already 
passed the resolution and referred to the House on July 19, 2000. 

The House still needs to pass the resolution. Today, We just had a mark 
up of the House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the 
Pacific on the H. Con. Res. 328. Doug Bereuter (R-NE), John C. Cooksey 
(R-LA), Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) and Eni F.H. Faleomavaega (D-AS) were 
present at the hearing. The alarming situation is Subcommittee Chairman 
Doug Bereuter brought in an amendment to delete the endorsement of U.S. 
sanctions against the military junta by saying the sanctions have been 
totally ineffective. It is really a dangerous trend trying to take off 
amidst the mounting brutal crack down of the military regime on Aung San 
Suu Kyi and Burmese democratic movement. We are gravely concerned of 
this situation. We feel that corporate lobbying in favor of constructive 
engagement is going too far. 
We definitely need to reinstate the sanctions language at the mark up of 
the House International Relations Committee that will be held in a week. 
We urge you "Free Burma Activists" to take immediate actions to make 
sure the sanctions language against the Burmese military is reinserted. 
Please call all members of the House International Relations Committee 
and tell them you do not want to see sanctions deleted or lifted. 

Attached please find the original text of the House Concurrent 
Resolution 328 and the list of the House International Relations 
Committee members. 


Dr. Thaung Htun
Representative for UN Affairs, National Coalition Government of the 
Union of Burma

 

Expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition of the 10th 
anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma and the urgent need 
to improve the democratic and human rights of... (Introduced in the 
House) HCON 328 IH 

106th CONGRESS
2d Session
H. CON. RES. 328

Expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition of the 10th 
anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma and the urgent need 
to improve the democratic and human rights of the people of Burma.  
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
May 16, 2000

Mr. PORTER (for himself, Mr. LANTOS, Mr. GILMAN, Mr. SMITH of New 
Jersey, Mr. DELAHUNT, Mr. PITTS, Mr. KUCINICH, Mr. PAYNE, Mr. 
DIAZ-BALART, Mr. ROHRABACHER, Mr. ABERCROMBIE, Mr. MCGOVERN, Mr. SHAYS, 
Mr. CASTLE, Mr. BERMAN, Mr. ENGEL, Mr. SANDERS, Mr. HORN, Mr. RAHALL, 
Mr. BALDACCI, Mrs. MORELLA, Mr. GUTIERREZ, Mr. OBERSTAR, Mr. CAPUANO, 
Mr. STARK, Mr. OLVER, Ms. LEE, Mr. WAXMAN, Mr. RUSH, and Mr. UDALL of 
Colorado) submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was 
referred to the Committee on International Relations  

CONCURRENT RESOLUTION

Expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition of the 10th 
anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma and the urgent need 
to improve the democratic and human rights of the people of Burma.  
Whereas in 1988 thousands of Burmese citizens called for a democratic 
change in Burma and participated in peaceful demonstrations to achieve 
this result;  Whereas these demonstrations were brutally repressed by 
the Burmese military, resulting in the loss of hundreds of lives;  
Whereas despite continued repression, the Burmese people turned out in 
record numbers to vote in elections deemed free and fair by 
international observers;  Whereas on May 27, 1990, the National League 
for Democracy (NLD) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 60 percent 
of the popular vote and 80 percent of the parliamentary seats in the 
elections;  Whereas the Burmese military rejected the results of the 
elections, placed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of members of the 
NLD under arrest, pressured members of the NLD to resign, and severely 
restricted freedom of assembly, speech, and the press;  Whereas 
48,000,000 people in Burma continue to suffer gross violations of human 
rights, including the right to democracy, and economic deprivation under 
a military regime known as the State Peace and Development Council 
(SPDC);  Whereas on September 16, 1998, the members of the NLD and other 
political parties who won the 1990 elections joined together to form the 
Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) as an interim 
mechanism to address human rights, economic and other conditions, and 
provide representation of the political views and voice of Members of 
Parliament elected to but denied office in 1990;  Whereas the United 
Nations General Assembly and Commission on Human Rights have condemned 
in nine consecutive resolutions the persecution of religious and ethnic 
minorities and the political opposition, and SPDC's record of forced 
labor, exploitation, and sexual violence against women;  Whereas the 
United States and the European Union Council of Foreign Ministers have 
similarly condemned conditions in Burma and officially imposed travel 
restrictions and other sanctions against the SPDC;  Whereas in May 1999, 
the International Labor Organization (ILO) condemned the SPDC for 
inflicting forced labor on the people and has banned the SPDC from 
participating in any ILO meetings;  Whereas the 1999 Department of State 
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Burma identifies more than 
1,300 people who continue to suffer inhumane detention conditions as 
political prisoners in Burma;  Whereas the Department of State 
International Narcotics Control Report for 2000 determines that Burma is 
the second largest world-wide source of illicit opium and heroin and 
that there are continuing, reliable reports that Burmese officials are 
`involved in the drug business or are paid to allow the drug business to 
be conducted by others', conditions which pose a direct threat to United 
States national security interests; and  Whereas despite these massive 
violations of human rights and civil liberties and chronic economic 
deprivation, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and members of the NLD have continued 
to call for a peaceful political dialogue with the SPDC to achieve a 
democratic transition: Now, therefore, be it    Resolved by the House of 
Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the Sense of the 
Congress that--      

(1) United States policy should strongly support the restoration of 
democracy in Burma, including implementation of the results of the free 
and fair elections of 1990;     
 (2) United States policy should continue to call upon the military 
regime in Burma known as the State Peace and Development Council 
(SPDC)--          (A) to guarantee freedom of assembly, freedom of 
movement, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press for all Burmese 
citizens;          (B) to immediately accept a political dialogue with 
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and 
ethnic leaders to advance peace and reconciliation in Burma;          
(C) to immediately and unconditionally release all detained Members 
elected to the 1990 parliament and other political prisoners; and        
  (D) to promptly and fully uphold the terms and conditions of all human 
rights and related resolutions passed by the United Nations General 
Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights, the International Labor 
Organization, and the European Union; and     

 (3) United States policy should sustain current economic and political 
sanctions against Burma as the appropriate means--          (A) to 
secure the restoration of democracy, human rights, and civil liberties 
in Burma; and          (B) to support United States national security 
counternarcotics interests.       


 

_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS________________

The Daily Star: Suu Kyi's Determind Struggle

Sep 17, 2000.

By Zaglul Ahmed
 
MYANMAR is not in the South Asian region. It is, in a way, a go-between 
between South Asia and Southeast Asia. Nonetheless, it is at the 
vicinity of our region and developments surrounding it evoke interests 
for obvious reasons. 

Myanmar is a member-state of the ASEAN. In Southeast Asian countries, 
democracy is showing greater commitment in recent times than before. 
When a South Asian country like Pakistan reverts to military rule 
causing frustration in democratic South Asia, a major nation in 
Southeast 

Asia has a government that can be characterised largely democratic given 
the history of that country. It is Indonesia where an army dictator 
finally bowed to the pro-democracy forces that eventually led to a 
government headed by President Abdur Rahman Wahid. While Malaysia 
remains firmly entrenched in democratic rule and its leader Mahathir 
Mohammad has established himself as one of the longest serving 
democratically elected head of the government in the region, Indonesia's 
quest for democracy is yet not over.  

The Myanmar case is well known across the world. But certain 
developments relating to the nature of its governance and its 
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has come to the fore in recent 
days highlighting the treatment being meted out to the Nobel laureate. 
Restrictions were imposed on Suu Kyi's movement some time ago when she 
was barred from travelling outside Yangon. She was going to meet her 
supporters on August 24 at Dala but the police stopped her and the group 
travelling with her at the outskirts of the capital. This was Suu Kyi's 
first trip outside Yangon in last two years and she had to spend in car, 
locked in a tense stand-off with government officials. When she and the 
group were forcibly taken back to the capital, the episode once again 
drew international attention revolving a leader who was denied her 
electoral victory and is often coming under harsh treatment from the 
military regime. She was not convinced by arguments of the government 
that she was stopped because of "lack of security" measures required for 
the visit. 

She was detained again and this triggered off criticisms from the 
democratic world, particularly from the United States and the European 
Union, against the Myanmar government, asking the authorities to release 
the pro-democracy leader from house arrest and withdraw all kinds of 
restrictions imposed on her freedom of movement.  

Then the government lifted some restrictions and allowed her visitors 
for the first time since the stand-off. Western diplomats visited her 
and said both Suu Kyi and the chief of the National League for Democracy 
(NLD) Tin Oo looked thinner than they used to be. The government said 
Suu Kyi and other opposition leaders who were placed under house arrest 
since September 2 no longer needed to stay at home. The NDL leaders, 
however, deplored because their headquarters still remain closed and 
relaxation in the restrictions since the opposition leaders were under 
house arrest were not anything encouraging. The ban for them on 
travelling outside the capital still stands. 

But for Suu Kyi, the lifting of the ban is not enough. She said she 
would make a trip outside Yangon in next few days. "It is high time that 
the government stops restrictions on our right to operate as a political 
party," she was quoted to have said. She turned the table on the 
authorities saying, it was up to the SPDC (State Peace and Development 
Council), which is the ruling junta, to choose any line of action it 
likes. The latest situation brings into sharp focus another ordeal that 
seems to be in the offing involving the pro-democracy leader and the 
authorities. Because, any attempt by her to travel outside Yangon is 
likely to be met with adequate measures from the government, since the 
restrictions on trips outside the capital still stands. This is expected 
to come close on the heels of the recent stand-off on her way to Dala. 
Two years ago, Suu Kyi spent 13 days in car after being prevented from 
leaving Yangon. She had to give up her protest suffering from 
dehydration. For the leader who is struggling to establish democracy in 
the country, nothing is unexpected since she took up the task as a 
principled position.  

Suu Kyi, daughter of slain Burmese nationalist leader General Aung San, 
lived in London where she studded and married a British but returned to 
Myanmar in 1988. She felt the nation should have popular system of 
governance. She quickly emerged as a pro-democracy leader and her 
movement won 82 per cent of the votes in the national elections of 1990 
reflecting the wish of the people towards democracy. But the military 
refused to relinquish power and Suu Kyi alleged massive repression 
against her supporters while she herself was detained in various phases. 
She believes in non-violence and is greatly inspired by leaders like 
Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King JR. She urges the regime to settle 
political differences through dialogue and negotiations. She won hearts 
of the people of Myanmar and her tireless campaign for democratic 
principles won her the Nobel Peace award. The struggle to restore 
democracy in the country began in 1962 when the military seized power 
and Suu Kyi provided the kind of push and encouragement needed to the 
objective after her return from London.  

However, it has to be admitted that the pro-democracy forces in Myanmar 
faces a daunting task in their mission since the regime has built up a 
system over the years which is strong and unlikely to crack easily. It 
says that military has successfully given security and development to a 
country which was mired with manifold problems. It also says that the 
transformation of the nation is taking place as far as the economic 
development and progress are concerned. The government ridicules Suu 
Kyi's claim that only a representative government can meet the 
aspirations of Myanmar people. True, the long running campaign by the 
democratic leader has aroused deep emotions among the people but this 
will be naive to think that she and her supporters will be able to make 
much dent in the ruling base of the regime.  

The junta's frequent harsh measures help Suu Kyi earn sympathy but 
unfortunately there is little likelihood that the situation would 
explode in anything uprising in the near future. But the strength of the 
Myanmar popular leader lies in the massive support and sympathy she 
enjoys across the world. The world leaders at the recent Millennium 
Summit in New York deplored 

Myanmar government to for treating Suu Kye undemocratically. Suu Kyi has 
thanked UN secretary general Kofi Anan for the support during her car 
ordeal and also expressed gratefulness to the world leaders who morally 
stood by her.  

Undoubtedly, Suu Kye faces an uphill task in her campaign to restore 
democracy in the country. It is possible that she can see the light at 
the end of the tunnel. However, this may be a long way. Democracy in 
this Southeast Asian nation would certainly encourage flourishment of 
representative government in this part of the world and nearby regions. 
Suu Kyi deserves appreciation for her uninterrupted struggle to ensure 
reflection of popular will in the governance. 



Committee to Protect Journalist: CPJ Outraged by Imprisonment of Cheng 
Poh



BURMESE LAWYER SENTENCED TO 14 YEARS IN PRISON FOR DISTRIBUTING FOREIGN 
NEWS Cheng Poh's Imprisonment Latest Sign of Burma's Disregard for Press 
Freedom 


New York, September 14, 2000---The Committee to Protect Journalists 
(CPJ) called yesterday's sentencing of lawyer Cheng Poh "an outrageous 
violation of press freedom" and expressed concerns for his safety.

Cheng Poh, 77, was sentenced to 14 years in prison yesterday for 
allegedly distributing foreign news articles, according to CPJ sources. 
Arrested in July, Cheng Poh has been detained in Rangoon's notorious 
Insein Prison, prompting concerns for his health. His sentence was 
delivered by a special court housed inside the prison compound, The 
Associated Press reported.  
"The sentencing of Cheng Poh is sadly typical of Burma's miserable 
record on press freedom," said CPJ executive director Ann Cooper. "CPJ 
is outraged that Burmese citizens are deprived of their liberty for 
exercising their internationally guaranteed right to free expression." 

The ruling junta in Burma (officially known as Myanmar) presides over 
one of the world's most repressive censorship regimes. Both print and 
broadcast media are tightly controlled by state censors, so many Burmese 
rely on what little foreign news they can get, mostly in the form of 
short-wave radio broadcasts produced overseas.

Cheng Poh was sentenced to two consecutive seven-year prison terms for 
allegedly violating the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act and the 1962 
Printers and Publishers Registration Law, both of which are regularly 
used against journalists and political dissidents. 

Burma recently stepped up its criticism of international media after 
widespread international condemnation of the government's treatment of 
opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. In an official 
statement issued last week, the Burmese government accused the foreign 
press of conducting a "synchronized negative media campaign" at the 
behest of some Western nations.


CPJ is a New York-based, nonpartisan, nonprofit organization of 
journalists that works to promote press freedom around the world. For 
more information on press conditions in Burma, visit the CPJ web site at 
<www.cpj.org>. 




_____________________ OTHER  ______________________


PD Burma: Calendar of events with regard to Burma


                 



¨Z       September 18th          : Anniversary of SLORC Coup, 1988 
¨Z       September 24th          : National League for Democracy formed 
1988 
¨Z       September 24th                    : Burma Solidarity Concert. 
Organised by Worldview Rights, the
                                                Norwegian Burma Council 
and the Norwegian Church Aid, Oslo

¨Z       September 26th                 markussteen@xxxxxxxxx: Open 
meeting: The cost of Army Rule. Organised by the Norwegian
                                               Burma Council, Oslo 
¨Z       September 27th                 : Board meeting for the Burmese 
Border Consortium, Oslo

¨Z       September               : UN General Assembly, New York 
¨Z       September               : NCGUB Meetings

¨Z       September/October       : Second EU "troika" mission to Burma  
¨Z       October                 : EU Foreign Ministers to review Burma 
Policy  
¨Z       October 16-21st                 : 104th Inter-Parliamentary 
Conference, Jakarta

¨Z       October 17-18th                 : 4th Annual Meeting for PD 
Burma, Jakarta

¨Z       October 19- 20th                : The Asem Summit, Seoul 
¨Z       October 26-28th                 : The 50th Congress of Liberal 
International, Ottawa

¨Z       November                : ILO Review of Burma's practises 
¨Z       November 2-17th         : 279th Session of the Governing Body 
and its committees, Geneva

¨Z       November 17th           : Global Day of Action on Open Schools 
¨Z       November 10-11th            :Meeting of the Council of the 
Socialist International, Maputo
                                                                    ¨Z   
    December 11-12th        : EU and ASEAN Ministerial-level meeting, 
Laos  
¨Z       January 2001            : Sweden takes over EU Presidency 
¨Z       February                        : Meeting of Solidarity Groups, 
Brussels


¨Z       March/April             : Teachers/ Students Union Conferences 
¨Z       March/April             : EU Common Position Review 
¨Z       March/April             : UN Human Rights Commission, Geneva 
¨Z       May/June                        : Meeting of Solidarity Groups 
¨Z       July                    : Belgium takes over EU Presidency 





____________________________________________________

________________


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