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BurmaNet News: September 18, 2000
- Subject: BurmaNet News: September 18, 2000
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Tue, 19 Sep 2000 00:05:00
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
_________September 18, 2000 Issue # 1622__________
NOTED IN PASSING:
``It is obvious that Mrs. Michael Aris, alias Daw Suu Kyi, is the satan
of destruction delivered by Western colonialists¡¯¡® Myanmar Alin, SPDC
state press. See AP: Myanmar Junta Denounce Suu Kyi
INSIDE BURMA _______
*The Sunday Times: Burmese junta calls up Buddha against Suu Kyi
*The Sunday Times: Fulfilling the last wish of a love that defied
Burma's generals
*BBC: New international airport opened in Burma
*AP: Myanmar Junta Denounce Suu Kyi
*DVB: Five Burmese troops reported dead, one wounded in ambush
*New Light of Myanmar (SPDC): Cut spending and increase family income
*Burma Peace Foundation: When is a cease-fire not a cease-fire?
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*Indonesian Observer: Wahid pledges help for Aung San Suu Kyi
*WB (Netherlands): Students in Burma struggle for education
*NCGUB: Urgent Action Alert to call the US Congress in support of
keeping the US sanctions in place: A Note from the Burmese Exiled
Government
OPINION/EDITORIALS _______
*The Daily Star: Suu Kyi's Determind Struggle
*Committee to Protect Journalist: CPJ Outraged by Imprisonment of Cheng
Poh
OTHER _______
*PD Burma: Calendar of events with regard to Burma
The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
The Sunday Times: Burmese junta calls up Buddha against Suu Kyi
Michael Sheridan, Rangoon
Sep 17, 2000.
HIGH on the rainswept hilltop of Mindhamma, the general and the Buddha
came face to face. Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, one of Burma's
military dictators, reached out with a chisel to carve the first crease
in the Buddha's rough-hewn stone robes. An audience of monks and
soldiers applauded in the monsoon downpour.
It may seem a strange way of doing battle with Aung San Suu Kyi, leader
of the country's democratic movement, but, as Rudyard Kipling wrote,
"this is Burma and it will be quite unlike any land you know".
While the generals dice diplomacy with indignant foreign countries and
play cat-and-mouse restrictions with the opposition, they have also
turned to esoteric methods of staying on top. The saga of the Buddha
image is a ploy by Khin Nyunt and his comrades to win prestige. Among
ordinary Burmese people, astrologers, magic and traditional cosmic
numerology are as important as regiments in retaining the mystique of
power.
For decades, their master, the reclusive Ne Win, now 90, has lurked in
his lakeside villa, conjuring up spells and watching his luck to ensure
he remains at the pinnacle of Burmese society. The old supremo is
rumoured to be declining, however, despite his energetic soothsayers and
medicine men. In the teashops of Rangoon, the muttered talk over cups of
sweet, milky brew has been of a widely believed prophecy that one day
Suu Kyi will be placed higher than the generals.
That is where the giant Buddha - the Loka Chantha Abhaya Muni, as it is
reverently known - comes in. Earlier this year, Khin Nyunt's ears
pricked up when he heard that stone sculptors in Mandalay had discovered
a huge stone monolith in the Sagyin hills near the old Burmese capital.
"Religiously inspired" - or so The New Light of Myanmar, an official
daily paper, informs us - "they decided to make it over to the state."
Their zeal was assisted by a flying visit from Khin Nyunt, who had had
an inspiration of his own. For the army's zodiacal experts had told him
that in the Burmese alphabet, the syllables "Sagyin" carried the same
astrological weight as "Suu Kyi."
Khin Nyunt flew back to Rangoon and explained the possibilities to his
boss, Senior General Than Shwe, who "gave guidance" for the monolith to
be carved into a Buddha image and transported more than 440 miles to
Rangoon. There, it was to be placed on a hill overlooking the city,
naturally positioned above the generals. Thus the prophecy would be
fulfilled and the ignorant would learn that it had nothing to do with
Suu Kyi.
On July 24, the monolith began its epic journey. It was dragged on
rollers through villages full of prostrate peasants. It was floated down
the Irrawaddy river, making stops at 13 towns to receive the homage of
the devout.
A few dared to scorn its religious authenticity, pointing out that no
Buddhist should revere an image until it is properly consecrated. The
hastily sculpted image was neither complete nor blessed, but Khin
Nyunt's men arrested one village headman who ventured to say so.
On August 26 it reached Rangoon. A specially constructed railway brought
it to the foot of Mindhamma hill and on September 5 workmen hauled it
upright to the summit.
Suu Kyi, who has explained this extraordinary story to visitors, was
languishing in the Rangoon suburb of Dalla. She had set off with her
supporters to campaign outside the city, but they were blocked by
military intelligence agents.
The standoff broke on September 2. "Six burly female officers wrestled
me to the ground and dragged me into a vehicle and took me back home,"
Suu Kyi said. "One of our youth members was beaten and another was
almost drowned in a stream."
She was isolated. Military intelligence officers simultaneously raided
her modest National League for Democracy (NLD) office, ransacked the
place and shut it down. The British ambassador, seeking to find out if
Suu Kyi was all right, was sent packing.
While a chorus of weary outrage echoed around the world, the junta
proceeded with the business at hand. Pavilions were erected in the rain
at Mindhamma. Garlands of flowers were brought and monks chanted sutras.
Boys and girls were led by their parents barefoot up the muddy slope to
gape at the blank-faced image.
Last Tuesday Khin Nyunt assumed an expression of pious devotion, stood
on a plinth and prayed alongside the clergy to inaugurate it. Than Shwe,
too grand a general to attend in person, sent his wife, Kyaing Kyaing.
The wives of the junta are said to have become the greediest of its
beneficiaries and the most resolute in urging their husbands not to give
in to the "democracy stunt actress".
Two days later a satisfied Khin Nyunt unexpectedly summoned one of Suu
Kyi's aides and told him that all restrictions were lifted. She was soon
receiving her supporters again and was able to venture out to the NLD
office. "This isn't the end of the story," she said. "If we don't keep
politically active, the party will die. So we are going to head outside
Rangoon again very soon."
Yesterday, Khin Nyunt's men materialised again. They blocked the road
leading to the NLD office. Plans to hold a meeting were frustrated. It
was back to cat and mouse again for Suu Kyi and her captors.
Up on Mindhamma, Khin Nyunt's insurance policy sits enthroned in a sea
of mud. The power of the graven image, however, may not be as great as
the generals believe.
"Don't give it a single kyat in donation," said an onlooker, referring
to the devalued local currency. "It's a show for Khin Nyunt, not our
religion," said another. Trying to outwit a prophecy can be a
treacherous game in a country as spiritual as Burma.
____________________________________________________
The Sunday Times: Fulfilling the last wish of a love that defied Burma's
generals
Sep 17, 2000.
Fulfilling the last wish of a love that defied Burma's generals Burma is
still in chains but the late husband of Aung San Suu Kyi has had another
dream come true, writes Jon Swain
As he lay dying in hospital a year and a half ago, Michael Aris, the
husband of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate and Burma's opposition
leader, had two last wishes: to be granted permission to fly to Rangoon
to say goodbye in person to his beloved wife struggling for democracy,
whom the military had prevented him from seeing for most of the past 10
years, and to create a permanent centre for Tibetan and Himalayan
studies in Britain. Tragically, he was never granted his first wish,
but the second has come beautifully true.
Aris's friends had made all the travel arrangements; a plane with
paramedics was standing by to fly him out to Rangoon. All that was
missing was a Burmese visa. It was clear that Aris had no wish to
embarrass the Burmese military or to score political points. Yet with a
vindictiveness that is still typical of the generals who run Burma
today, they denied the terminally ill academic a visa, resolving to use
his cancer as an opportunity to try to get rid of his wife.
Suu Kyi, the daughter of General Aung San, Burma's independence hero,
had been a thorn in their side since her party, the National League for
Democracy, had overwhelmingly won legislative elections in 1990. Rather
than allowing the sick Aris fly to Rangoon, they said, if she flew to
London they would allow her to return.
It was a heartbreaking decision to have to make, to put her commitment
to her country above her family. She refused to leave, knowing she would
end up in permanent exile if she did, and on his 53rd birthday Aris
slipped into unconsciousness and died without saying goodbye to the wife
he so adored.
He had always known that one day her sense of family political destiny
and obligation as Aung San's daughter would compel her to go back to
Burma, and so, even on his deathbed, he kept his word that he would
never ask her to come back to him.
Recently Suu Kyi's fortitude and determination have again been tested in
a confrontation with the security forces who blocked her vehicle as she
tried to drive out of Rangoon to the countryside for party work. She
camped out in the open for nine days before being forcibly returned to
Rangoon.
Last week the military lifted the security restrictions but the reality
is that her movements are still limited even though the padlock has been
removed from the gate of her house.
As she recovers from this latest ordeal, it must, at least, be a comfort
to her to know that her husband's other dying wish, for a Tibetan centre
in Britain, has been fulfilled.
Ever since his wife was first put under house arrest in 1989, Aris, a
shy Oxford don and Tibetologist in a tweed coat, had worked tirelessly
behind the scenes on her be half. He went through enormous strife,
fearing many times for her safety. He did not share his agony and
despair throughout those lonely years, bringing up their two boys Kim
and Alexander virtually on his own, and because of his retiring nature
few outside their close family circle knew how wonderfully effective he
was.
Almost the fact that she got the Nobel peace prize was his work. He
could lift the telephone and call political leaders, and it was largely
because of him that Suu Kyi has continued to have the strong support of
the Foreign Office.
As a result of this stubborn love and devotion what he was going to
leave behind in terms of his own life was never on Aris's mind. Then
when he was diagnosed with terminal cancer early last year he started to
work on the idea of a centre for Tibetan studies.
He always thought it extraordinary that there was no official centre for
Tibetan studies in Britain, a country with closer links to Tibet than
any other western nation. He gathered the powerful guns of Oxford,
including the heads of the Bodleian and leading colleges, and worked up
an ambitious appeal covering eight full-time posts, four studentships, a
library and a university lectureship so that Tibetan studies and
teaching would be strong after his death.
Just before he became terribly sick he got a pledge for a very large sum
from a wealthy international benefactor. That day he went by ambulance
to Highgrove and asked Prince Charles to be patron of the trust. The
prince agreed on condition that his name was used for academic not
political purposes, which it has been.
The Michael Aris Memorial Trust for Tibetan and Himalayan Studies is
largely in the hands of Anthony Aris, his identical twin brother. The
twins were born in Havana and spent their early childhood in Peru before
being sent to a Sussex boarding school run by Dominican monks. This
Catholic upbringing led, surprisingly, to a shared passion for the East.
Anthony says the lectureship has now been endowed and a candidate
selected to start in October at the Oriental Institute in Oxford. The
trust has so far raised about ¨²1.6m and now seeks further resources.
"There was a fund of goodwill for Michael," says Anthony. "He was much
loved."
Anthony, who is as sensitive as his brother to the need to protect Suu
Kyi and her family, is now considering donating his brother's diaries
and personal papers to the library under limited access. Several
cardboard cartons take up a corner of his London home.
Michael saw himself as just a husband "trying to support my wife as best
I can". Should his twin make these papers public, the full extent of his
unstinting devotion will become known.
____________________________________________________
BBC: New international airport opened in Burma
Sunday, 17 September, 2000, 07:56 GMT 08:56 UK
The military government in Burma has opened a new international airport
which it hopes will boost the country's tourist industry.
The airport, north of the capital, Rangoon, which cost one hundred and
fifty million dollars, has the capacity to handle large wide-bodied
passenger jets and some three million passengers a year.
Correspondents though say visitors have been deterred from Burma because
of its human rights record and the opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi's
call for a tourism boycott.
____________________________________________________
AP: Myanmar Junta Denounce Suu Kyi
Monday September 18 2:49 AM ET
By AYE AYE WIN, Associated Press Writer
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) - A government newspaper Monday urged people not to
join with democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, calling her the ``satan of
destruction,'' intent only on confronting Myanmar's nationalist rulers.
'``Relying on the international community and in collusion with foreign
countries, she makes confrontation and tries to cause difficulty to the
government,'' read a commentary in Myanma Alin.
``As the strength of a nation lies within the country I want to urge the
people to prevent and to be aware of the dangers of destructionist
ax-handles,'' the article said. Ax-handle is a way of describing a
traitor in Myanmar, also known as Burma.
Myanmar's state media have stepped up their near-daily dose of criticism
against Suu Kyi during the last three weeks as she and her National
League for Democracy party were locked in a test of wills with the
government.
It started on Aug. 24, when security forces blocked her car as she tried
to travel outside Yangon for party work. She camped out in the open for
nine days before being forcibly hauled back to the capital on Sept 1.
Then she and eight top party leaders were kept under virtual house
arrest for two weeks until the security restrictions were lifted last
Thursday.
Suu Kyi has said she will defy the government again and try to travel
outside soon.
``This is confrontational. I wonder if her conscience is clear,'' the
Myanma Alin article said.
Only the military, ``who are the national forces, ... can work for the
benefit of the country. Anyone that joins hands with destructive forces
will work for the destruction of the country,'' the article said.
``It is obvious that Mrs. Michael Aris, alias Daw Suu Kyi, is the satan
of destruction delivered by Western colonialists,'' it said, referring
to her late husband, Michael Aris.
The commentary came on the 12th anniversary of the rise to power of the
current military regime. Thousands of people were killed in the
crackdown against a nationwide protest for civilian rule.
The August-September 1988 upheaval catapulted Suu Kyi, the daughter of
Myanmar's independence hero, Aung San, to political prominence. She
later formed the National League for Democracy but was put under house
arrest from 1989 until 1995. Her party won national elections in 1990
but the junta never recognized the results.
____________________________________________________
DVB: Five Burmese troops reported dead, one wounded in ambush
Text of report by Burmese opposition radio on 13th September
Five SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] soldiers were killed and
another was wounded when a SPDC platoon was ambushed by Karenni
guerrillas on their return from Loikaw in Kayah State on 31st August.
A platoon from LIR [Light Infantry Regiment] No 418 led by Maj Thet
Naing that is active in Hpruso Township, Kayah State, was ambushed when
they returned from Loikaw by car after withdrawing their salary. DVB
correspondent Kaung Myat reported that another battle with the Karenni
guerrillas ensued when more SPDC soldiers that later arrived as
reinforcements pursued the rebels.
Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo, in Burmese 1245 gmt 13 Sep 00
____________________________________________________
New Light of Myanmar (SPDC): Cut spending and increase family income
Saturday, 16 September, 2000
The State is assisting for maintaining agriculture and livestock
breeding on a manageable scale so that there may be sufficiency in food,
clothing and shelter nationwide. Similarly, Myanmar Maternal and Child
Welfare Association is giving household vocational training. The
Association does so with an objective of closing money leakage and
increasing family's income. Such a training course was opened on 17
August 1998 at Multi-purpose hall of the association. Up to date Saving
Class has seen opened eleven times and Cookery Training ten times. A
regular two-month training on sewing and cookery has been conducted.
We women undertake cooking food for the family. We try to provide
tasteful and nutritious food to the family with less expenditure. If we
cannot save money in incurring kitchen expenditure it will be really a
disservice to our family. It will lead to loss in human resources
development. The cookery Training Course is teaching us domestic
science. It also teaches us how to earn household income separately. The
experienced chef teaches us cooking and confectionary art both in theory
and practice.
Sewing is an essential art for the family. By stitching clothes for self
and family, expenditure can be saved. If it can be done on commercial
scale, family income will be increased. The graduates from these
training courses conduct multiplier courses when they get back to their
townships and regions. Thus it will benefit the outsiders. We read often
in the papers about the conclusion ceremonies of Saving and Cookery
Courses conducted by State, Division and Township Maternal and Child
Welfare Associations. This writer takes pride on behalf of the
woman-mass. The income of woman-trainee is learnt to be between Kyats
3000 to 5000 per month.
In giving speeches to course conclusion ceremonies, the Chairperson of
the association Professor Daw Kyu Kyu Swe and Vice Chairperson Dr Daw
Khin Win Shwe said that they are glad to present Course completion
certificates. As they wish the trainees to be skilful, the training
courses are held in spite of heavy duties they are performing. At the
end of every course, reviews are made by the supervision committee
whether there is any difficulty or not. Only after they are satisfied
with the completed course, the next course is opened. They take pride in
the emergence of outstanding trainees. Pass certificates are presented
only to the trainees who observe discipline, who are punctual and who
are practically skilful. I heard these points whenever I attended the
closing ceremonies on duty.
These training courses are opened even in border areas under the
arrangement of Maternal and Child Welfare Association of States and
Divisions. Trainees coming from the districts are accommodated well. The
Maternal and Child Welfare Association is a reliable organization for
the entire womenfolk all over the country. The courses can be opened
because of the endeavours of the patrons, Central Executive Committee
members and course supervisors of the Association. Every woman should
attend the training course. The training fee is only 2,000 kyats. The
fee is quite reasonable when compared with outside training courses. The
course lasts for two months. State Peace and Development Council is
building Peaceful, modern, developed Nation. Women also take part in
this task as a reliable force. Work is being done for the security of
women. In accordance with the aims and objectives of the State, the
Maternal and Child Welfare Association is working for the development of
women who form ! more than half of the national population. I am not
going too far if I say that the Maternal and Child Welfare Association
is taking the vital role in playing for the improvement of women.
Article : Nwe Nwe Kyi
____________________________________________________
Burma Peace Foundation: When is a cease-fire not a cease-fire?
David Arnott
Sept 15, 2000
About 10 days ago I posted the summary and URL of the "Landmine Monitor"
report on Burma (Myanmar):
http://www.igc.org/nonviolence/burmamines/lm2.html
One thing I didn't notice then was the Chart of Ethnic Political
Organizations with
Armed Wings in Burma, which you have to click on a button to find. An
interesting
thing about this list of 33 armed groups* in Burma is how many of them
have no cease-fire arrangement with Rangoon. Out of 33, the chart
lists 10 as having cease-fires**, 21 with no ceasefire, one (the KNPP)
as having a broken cease-fire and one (NSCN-Khaplang) is queried. It
would be absurd to count the KNPP among the cease-fire groups, given
their recent battles with the SPDC, and Khaplang's troops were fighting
the Burma Army just a few weeks ago. On the other hand, the DKBA, while
having no cease-fire, is not really in a state of belligerency with
Rangoon.
So that makes 10 armed groups which currently have a cease-fire with
Rangoon to 23 which do not. These are rather different figures to the
SPDC's 18 cease-fire groups to 1 non cease-fire.
The reason the junta cooks the books here as elsewhere is presumably
because it seeks to present itself as successful in this area, at least.
But unfortunately, even in the military field, where one might have
expected accuracy, the generals' figures must be consigned to the same
smoking heap as their inflated economic growth figures, Khin Nyunt's
"25,000" HIV/AIDS infections" (as contrasted with a conservative
estimate of 530,000 by UNAIDS***) and so on.
The number of current cease-fire arrangements the junta has claimed has
given it a fair amount of credit with other countries and international
organisations; but it seems that once more, the claims are fraudulent.
--------------------------------------
* There are a variety of small self proclaimed armed groups that are
dysfunctional or not currently active which are not included.
Revolutionary political organizations, which do not maintain an armed
wing, are not included. Some of the armed ethnic organizations are
primarily involved in the narcotics trade for self-perpetuation rather
than any real political activity. Several armed groups are quite small,
and work only in alliance with other groups. (chart footnotes)
** Ceasefire: Has verbally negotiated ceasefire agreement with SLORC or
SPDC (no written agreements exist) (chart footnotes)
*** Dr Chris Beyrer of Johns Hopkins University, one of the world's
leading experts in the epidemiology of HIV/AIDS who has worked for
several years in the region, says that there must be at least 750,000
HIV cases in Burma, and I have heard estimates of up to 2 million.
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
Indonesian Observer: Wahid pledges help for Aung San Suu Kyi
September 9, 2000
JAKARTA (IO) - President Abdurrahman Wahid yesterday pledged to do his
best to help Myanmarese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi who was
last week placed under a road blockade and is now under house arrest.
Speaking before accepting a global leadership award from Columbia
University in New York on Thursday evening (Friday morning in
Indonesia), Wahid said he had received a written request from Suu Kyi
to help her fight for democracy in Myanmar.
The president was quoted by Antara as saying he would do everything in
his capacity to help safeguard the Myanmarese opposition leader.
He said helping Suu Kyi is one of 11 cases in various countries which
Indonesia has been asked to help to find solutions.
The other issues include the India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir, and
disputes between Iran and other countries in the Persian Gulf.
Wahid was on Thursday urged to immediately come forward as a mediator in
the political conflict in Myanmar.
Five organizations - the Independent Journalists Association (AJI),
Kontras, Solidamor, Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) and the Southeast Asia
Press Association (SEAPA) - all want Wahid to help out Suu Kyi.
The five groups released a joint statement of concern on the blocking of
Suu Kyi and the attack against the Myanmarese Democratic National
League (NLD) headquarters, Antara reported.
The statement was signed by Didik Supriyanto (AJI), Munarman (Kontras),
Lukas Luwarso (SEAPA), Bonar Tigor Naipospos and Bambang Ekalaya
(YLBHI).
They want the Myanmarese military regime to immediately put an end to
its brutality by opening a dialog with Suu Kyi. The groups said that
only through a dialog can the differences in governing the state be
settled.
The five organizations then urged Wahid to mediate between the military
junta under Than Shwe and the NLD of Suu Kyi.
"It is quite ironic and shameful that Gus Dur's government allows and
even supports the fascist regime, the dictator who robbed Burma's
democracy," one particularly brusque point of the statement said.
For the Indonesian people who are struggling for reform, supporting
democracy in Myanmar is an inseparable part of the fight for reform,
said the statement.
The recent blockade incident was the fourth since Suu Kyi, 1991 Nobel
Peace Prize winner, was freed from house arrest in 1995. In 1998, Suu
Kyi and a party were blocked in the outskirt of Yangoon where they
stayed in their vehicles for 13 days. But this time the blocking
by the military junta lasted only for 10 days. It was followed by an
attack by the Army against the NLD headquarters.
Myanmar's state-run press yesterday accused Suu Kyi of being "power
crazy" and blaming her for pushing the country toward "utter
devastation", AP reported.
The 55-year-old leader's party headquarters has been closed, and senior
party officials confined to their homes.
Yesterday's commentary in Myanmar-language Kyemon daily revived an old
allegation that Suu Kyi - whom it mockingly referred to as the
"democracy princess" - had once called for Western military
intervention in Myanmar, which was formerly called Burma.
Sounding eerily similar to the downright rubbish that ex-president
Soeharto's regime used to say about pro-democracy activists in
Indonesia, the Kyemon said Suu Kyi's pressures on the government were
undertaken "with the aim of pushing the country toward utter
devastation".
"With the aim of grabbing power, the democracy stunt princess and her
party invite foreign interference and welcome any intervention or
invasion," it said.
Suu Kyi has for many years been a frequent target of the
state-controlled press, which parrots the ruling junta's ludicrous
claims that she and her party are impeding progress toward democracy
and prosperity.
On August 24, police stopped Suu Kyi and 14 party colleagues in a suburb
of the capital, barring them from traveling to the countryside to carry
out political organizing.
Suu Kyi and her colleagues refused to return to the capital, and drew
international attention and sympathy by camping out in their cars until
they were forcibly returned to Yangon on the night of September 1.
The government said the party leaders were asked to stay home to
facilitate an investigation at their headquarters. The junta alleges
there are links between some National League for Democracy (NLD) youth
wing members and anti-government groups who were allegedly planning
"terrorist" activities.
Myanmar's government has kept the NLD on a tight leash since 1988 when
Suu Kyi led pro-democracy demonstrations. The military allowed national
elections in 1990 but refused to honor the results when the NLD won a
landslide.
The roadside confrontation and the crackdown have drawn attention in the
international press and criticism from Western nations.
In a separate attack also in yesterday's edition of Kyemon, the
purported former secretary of the NLD branch office in Dala - the
suburb where Suu Kyi staged her roadside standoff - lauded the
authorities for sending her and her colleagues back to Yangon before
local residents drove them out.
Asked about movements to secede from the Republic of Indonesia,
President Wahid expressed his confidence that they would be overcome
satisfactorily. President Wahid said the separatist movements in the
provinces of Aceh, Irian Jaya, Riau, Maluku and North Maluku have no
significant number of supporters.
On the occasion, he noted with emphasis that the conflicts in Maluku and
North Maluku have nothing to do with inter-religious issues, but are
between extremist Muslims and Christians.
The blocking of Suu Kyi, the attack against the NLD headquarters and the
house arrest of NLD activists are an effort to separate the party's
leader from the people, said the statement.
The groups said that what has been done by the military regime was a
violation of human rights, the right of movement from one place to
another, and the right of assembly and expression.
Calls and appeals from the outside world both from the West and
international institutions to the military regime in Myanmar to hold a
dialog with Suu Kyi and the NLD have never been heeded.
Analysts say Myanmar's regime used to model some of its aspects on the
regime of Soeharto.
____________________________________________________
WB (Netherlands): Students in Burma struggle for education
WB, Weekblad voor Wageningen UR, 7 September 2000
(Weekly Magazine of University of Wageningen, The Netherlands)
Dutch student and chairwoman of the Wageningen student organisation WSO,
Annette de Raadt, came back shocked from a visit to Burma last week.
''The only thing students want is freedom, democracy and education. Yet
they are denied these basic human rights.''
Student protests against the lack of democracy of the ruling military
regime in Burma reached a peak in 1988. The demonstrations were brutally
suppressed and many students were killed, and since then the
universities have been closed most of the time. Last July Burmese
authorities officially opened the universities again. But the re-opening
was recently condemned 'a sham' by a group of 14 visiting students,
academics, journalists and NGO representatives from ten different
countries.
De Raadt, student and chairwoman of the Wageningen student organisation
WSO, was one of them. De Raadt: ''Next to each university is a military
camp. Any student who does not agree with the regime is arrested.
Students, their teachers and family have to swear loyalty to the
government before they are admitted to the university.'' De Raadt says
that education is used as a political tool in Burma and wants to direct
attention of the public and politicians here to the issue. She attended
a forum meeting in Rangoon, the capital of what the authorities call
Myanmar, but is still called Burma by most citizens of the Southeast
Asian country. The forum discussion, on free education and democracy in
Burma, was organised by Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition
party National League for Democracy NLD. Suu Kyi won the Nobel Prize for
peace in 1991, a year after her party won an overwhelming 82 percent of
the votes in the general election, which was ignored by the regime.
De Raadt was invited to attend the forum through the Dutch Burma Centre
(Birma Centrum Nederland). She continues: ''The WSO is a student union
for students from Wageningen, but like the university we are
internationally oriented. We want to contribute to student participation
in countries where students are oppressed.'' De Raadt herself was kept
under surveillance and questioned by Burmese police when she crossed the
border with Thailand to meet with Burmese refugees to discuss their
situation. She says she was afraid of being arrested while being in
Burma, but believes that remaining together as a group of western
representatives made it difficult for the authorities to arrest them.
Now De Raadt hopes that Dutch or international politicians will voice
their concern about the situation in Burma. She also wants to start a
discussion within the Wageningen academic community on the contribution
Wageningen as a university can make to improving conditions in other
countries where students and scientists are not free to study and work.
| J.T.
____________________________________________________
NCGUB: Urgent Action Alert to call the US Congress in support of keeping
the US sanctions in place: A Note from the Burmese Exiled Government
[Abridged]
September 13, 2000
We alert you of an emerging, in fact, a discouraging congressional
attitude towards Burma.
Last May, a concurrent resolution on Burma, which is H. Con. Res. 328
and S. Con. Res. 113, was introduced in the House and Senate. It is a
bipartisan effort to express the sense of the Congress in recognition of
the 1990 elections and the urgent need to improve the democratic and
human rights of the people of Burma. So far, 18 Senators and 47 House of
Representatives have cosponsored the resolution. The Senate has already
passed the resolution and referred to the House on July 19, 2000.
The House still needs to pass the resolution. Today, We just had a mark
up of the House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the
Pacific on the H. Con. Res. 328. Doug Bereuter (R-NE), John C. Cooksey
(R-LA), Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) and Eni F.H. Faleomavaega (D-AS) were
present at the hearing. The alarming situation is Subcommittee Chairman
Doug Bereuter brought in an amendment to delete the endorsement of U.S.
sanctions against the military junta by saying the sanctions have been
totally ineffective. It is really a dangerous trend trying to take off
amidst the mounting brutal crack down of the military regime on Aung San
Suu Kyi and Burmese democratic movement. We are gravely concerned of
this situation. We feel that corporate lobbying in favor of constructive
engagement is going too far.
We definitely need to reinstate the sanctions language at the mark up of
the House International Relations Committee that will be held in a week.
We urge you "Free Burma Activists" to take immediate actions to make
sure the sanctions language against the Burmese military is reinserted.
Please call all members of the House International Relations Committee
and tell them you do not want to see sanctions deleted or lifted.
Attached please find the original text of the House Concurrent
Resolution 328 and the list of the House International Relations
Committee members.
Dr. Thaung Htun
Representative for UN Affairs, National Coalition Government of the
Union of Burma
Expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition of the 10th
anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma and the urgent need
to improve the democratic and human rights of... (Introduced in the
House) HCON 328 IH
106th CONGRESS
2d Session
H. CON. RES. 328
Expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition of the 10th
anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma and the urgent need
to improve the democratic and human rights of the people of Burma.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
May 16, 2000
Mr. PORTER (for himself, Mr. LANTOS, Mr. GILMAN, Mr. SMITH of New
Jersey, Mr. DELAHUNT, Mr. PITTS, Mr. KUCINICH, Mr. PAYNE, Mr.
DIAZ-BALART, Mr. ROHRABACHER, Mr. ABERCROMBIE, Mr. MCGOVERN, Mr. SHAYS,
Mr. CASTLE, Mr. BERMAN, Mr. ENGEL, Mr. SANDERS, Mr. HORN, Mr. RAHALL,
Mr. BALDACCI, Mrs. MORELLA, Mr. GUTIERREZ, Mr. OBERSTAR, Mr. CAPUANO,
Mr. STARK, Mr. OLVER, Ms. LEE, Mr. WAXMAN, Mr. RUSH, and Mr. UDALL of
Colorado) submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was
referred to the Committee on International Relations
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION
Expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition of the 10th
anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma and the urgent need
to improve the democratic and human rights of the people of Burma.
Whereas in 1988 thousands of Burmese citizens called for a democratic
change in Burma and participated in peaceful demonstrations to achieve
this result; Whereas these demonstrations were brutally repressed by
the Burmese military, resulting in the loss of hundreds of lives;
Whereas despite continued repression, the Burmese people turned out in
record numbers to vote in elections deemed free and fair by
international observers; Whereas on May 27, 1990, the National League
for Democracy (NLD) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won more than 60 percent
of the popular vote and 80 percent of the parliamentary seats in the
elections; Whereas the Burmese military rejected the results of the
elections, placed Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of members of the
NLD under arrest, pressured members of the NLD to resign, and severely
restricted freedom of assembly, speech, and the press; Whereas
48,000,000 people in Burma continue to suffer gross violations of human
rights, including the right to democracy, and economic deprivation under
a military regime known as the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC); Whereas on September 16, 1998, the members of the NLD and other
political parties who won the 1990 elections joined together to form the
Committee Representing the People's Parliament (CRPP) as an interim
mechanism to address human rights, economic and other conditions, and
provide representation of the political views and voice of Members of
Parliament elected to but denied office in 1990; Whereas the United
Nations General Assembly and Commission on Human Rights have condemned
in nine consecutive resolutions the persecution of religious and ethnic
minorities and the political opposition, and SPDC's record of forced
labor, exploitation, and sexual violence against women; Whereas the
United States and the European Union Council of Foreign Ministers have
similarly condemned conditions in Burma and officially imposed travel
restrictions and other sanctions against the SPDC; Whereas in May 1999,
the International Labor Organization (ILO) condemned the SPDC for
inflicting forced labor on the people and has banned the SPDC from
participating in any ILO meetings; Whereas the 1999 Department of State
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Burma identifies more than
1,300 people who continue to suffer inhumane detention conditions as
political prisoners in Burma; Whereas the Department of State
International Narcotics Control Report for 2000 determines that Burma is
the second largest world-wide source of illicit opium and heroin and
that there are continuing, reliable reports that Burmese officials are
`involved in the drug business or are paid to allow the drug business to
be conducted by others', conditions which pose a direct threat to United
States national security interests; and Whereas despite these massive
violations of human rights and civil liberties and chronic economic
deprivation, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and members of the NLD have continued
to call for a peaceful political dialogue with the SPDC to achieve a
democratic transition: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of
Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the Sense of the
Congress that--
(1) United States policy should strongly support the restoration of
democracy in Burma, including implementation of the results of the free
and fair elections of 1990;
(2) United States policy should continue to call upon the military
regime in Burma known as the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC)-- (A) to guarantee freedom of assembly, freedom of
movement, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press for all Burmese
citizens; (B) to immediately accept a political dialogue with
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and
ethnic leaders to advance peace and reconciliation in Burma;
(C) to immediately and unconditionally release all detained Members
elected to the 1990 parliament and other political prisoners; and
(D) to promptly and fully uphold the terms and conditions of all human
rights and related resolutions passed by the United Nations General
Assembly, the Commission on Human Rights, the International Labor
Organization, and the European Union; and
(3) United States policy should sustain current economic and political
sanctions against Burma as the appropriate means-- (A) to
secure the restoration of democracy, human rights, and civil liberties
in Burma; and (B) to support United States national security
counternarcotics interests.
_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS________________
The Daily Star: Suu Kyi's Determind Struggle
Sep 17, 2000.
By Zaglul Ahmed
MYANMAR is not in the South Asian region. It is, in a way, a go-between
between South Asia and Southeast Asia. Nonetheless, it is at the
vicinity of our region and developments surrounding it evoke interests
for obvious reasons.
Myanmar is a member-state of the ASEAN. In Southeast Asian countries,
democracy is showing greater commitment in recent times than before.
When a South Asian country like Pakistan reverts to military rule
causing frustration in democratic South Asia, a major nation in
Southeast
Asia has a government that can be characterised largely democratic given
the history of that country. It is Indonesia where an army dictator
finally bowed to the pro-democracy forces that eventually led to a
government headed by President Abdur Rahman Wahid. While Malaysia
remains firmly entrenched in democratic rule and its leader Mahathir
Mohammad has established himself as one of the longest serving
democratically elected head of the government in the region, Indonesia's
quest for democracy is yet not over.
The Myanmar case is well known across the world. But certain
developments relating to the nature of its governance and its
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has come to the fore in recent
days highlighting the treatment being meted out to the Nobel laureate.
Restrictions were imposed on Suu Kyi's movement some time ago when she
was barred from travelling outside Yangon. She was going to meet her
supporters on August 24 at Dala but the police stopped her and the group
travelling with her at the outskirts of the capital. This was Suu Kyi's
first trip outside Yangon in last two years and she had to spend in car,
locked in a tense stand-off with government officials. When she and the
group were forcibly taken back to the capital, the episode once again
drew international attention revolving a leader who was denied her
electoral victory and is often coming under harsh treatment from the
military regime. She was not convinced by arguments of the government
that she was stopped because of "lack of security" measures required for
the visit.
She was detained again and this triggered off criticisms from the
democratic world, particularly from the United States and the European
Union, against the Myanmar government, asking the authorities to release
the pro-democracy leader from house arrest and withdraw all kinds of
restrictions imposed on her freedom of movement.
Then the government lifted some restrictions and allowed her visitors
for the first time since the stand-off. Western diplomats visited her
and said both Suu Kyi and the chief of the National League for Democracy
(NLD) Tin Oo looked thinner than they used to be. The government said
Suu Kyi and other opposition leaders who were placed under house arrest
since September 2 no longer needed to stay at home. The NDL leaders,
however, deplored because their headquarters still remain closed and
relaxation in the restrictions since the opposition leaders were under
house arrest were not anything encouraging. The ban for them on
travelling outside the capital still stands.
But for Suu Kyi, the lifting of the ban is not enough. She said she
would make a trip outside Yangon in next few days. "It is high time that
the government stops restrictions on our right to operate as a political
party," she was quoted to have said. She turned the table on the
authorities saying, it was up to the SPDC (State Peace and Development
Council), which is the ruling junta, to choose any line of action it
likes. The latest situation brings into sharp focus another ordeal that
seems to be in the offing involving the pro-democracy leader and the
authorities. Because, any attempt by her to travel outside Yangon is
likely to be met with adequate measures from the government, since the
restrictions on trips outside the capital still stands. This is expected
to come close on the heels of the recent stand-off on her way to Dala.
Two years ago, Suu Kyi spent 13 days in car after being prevented from
leaving Yangon. She had to give up her protest suffering from
dehydration. For the leader who is struggling to establish democracy in
the country, nothing is unexpected since she took up the task as a
principled position.
Suu Kyi, daughter of slain Burmese nationalist leader General Aung San,
lived in London where she studded and married a British but returned to
Myanmar in 1988. She felt the nation should have popular system of
governance. She quickly emerged as a pro-democracy leader and her
movement won 82 per cent of the votes in the national elections of 1990
reflecting the wish of the people towards democracy. But the military
refused to relinquish power and Suu Kyi alleged massive repression
against her supporters while she herself was detained in various phases.
She believes in non-violence and is greatly inspired by leaders like
Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King JR. She urges the regime to settle
political differences through dialogue and negotiations. She won hearts
of the people of Myanmar and her tireless campaign for democratic
principles won her the Nobel Peace award. The struggle to restore
democracy in the country began in 1962 when the military seized power
and Suu Kyi provided the kind of push and encouragement needed to the
objective after her return from London.
However, it has to be admitted that the pro-democracy forces in Myanmar
faces a daunting task in their mission since the regime has built up a
system over the years which is strong and unlikely to crack easily. It
says that military has successfully given security and development to a
country which was mired with manifold problems. It also says that the
transformation of the nation is taking place as far as the economic
development and progress are concerned. The government ridicules Suu
Kyi's claim that only a representative government can meet the
aspirations of Myanmar people. True, the long running campaign by the
democratic leader has aroused deep emotions among the people but this
will be naive to think that she and her supporters will be able to make
much dent in the ruling base of the regime.
The junta's frequent harsh measures help Suu Kyi earn sympathy but
unfortunately there is little likelihood that the situation would
explode in anything uprising in the near future. But the strength of the
Myanmar popular leader lies in the massive support and sympathy she
enjoys across the world. The world leaders at the recent Millennium
Summit in New York deplored
Myanmar government to for treating Suu Kye undemocratically. Suu Kyi has
thanked UN secretary general Kofi Anan for the support during her car
ordeal and also expressed gratefulness to the world leaders who morally
stood by her.
Undoubtedly, Suu Kye faces an uphill task in her campaign to restore
democracy in the country. It is possible that she can see the light at
the end of the tunnel. However, this may be a long way. Democracy in
this Southeast Asian nation would certainly encourage flourishment of
representative government in this part of the world and nearby regions.
Suu Kyi deserves appreciation for her uninterrupted struggle to ensure
reflection of popular will in the governance.
Committee to Protect Journalist: CPJ Outraged by Imprisonment of Cheng
Poh
BURMESE LAWYER SENTENCED TO 14 YEARS IN PRISON FOR DISTRIBUTING FOREIGN
NEWS Cheng Poh's Imprisonment Latest Sign of Burma's Disregard for Press
Freedom
New York, September 14, 2000---The Committee to Protect Journalists
(CPJ) called yesterday's sentencing of lawyer Cheng Poh "an outrageous
violation of press freedom" and expressed concerns for his safety.
Cheng Poh, 77, was sentenced to 14 years in prison yesterday for
allegedly distributing foreign news articles, according to CPJ sources.
Arrested in July, Cheng Poh has been detained in Rangoon's notorious
Insein Prison, prompting concerns for his health. His sentence was
delivered by a special court housed inside the prison compound, The
Associated Press reported.
"The sentencing of Cheng Poh is sadly typical of Burma's miserable
record on press freedom," said CPJ executive director Ann Cooper. "CPJ
is outraged that Burmese citizens are deprived of their liberty for
exercising their internationally guaranteed right to free expression."
The ruling junta in Burma (officially known as Myanmar) presides over
one of the world's most repressive censorship regimes. Both print and
broadcast media are tightly controlled by state censors, so many Burmese
rely on what little foreign news they can get, mostly in the form of
short-wave radio broadcasts produced overseas.
Cheng Poh was sentenced to two consecutive seven-year prison terms for
allegedly violating the 1950 Emergency Provisions Act and the 1962
Printers and Publishers Registration Law, both of which are regularly
used against journalists and political dissidents.
Burma recently stepped up its criticism of international media after
widespread international condemnation of the government's treatment of
opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. In an official
statement issued last week, the Burmese government accused the foreign
press of conducting a "synchronized negative media campaign" at the
behest of some Western nations.
CPJ is a New York-based, nonpartisan, nonprofit organization of
journalists that works to promote press freedom around the world. For
more information on press conditions in Burma, visit the CPJ web site at
<www.cpj.org>.
_____________________ OTHER ______________________
PD Burma: Calendar of events with regard to Burma
¨Z September 18th : Anniversary of SLORC Coup, 1988
¨Z September 24th : National League for Democracy formed
1988
¨Z September 24th : Burma Solidarity Concert.
Organised by Worldview Rights, the
Norwegian Burma Council
and the Norwegian Church Aid, Oslo
¨Z September 26th markussteen@xxxxxxxxx: Open
meeting: The cost of Army Rule. Organised by the Norwegian
Burma Council, Oslo
¨Z September 27th : Board meeting for the Burmese
Border Consortium, Oslo
¨Z September : UN General Assembly, New York
¨Z September : NCGUB Meetings
¨Z September/October : Second EU "troika" mission to Burma
¨Z October : EU Foreign Ministers to review Burma
Policy
¨Z October 16-21st : 104th Inter-Parliamentary
Conference, Jakarta
¨Z October 17-18th : 4th Annual Meeting for PD
Burma, Jakarta
¨Z October 19- 20th : The Asem Summit, Seoul
¨Z October 26-28th : The 50th Congress of Liberal
International, Ottawa
¨Z November : ILO Review of Burma's practises
¨Z November 2-17th : 279th Session of the Governing Body
and its committees, Geneva
¨Z November 17th : Global Day of Action on Open Schools
¨Z November 10-11th :Meeting of the Council of the
Socialist International, Maputo
¨Z
December 11-12th : EU and ASEAN Ministerial-level meeting,
Laos
¨Z January 2001 : Sweden takes over EU Presidency
¨Z February : Meeting of Solidarity Groups,
Brussels
¨Z March/April : Teachers/ Students Union Conferences
¨Z March/April : EU Common Position Review
¨Z March/April : UN Human Rights Commission, Geneva
¨Z May/June : Meeting of Solidarity Groups
¨Z July : Belgium takes over EU Presidency
____________________________________________________
________________
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