BurmaNet News: September 26, 2000

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______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
_________September 26, 2000   Issue # 1627__________

	
INSIDE BURMA _______
*Reuters: Fears for Suu Kyi as Myanmar media hails detention
*AP: Suu Kyi's party not to mark its 12th anniversary in protest 
*SHAN: Forced Labor in northern Shan State: Junta ignores ILO Warning 
*Asiaweek: Junta Dissidents
*New Statesman: It's no joke; Myanmar comics jailed over political humor
*KNAHR: News about general situation in Mawchi,  Karenni

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AFP: Thailand wants talks in Myanmar: minister 
*Gamma Magazine (Indonesia): Observing Gus Dur from Burma

ECONOMY/BUSINESS _______
*Bangkok Post: Quiet debut for Mandalay airport	
*The Hindu (New Delhi): Myanmar rice for India


The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
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__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
	


Reuters: Fears for Suu Kyi as Myanmar media hails detention

By Aung Hla Tun 

 YANGON, Sept 26 (Reuters) - Diplomats said on Tuesday they were 
concerned the de facto house arrest of Myanmar opposition leader Aung 
San Suu Kyi could be made official after newspapers said the country had 
benefited by locking her up during the 1990s. 

 Suu Kyi has been confined to her residence, with her telephone cut and 
diplomatic access barred, since the early hours of Friday when police 
forcibly removed her from Yangon's main railway station to foil her 
latest bid to travel outside the capital. 

 The 55-year-old Nobel laureate spent six years under house arrest until 
1995. 

 A commentary published on Tuesday in the Myanma Alin and Kyemon 
newspapers, official mouthpieces of the military regime, said Suu Kyi's 
house arrest was necessary because she had incited unrest. 

 ``If such restrictions had not been imposed, the nation-building tasks 
in progress in the country today would not have been smooth,'' it said. 

 ``The people do not accept Suu Ky's activities to incite unrest as they 
understand unrest is not democracy. The government had to put a brake on 
her unruliness in accord with the desire of the people.'' 

 It added that since 1998 Suu Kyi had also been ``carrying out a number 
of activities to destroy the nation.'' 

 Western diplomats in Yangon said they were concerned the statement 
hinted that the current restrictions on Suu Kyi would be made more 
permanent and official. 

 ``There is a concern that she will be placed under house arrest. Of 
course, she is already effectively under house arrest, but now the 
concern is that it will be formalised and that it could be lengthy,'' 
one diplomat in Yangon told Reuters by telephone. 

 Seven other leaders of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) 
are also being confined to their homes, and NLD Vice Chairman U Tin Oo 
has been held by the authorities since accompanying Suu Kyi on her bid 
to travel outside Yangon by rail. 

 Suu Kyi was also kept locked in her home from September 2 to 14, after 
a nine-day roadside stand-off sparked by her attempt to leave Yangon by 
car was forcibly brought to an end. 

 The NLD won national elections in 1990 by a huge margin but has never 
been allowed to govern. 

 A government spokesman on Tuesday insisted the current restrictions on 
Suu Kyi and her colleagues were temporary, but could not say how long 
they would last. 

 The government's treatment of Suu Kyi has provoked widespread 
international condemnation. Myanmar accuses its critics of meddling in 
its internal affairs and has told them to mind their  own business. 
 (With additional reporting by Andrew Marshall in Bangkok) 


____________________________________________________



AP: Suu Kyi's party not to mark its 12th anniversary in protest 

Sept 26

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) _ The opposition National League for Democracy will 
not mark the 12th anniversary of its founding in protest against the 
forced confinement of its top leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi by the 
military junta, an NLD official said. 

 ``Since all the NLD leaders are under restriction, we have no plan to 
hold the party founding ceremony on Wednesday,'' said the official, 
speaking on condition of anonymity. 

 But the NLD headquarters will open as usual, the official said. 
 On Tuesday, the NLD headquarters were crowded as it observed the weekly 
Children's Day. Every Tuesday, NLD workers hand out medicine and food to 
children. 

 Suu Kyi and eight other central executive committee members of the NLD 
have been under virtual house arrest since Sept. 22 in the latest 
crackdown on the pro-democracy movement by the iron-fisted junta. 

 The restrictions were imposed after security forces hauled Suu Kyi and 
deputy party leader Tin Oo out of the Yangon railway station when they 
tried to travel to Myanmar's second biggest city for party work. 
Officials say Tin Oo is being kept at a government guest house. 
 The NLD was officially registered by the Election Commission on Sept. 
27, 1988, nine days after the current crop of generals took power amid 
hopes of a new future for Myanmar, which has been under military rule 
since 1962. The junta held elections in 1990, but refused to give up 
power when the NLD won overwhelmingly. 

 It does not allow Suu Kyi to travel outside Yangon, and has physically 
prevented her on several 
occasions. Her frequent acts of defiance have been answered by stricter 
crackdowns on NLD members. 

 A commentary in the Myanma-alin newspaper Tuesday accused Suu Kyi, a 
1991 Nobel Peace laureate, of trying to disintegrate the country. 

 ``Not realizing the unpopularity among the public, Suu Kyi and her NLD 
members continue to disrupt stability, infringe the existing laws and 
create various problems,'' the government newspaper wrote. 

 `` Wandering round the city and disrupting the stability is one of Suu 
Kyi's tactics. Knowing that unrest is not democracy, the public do not 
accept Suu Kyi anymore,'' it said. 

 On Monday, the head of the ruling military council, Senior Gen. Than 
Shwe, told teacher trainees at a university that ``only when there is 
stability and national unity, will there be development.''







____________________________________________________



SHAN: Forced Labor in northern Shan State: Junta ignores ILO Warning 

Shan Herald Agency for News
 
22 September 2000


S.H.A.N. correspondent in northern Shan State reported on 13 September 
that  junta units were flouting the International Labor Organization's 
warning on  14 June by continuing their compulsory labor.

According to sources, at least a hundred people from each of the 15  
villages in Hsipaw Township were summoned by the IB 23 to join in this  
year's corn-harvest in the 100-acre Army's land at Kawngwa, between 
Pangniu  and Nakang, since 1 September.

The villagers were also required to bring their own food. There was no 
talk  of compensation from the military authorities. "Instead, absentees 
are  punished by having to pay for diesel-fuel for the Tolajis (farm 
tractors),"  said the sources.

The 15 villages that were forced to participate in the harvest were 
Namon,  Pangniu, Kawnghai, Nawng-nyawng, Namzam, Koongpong, Nampien, 
Kawgteng,  Pangmoed, Khaihsim, Poogpak, Nakang, Namhukad, Khahiao and 
Khoknam. 

The people were still working in the army field when the report was 
sent.  One of the villages, Khaihsim, is the headquarters of Shan State 
National  Army aka Shan State Army Central, commanded by Gunyawd. The 
group enjoys a  ceasefire agreement with Rangoon.

____________________________________________________


Asiaweek: Junta Dissidents

September 8, 2000



BY ROGER MITTON

Suu Kyi got the headlines, but the regime fears an internal challenge 

    Two portentous events in Myanmar elicited very different reactions  
recently. One grabbed international headlines, but generated little 
attention at home. The other  was the talk of Yangon, yet barely drew a 
ripple of interest overseas. As is often the case, their true  
significance is in inverse proportion to their media coverage. The first 
incident, a challenge by  pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the 
regime took in its stride. But the junta was much more  concerned about 
the second -- a slap in the face from a rising star in the army.

On Aug. 24, Suu Kyi and a dozen National League for Democracy colleagues 
 tried to travel south of Yangon to confer with other NLD members. They 
knew from experience that  they would not be allowed to do so. After 
driving a short distance, Suu Kyi's group was  shunted onto a side lane 
near Dala town. A week later, they were still there. Officials have 
provided  facilities and allowed them to buy supplies in Dala. Cooped up 
in her small white Toyota, Suu Kyi, 55, is  unlikely to be feeling 
comfortable. But it is not the first time she has endured this. Two 
years  ago, she did it four times ? giving up her final attempt due to 
ill health only after a 13-day car  sit-in. Says a diplomat in Yangon: 
"People expect this stand-off to be lengthy, more than ten days. Her 
health  will play a role."

Yet Suu Kyi's options are so limited that many wonder why she undertook 
the  venture. "She has not been in the news for some time," notes Sunait 
Chutinaranond of Bangkok's  Chulalongkorn University. "So she is sending 
out a message that she cannot be forgotten, that the  democratic 
struggle continues and that she needs the world's attention." Suu Kyi 
herself denies this.  Asked by Asiaweek last year about the motive for 
her 1998 car sit-ins, she said: "We don't do things to  attract 
attention. We do what we think would help us in our political aims."

But her political choices remain constrained. "She has done this driving 
 before, and she has written statements and made videos," says a Yangon 
professional. "I'm not sure what  else she can do." In an Aug. 21 video, 
she criticized the "sham" reopening of Myanmar's  universities two 
months ago. Shut down in late 1996 after student protests, the campuses 
have been rebuilt  far outside city centers and are being run with 
meager resources, substandard staff and a curtailed  academic year. 
"After Suu Kyi released the video, she announced she would organize her 
party's youth wing  in suburban towns,"

says an Asian diplomat in Yangon. "She wants to encourage frustrated 
youths  to show support. Three days later she goes on the road. I don't 
think it's a coincidence."  That is another reason the regime could not 
let her proceed. Spokesman Col.  Hla Min told Asiaweek: "A lot of 
parents are concerned because she encouraged the  students to be more 
active in politics. No one wants that. Everyone wants the kids to be 
able to study  peacefully." Yangon does not seem unduly worried by Suu 
Kyi's action. Even so, says Hla Min, "we  would be happier if she would 
return to Yangon and continue her political activities there. But it  is 
up to her."

While Western nations have been predictably critical, the reaction in 
Asia  has been muted. In Myanmar itself, while many ordinary citizens 
admire Suu Kyi's courage,  there is less favorable reaction from the 
business community. "Her stunt has already negatively  impacted hotel 
bookings," says one irate expatriate. Even civilians are less swept up 
by the event  than two years ago. Notes a diplomat in Yangon: "After a 
week, many ordinary people still don't seem to  know about it."

More significant is a growing divergence within the junta. A group of 
"new  dissidents" has arisen in the military and one of its key members 
recently spoke out -- and lost his job.  This was the other event that 
rocked Yangon recently, though almost no place else. Even now, the  
regime has not announced it, in contrast to its flurry of statements on 
Suu Kyi. It concerns one of  the  military's brightest and 
mostarticulate officers, Brig.-Gen. Zaw Tun, the deputy minister for 
national  planning and development.

On July 7, he spoke at a seminar on the Myanmar economy. He did not 
clear  his words with superiors. A favorite of junta leader Senior 
General Than Shwe, Zaw Tun,  52, felt he did not need to do so. He knew 
that the Myanmar Investment Commission was a mess; its  chairman, deputy 
chairman and secretary were all dumped late last year for ineptitude,  
corruption and philandering. And investment in the country was 
plummeting. Like other young officers,  Zaw Tun saw the chronic 
incompetence at the economic ministries. His own progress had also been  
stymied. Zaw Tun had a reputation for candor. When asked by Asiaweek in 
March about the lack of  economic progress, he said: "Maybe it's because 
we are a little shut down to the world. We still  have a lot of 
restrictions compared with other countries. But gradually we are going 
to get it right."  

His patience apparently exhausted, Zaw Tun threw caution to the wind in 
his  speech. He lambasted the investment climate in Myanmar. He pointed 
out that contrary to official  figures, GDP growth last year was about 
6%, not 10.9%. "There is no consistency in the trade  policy," he 
complained. Forcing tourists to buy $ 300 in Foreign Exchange 
Certificates was also wrong, he  said (a month later, the amount was cut 
to $ 200). Zaw Tun even took his mentor, Than Shwe, to task.  "Some who 
hold responsibilities in the country lack proper awareness," he said.  
It was too much for the leadership and Zaw Tun was dismissed. "He's had 
to  vacate his house and he lost his perks like his car and driver," 
says a Yangon diplomat. "He was  also stripped of his rank, but he is 
still in the army." Questions remain about why Zaw Tun said what he  did 
and how much support he had from fellow officers. Says the diplomat: "He 
accepts that he went  too far and has apologized. But many government 
officials and young officers, as well as most  businessmen, agree with 
what he said."


That is what worries the leadership. "Some say Zaw Tun has become a hero 
 overnight," notes an Asian diplomat. Few soldiers, if any, will say 
that in public. But  observers point out that other officers have been 
treading a similar line. Most are in the coterie of regime  strategist 
Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt.

There is Col. Thein Swe, who championed this year's publication of The  
Myanmar Times, openly admitting it could not be worse than the 
government-backed New Light of  Myanmar. There is Home Affairs Minister 
Col. Tin Hlaing, who took a risk by approving  provisions for Red Cross 
access to political detainees. There is Win Aung, arguably ASEAN's most  
accessible foreign minister. There is Col. Kyaw Thein, who led the 
controversial policy of rapprochement  with former drug barons. And 
there are Agriculture Minister Maj.-Gen. Nyunt Tin and his  successor as 
southwest area commander, Brig.-Gen. Shwe Mann. Both are considered 
potential leaders.  One or more among this second-echelon group could 
pick up Zaw Tun's mantle,  especially when the senior leadership is 
shuffled -- as expected in November, when Than Shwe  will likely retire. 
As Thein Swe told Asiaweek earlier this year: "Things won't stay as they 
are. They  will change in Myanmar. More efficient people will come in 
and more efficient policies will be  introduced. You have to wait for 
the perfect timing." Zaw Tun got his timing wrong, but perhaps the next  
wave of rising officers will get it right. 


____________________________________________________


New Statesman: It's no joke; Myanmar comics jailed over political humor; 
Brief Article


September 11, 2000

It's no joke; Myanmar comics jailed over political humor; Brief Article 

WILLIAM COOK on two Burmese comics imprisoned for spreading "false news" 
 

Humour is a serious business, but at least British comics can crack 
jokes about their government without ending up in jail. However, there 
are countries where wisecracks about reactionary juntas aren't just 
right-on rhetoric, and where Big Brother is more than the title of a 
dreary docusoap --countries such as Burma (or Myanmar, as it has been 
called since 1989), where two comedians are serving seven-year prison 
sentences.

U Pa Pa Lay and U Lu Zaw belong to an Anyeint troupe called Myo Win Mar, 
or Our Own Way.

Anyeint is a Burmese performance genre that blends classical dance and 
music with skits and satire. The tradition dwindled after Myanmar's 
State Law and Order Restoration Council (now called the State Peace and 
Development Council) seized power in 1988, but latterly it has been 
revived by a celebrated Burmese comic called Zargana, who has also done 
time for cracking jokes during Anyeint shows.

On 4 January 1996, the 48th anniversary of Myanmar's independence, Our 
Own Way performed for 2,000 members of Myanmar's opposition party, the 
National League for Democracy, at the Yangon (Rangoon) home of the NLD 
leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has 
spent most of the past decade in prison or under house arrest, since the 
government ignored an NLD election victory in 1990. Our Own Way sang 
songs about the generals, satirised state repression and told gags about 
government cooperatives: "In the past, thieves were called thieves. Now 
they are known as co-operative workers."

"The jokes they made about the military were extremely mild," says Donna 
Guest, Amnesty International's researcher responsible for Burma, who has 
followed events in Myanmar for the past 11 years. Burmese humour has to 
be indirect, because there is such extensive censorship. "There is so 
much intense surveillance in that country, it's hard for us to imagine," 
she says. "People have to be extremely guarded."

In a land without an independent press, live performers can reach an 
illiterate and technologically disenfranchised audience without access 
to television or the internet. "The dance troupe will tell the truth," 
said Our Own Way. "People call us jokers, but now we're going to achieve 
democracy; we'd rather be called comedians for democracy." Their aim: 
"To open the eyes and the ears of the people. That is our job."

Pa Pa Lay and Lu Zaw were arrested, denied legal representation, and not 
allowed to call or question witnesses. They had called NLD members, 
including Aung San Suu Kyi, but these witnesses were not allowed to 
travel to the trial in Mandalay; they were told that their train had 
broken down. When NLD members reached Mandalay, they found the 
courthouse closed. The trial took place in prison. Pa Pa Lay and Lu Zaw 
were given seven years each for spreading "false news", and sent, in 
shackles, to break rocks in a labour camp. Prolonged sleep deprivation 
was reportedly used during their interrogation. Their case is far from 
unique. "Anybody voicing peaceful dissent is arrested in Burma," says 
Guest. "The government is intent on crushing any kind of objection to 
its policies, so they are among hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people 
who are in prison for their peaceful political beliefs."

Lu Zaw is now believed to be held in Mandalay, where it is thought he is 
being made to work on an airport construction site. Pa Pa Lay, who was 
also imprisoned for 20 months in the early 1990s, is in a prison camp in 
the far north of Myanmar. "He's had a rough time there, but we do know 
that he has been keeping his spirits up," says Guest. "He is finally 
able to receive visits from his family." But his circumstances remain 
bleak. "Prison conditions are appalling. They don't get enough food, 
they get almost no medical care and, if they get medicine, it usually 
has to be their families who provide it." Poor health is typical. "They 
are in very cramped quarters. They are often tortured for breaking 
arbitrary prison rules." Even prisoners who escape such punishment don't 
receive proper care. NLD members, students and ethnic minorities are all 
vulnerable, but it isn't just native Burmese who suffer. James Mawdsley, 
a UK-Australian joint citizen, is serving 17 years in a Myanmar jail. 
"He didn't do anything wrong in terms of international law," says Guest. 
"He was just protesting peacefully." He recently lost his latest appeal.

But where there's life, there's hope. Since last year, the Red Cross has 
been able to visit Burmese prisoners and, although restrictions remain, 
Amnesty has met with Myanmar diplomats. Although dozens of elected NLD 
MPs remain in prison, five have been released recently. Amnesty has 
found that polite letters from ordinary people across the world have 
proved very powerful in improving conditions and securing releases from 
regimes that, however repressive, know how worldwide opinion can 
influence foreign tourism and investment. "The government hopes that the 
world will forget about them," Guest says of these two truly alternative 
comedians. "It is good for the government of Burma to realise that 
people in the outside world are concerned."

Civil letters, asking for the immediate and unconditional release of U 
Pa Pa Lay and U Lu Zaw, as well as medical care while they remain in 
detention, should be sent to: General Than Shwe, Chairman, State Peace 
and Development Council, do Ministry of Defence, Signal Pagoda Road, 
Yangon, Union of Myanmar. Letters should begin "Dear General"

Amnesty International can be contacted on 020 7814 6200;
www.amnesty.org.uk. James Mawdsley's website is 
www.insideburmafreeisp.co.uk/index.html

____________________________________________________


KNAHR: News about general situation in Mawchi,  Karenni

Karenni News Agency for Human Rights (KNAHR)


Sept 26, 2000


The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has allowed Karenni 
civilians who had been living in forced relocation sites since 1996, 
after the SPDC forcibly relocated the whole Karenni population, to go 
back to their own villages. The villagers, however, have been ordered to 
report to the nearest SPDC outposts at least once a week or whenever it 
is necessary. The villagers are not allowed to stay over nights in their 
farms but they are allowed to go to their farms. Villagers must come 
back to their villagers at the end of the day.

Villagers are not allowed to carry military uniforms or traditional 
guns, used for hunting. If someone is found with the prohibited items, 
he or she would be held responsible. Villagers are allowed to trade 
freely, but they are not allowed to trade in medicine or batteries. 
Purchasing and selling rice is restricted. Villagers are allowed to 
travel from village to village only twice a week- Tuesday and Thursday.  
Villagers are checked when they travel. They are asked to show their ID 
cards, village name and the name of the headman of the village. SPDC 
soldiers with civilian uniforms follow and take pictures of villagers' 
movements when they are in Mawchi. SPDC soldiers forcibly take sandals, 
shoes and snacks from villagers without any payment. Villagers are 
supposed to give a gate fee whenever they pass through a checkpoint. The 
gate fee is 20 kyats (Burmese currency). SPDC also has set up its own 
mobile medical teams. The teams are used as a view of gathering 
support/approval from the people. But members of the teams treat the 
villagers selectively and in a careless manner. Ten percent of the 
Mawchi's population can get by under these circumstances. Ninety percent 
of the population is facing difficulty of getting daily necessities.  
Civilians are facing a great deal of difficulty as prices of all items 
are going up.

The villagers need a recommendation letter from the local SPDC authority 
when they go to their farms. Ration for more than one week is not 
allowed to be brought to the farms. One recommendation letter costs 20 
Kyats (Burmese currency). Planting rice is under restriction. The 
villagers are not allowed to grow as much rice as they want. In the 
city, electricity and water are only provided to civil services. The 
ordinary people have to buy drinking and non-potable water. One tin of 
water is 25 Kyats. Those who cannot afford to buy water, have to travel 
a long distance to fetch water.  

Salaries of civil services have been increased. The minimum is 4000 
kyats and the maximum is 5000 kyata. Some villagers are making a 
livelihood by selling orchids. Villagers have to take big risks, 
climbing up high trees, to get orchids.

A miner's income is 700 Kyats per day. Most of the miners are suffering 
from TB. The average income of an ordinary person in Karenni per day is 
100 Kyats. In the past there were clinic for the people. Nowadays, 
although there are some clinics, there is no medicine in the clinic. 
Sick people have to buy medicines with their own money and go to the 
clinic with the medicines. There is also a kind of dispensary in SDPC's 
battalion, but without military medicine prioritize the treatment of 
soldiers. There are four karaokoes lounges in Mawchi. Because of the 
caraoakes lounges, traditional way of life of these local villagers have 
been severely disrupted. 


___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
					

AFP: Thailand wants talks in Myanmar: minister 

WASHINGTON, Sept 25 (AFP) - Thailand's deputy foreign minister said 
Monday he hoped Myanmar's junta would talk to its bitter political 
adversaries, but admitted neighboring governments had little power to 
influence the generals. 

 Sukhumbhand Paribatra warned on a visit to the US capital that 
political antagonism between the government and opposition leader Aung 
San Suu Kyi could boil over and cause problems throughout the region. 

 "Problems in Myanmar have a way of affecting neighbouring countries, 
especially Thailand," Sukhumbhand said at a press conference. 

 "It is important that problems of political transition in Myanmar must 
be managed in ways that does not have political problems for the rest of 
the region." 
 Sukhumbhand admitted that Thailand had little leverage with the junta 
and could do little more than use the "sweet words" of diplomacy in its 
contacts with its neighbor. 
 Thailand has largely confined itself to indirect observations about the 
political situation in Yangon. 

 But it has shown signs of increasing frustration with the junta, since 
exiled dissidents from Myanmar mounted hostage dramas in Myanmar's 
Bangkok embassy and a hospital in western Thailand over the last year. 

 Sukhumband was talking to reporters hours after officials in Bangkok 
called on Myanmar to allow an Association of Southeast Asian Nations 
(ASEAN) mediation team into the country.   But he said that any such 
move would depend on Vietnam, which currently heads the so-called ASEAN 
troika. 

 Thailand would like to "encourage a dialogue without any preconditions" 
in Myanmar, Sukhumbhand said, but admitted it had little power to 
influence the situation. 

 "We only have our own sweet words to fall back upon, in relations with 
neighbours one should not use any stick and in the case of Myanmar we 
don't have any stick to use," he said. 

 "What we rely on is diplomacy, sweet words and hope for the best." 

 After several years of statemate, Myanmar's political battle has once 
again burst to global prominence, after Aung San Suu Kyi twice tried to 
test a ban on her leaving the capital. 
 As well as hosting political dissidents, Thailand is also home to tens 
of thousands of Myanmar refugees, who have crossed its borders looking 
for protection from political persecution or to look for work. 

 It also encounters problems from Myanmar-based drugs production, with 
the latest wave of metamphetamines already creating problems in Thai 
society. 

 The junta has refused to recognise the 1990 election win of Aung San 
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), and has set about 
systematically dismantling her party. 


  
____________________________________________________


Gamma Magazine (Indonesia): Observing Gus Dur from Burma

Year II, September 13-19, 2000

By Tri Agus S. Siswowiharjo*

".. Burmese military junta in many instances copies as it is the 
Indonesian New Order system"

In his speech when receiving "Global Leadership Award" in Columbia 
University, United States (8/9), President Abdurrahman Wahid again made 
a promise for Burma. This time, the President promised to make efforts 
by all means to defend the safety and the security of Burmese (Myanmar) 
opposition figure, Aung San Suu Kyi.

Tension in Burma became an international issue, following the ban on the 
Secretary General of the National League for Democracy (NLD) to leave 
Rangoon (24/8) and the attack on NLD office followed by house arrest of 
several leaders of said party (2/9). We all hope that Gus Dur's promise 
was not only a diplomatic lip service, in order to get a standing 
ovation of the audience, only to be forgotten once he set foot in 
Jakarta again. Hasn't Gus Dur breached his promise when he first went 
abroad as a president? In Jakarta he promised that if he went to Burma 
he would meet Aung San Suu Kyi. But when he arrived there, he only met 
the military leaders of that country. 

On August 21, 2000 the author had an occasion to see Aung San Suu Kyi in 
Rangoon. For three days the author together with 14 activists, 
journalists and parliamentarians from ten countries (Thailand, Malaysia, 
Ireland, United States, Canada, South Africa, Netherlands, Norway and 
Australia) were invited by NLD to attend a symposium on educational 
system in its office. It goes without saying, this trip that was 
facilitated by Altsean (Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma) was 
"illegal". We left Bangkok as if not knowing with each other and spent 
the night in different hotels.

This Noble Prize Laureate for Peace in 1991 paid special attention to 
Indonesia. The gentle but steel-hearted woman had very great concern 
that the military might stage a comeback to seize power. In all these 
years, Burmese military junta has seen Indonesia as an ideal example in 
many instances. Therefore, according to Suu Kyi, the civilian government 
of Abdurrahman Wahid should be supported as far as it continued with the 
democratization agenda in Indonesia. "Since your country changed", she 
said, "Burmese military regime lost its patron. They are confused in 
finding a new idol, perhaps they would chose China as a new patron 
country". 

Why should we support democratization in Burma? Firstly, the preamble of 
the 1945 Constitution explains that freedom is the right of every 
nation, and one of the objectives of freedom is to take part in 
defending the world order based on everlasting peace and social justice. 
Secondly, the fight for democracy and especially for the enforcement of 
human rights does not know any national boundaries, or universal in 
character. Thirdly, Burma is one of ASEAN member countries that have not 
enjoyed democracy. Fourthly, Burmese military regime in many instances 
imitated as it was the New Order system of Indonesia.

By such reasons, actually supporting Burmese people to gain their 
democratic rights is tantamount to obeying the 1945 Constitution. 
Supporting democracy in Burma is tantamount to carrying out reform 
agendas, one of them is to "kick" the military back into their barracks. 
As it was mentioned above, the Burmese military copied the New Order 
system, from the 1945 Constitution, state philosophy, the dual function 
of the military, until an institution similar to Kopkamtib (the 
Operation Command to Restore Security and Order). 

Ironically, ASEAN conversely accepted Burma as its full member in 1997. 
ASEAN leaders at that time were, among others, Mahathir Muhammad 
(Malaysia), Lee Kuan Yew (Singapore), and Soeharto (Indonesia). These 
three leaders while always propagated Asian values, while criticizing 
western democracy, subsequently developed a policy of "not interfering 
in the domestic affairs of each member country". Under such principle, 
SLORC that subsequently changed its name into the State Peace and 
Development Council (SPDC) was supported and protected fully by ASEAN, 
although later it became a problem in the relation between ASEAN and the 
European Economic Community. In several meetings, EEC rejected the 
presence of Burmese officials. 

Can Gus Dur change the policy of "constructive engagement and 
non-interference", which has long been followed by ASEAN, with a 
democratic policy that embodies human rights values? This is a challenge 
for Gus Dur. Inside the country, at least Gus Dur succeeded in pushing 
aside the military role in political affairs, giving ample space to the 
press, and ensuring freedom of expression. Can Gus Dur in ASEAN 
introduce reform in policies that do not conform any longer to democracy 
demands?

The answer depends, firstly, on whether Gus Dur is capable of 
influencing ASEAN's heads of government to change their policies on 
Burma. After that, secondly, whether Gud Dur is capable of convincing 
Burmese military junta to sit at one table together with the opposition 
led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The author is convinced that Gus Dur is capable 
of doing so. The only question is whether Gus Dur is willing and is 
serious in doing so?

* Tri Agus S. Siswowiharjo, an activist of Solidamor, Jakarta. 





_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________


Bangkok Post: Quiet debut for Mandalay airport

September 21, 2000

Quiet debut for Mandalay airport; With only domestic flights for now, 
facility can handle international traffic if tourism climate improves 

Mandalay International Airport was officially opened last Sunday despite 
the fact that scheduled flights to the Burmese city by  international 
airlines are not on the immediate horizon.

The airport is located 35 km south of Mandalay city. It has been 
designed to accommodate all available commercial aircraft up to the 
450-passenger Boeing 747-400.

The first 747 to land at Mandalay airport touched down yesterday, when 
executives of All Nippon Airways paid a flying visit, but the Japanese 
carrier has no plans for regular service there.

Mandalay airport can serve 1,000 passengers per hour or three million a 
year, with expansion capacity to more than 15 million. At 4,267 metres, 
the runway is 517 metres longer than the one at Bangkok International 
Airport.

Primary and secondary radar and navigational aids are used to monitor, 
guide and assist in the movement of air traffic within 200 miles of the 
airport.

Its terminal has six passenger loading bridges to accommodate a variety 
of aircraft from a Boeing
747-400 to the smaller Boeing 737 and Airbus A320 models. With a total 
area of 37,020 square metres, the airport terminal has ample space to 
accommodate passengers with 15,367 square metres for the arrivals area, 
16,016 on the mezzanine, and 3,556 for the service area.

The $3.15-billion airport was first conceived in 1996 and built by 
Italian-Thai Development Plc. Thai Airport Ground Service Co, a 
privately owned operator, is providing ground service under a one-year 
contract, and also training local staff.

Currently the airport has 16 domestic flights a day. It was intended to 
become a magnet for international flights since it can handle large 
aircraft that are unable to land at Rangoon International Airport. 
However, low tourist volume means few international carriers are looking 
to expand business.

Rangoon's awkward tourism policies are partly to blame. The lack of 
visas on arrival makes many tourists hesitant to fly into Burma. The 
legal requirement for every visitor to change US$200 US into local kyat 
currency also rankles visitors, given the colossal gap between the 
official and black-market exchange rates.

Add to the practical inconveniences the unease that some tourists feel 
about spending money in a country run by a military junta, and the 
tourism outlook for Burma does not appear good in the immediate future.

Burma last year failed to achieve its tourist arrival target of 300,000 
during its Visit Myanmar Year, welcoming just 150,000 tourists instead.

Dr Prasert Prasartthong-osoth, president of Thailand-based Bangkok 
Airways, said his airline did
not have enough pilots to service to Mandalay now, although the route 
had been planned several years ago.

"All of our aircraft are running at 99.97 percent ultilisation and our 
pilots are working on a full schedule. It takes a long time to train 
personnel to reach a satisfactory level of quality," he said. 
Bangkok Airways used to operate a Bangkok-Mandalay- Pagan route in 1993 
before cancelling the service.


____________________________________________________


The Hindu (New Delhi): Myanmar rice for India

September 26, 2000

GUWAHATI, SEPT. 25. India will import 50,000 tonnes of rice from Myanmar 
through Moreh in Manipur as part of the effort to boost border trade 
between the States of the North-East region and the neighbouring 
countries. Besides, 10 more items would be permitted to be imported from 
Myanmar on concessional basis.

This was announced here today by the Union Commerce Secretary, Mr. 
Prabir Sengupta, after a meeting of the high-power committee to review 
the steps taken for promotion of trade and exports in the North-East 
region.

The Centre also constituted an Export Development Fund with a corpus of 
Rs. 5 crores for supporting projects for direct or indirect promotion of 
exports from the region as part of the Prime Minister?s Action Plan for 
the North-East.

Mr. Sengupta said the Commerce Department had also sanctioned Rs. 41 
crores for creating export promotion infrastructure in the region out of 
which Rs. 11 crores had already been released.




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