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BurmaNet News: December 15, 2000
- Subject: BurmaNet News: December 15, 2000
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Fri, 15 Dec 2000 08:10:00
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
________December 15, 2000 Issue # 1685_________
NOTED IN PASSING: ?It is called "voluntary" by the authorities, but
those who do not provide this voluntary labour are subjected to
financial fines, pressures of all kinds, and harassment by authorities.
So there is nothing voluntary about forced labour projects which are
going on all over the country.?
Aung San Suu Kyi: Transcript of Video Message from To the Canadian Auto
Workers' Association on receiving first Nelson Mandela Human Rights
Award
INSIDE BURMA _______
*Time: Suspicious Squabble--Sibling rivalry or politics?
*New Light of Myanmar: New model of national history-based curricula of
South-East Asian History to be developed for secondary schools
*Xinhua: Regional Education Center Setting up in Myanmar
*Bangkok Post: High-flyers have new choice; Executive Wings starts
charters to Burma
*U.S. Newswire : AIDS Analyst Gives Overview of Asia's Rising HIV
Epidemic
*Shan Herald Agency for News: Junta empowering another ceasefire group
to expand
*The Canberra Times : Soldiers in flip flops in 52-year struggle
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*ABC/eCountries: Still out in the cold
*TV Myanmar: Burma assesses ASEAN-EU meeting outcome
ECONOMY/BUSINESS _______
*Myanmar Times: Electrical wire makers seek standard taxes
*Bay Area Burma Roundtable: San Francisco Board of Supervisors Votes
Unanimously to Divest from Burma-Related Stock
OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*Aung San Suu Kyi: Transcript of Video Message from To the Canadian Auto
Workers' Association on receiving the first Nelson Mandela Human Rights
Award
*Letter to the Editor: Misleading statement [in Noted in Passing]
The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
Time: Suspicious Squabble--Sibling rivalry or politics?
DECEMBER 18, 2000 VOL. 156 NO. 24
First, Burma's military officials told democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
that she couldn't leave Rangoon. Then they told her she couldn't leave
her house. Now they want the house. At least that's what Burmese
pro-democracy activists and exiles say is the real story behind a court
case pitting Suu Kyi against her estranged older brother Aung San Oo.
The brother, a computer engineer who lives in San Diego, California, has
filed suit claiming half-ownership of their late mother's house, which
he says is his rightful inheritance. Suu Kyi returned in 1988 to the
two-story, monsoon-stained mansion to care for her ailing mother who
died later that year. Since then, it has been her home, her jail, her de
facto political headquarters and her fragile sanctuary from the
generals. She lived there under house arrest from 1989-95, during which
time she won the Nobel Peace Prize for her campaign to restore democracy
to Burma.
If Aung San Oo wins the case, there is not much he can do with the
house. He is a U.S. citizen, and under Burmese law foreigners are not
allowed to own property. He would have to sign it over to his sister,
donate it or live in itùwhich he is not likely to do. In a written
statement to the press, Aung San Oo said he wants to establish joint
ownership so the house can eventually be given to a charitable
foundation, as his mother wished. But many have their doubts. Members of
the Burma Lawyer's Council in Bangkok contend that the suit is part of
the military's efforts to destroy Suu Kyi's political party and force
her to leave the country. "If Aung San Oo wins, he'll donate his half of
the house to the state, and then the military can go in anytime they
want," says council member Khin Maung Win. The government, which already
occupies a house across the street as a post to monitor Suu Kyi's
activities and her visitors, denies it has anything to do with the case.
Is Aung San Oo in league with the generals? Sein Win, the
Washington-based prime minister of Burma's government-in-exile and a
cousin to the suing siblings, doesn't believe it. He says Aung San Oo,
while not politically involved, is himself a democrat who would be
unlikely to do the junta's dirty work. He chalks the whole thing up to a
misunderstanding, but he concedes that the two are not close. In
Rangoon, several people who know the family well say the relationship is
strained. During Aung San Oo's last visit to Burma, in July, he went to
the house but the siblings did not speak. Their only exchange was held
in the confines of a military guesthouse, a venue that likely wasn't Suu
Kyi's first choice. That fueled speculation that Aung San Oo is working
with the generals, possibly to gain favor in business deals. Lei Lei,
Aung San Oo's wife, denies any such link: "My husband is not that
stupid, and I'm not that stupid."
Suu Kyi has hired a team of lawyers to represent her, and the case is
proceeding in a Rangoon civil court. If the generals are in fact behind
the suit, she doesn't have much of a chance. "The courts in Burma are
not independent," says Khin Maung Win. In fact, say diplomats in
Rangoon, they are a farce, being fully under the control of the
military. For her part, Suu Kyi hasn't commented on the case. She can't.
She's under house arrest again.
____________________________________________________
New Light of Myanmar: New model of national history-based curricula of
South-East Asian History to be developed for secondary schools
Yangon, 14 Dec -The opening ceremony of the History Agenda 21 Workshop
was held at Inya Lake Hotel this morning. Present were Director of
SEAMEO Regional Centre for History and Tradition Director-General of
Universities Historical Research Department Daw Ni Ni Myint, directors
of SEAMES and SEAMEO Regional Centre for History and Tradition,
researchers of Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia,Ê Lao People's
Democratic Republic, Malaysia,Ê Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand and Vietnam and guests. Director of SEAMEO Regional Centre for
History and Tradition Director-General of Universities Historical
Research Department Daw Ni Ni Myint made a speech.
She said: It is indeed my pleasure and honour to welcome colleagues and
friends from SEAMEO member countries to Myanmar who are here to attend
the Workshop History Agenda 21, the inaugural workshop of the SEAMEO
Regional Centre for History and Tradition (SEAMEO CHAT). Allow me first
of all to introduce SEAMEO CHAT, as it is the newest addition to the
family of SEAMEO Regional Centres. The proposal for the establishment of
the Regional Centre was first made by officials of the Myanmar Ministry
of Education to the then SEAMEO Council President and Brunei Darussalam
Minister of Education HE Pehin Dato Haji Abdul Aziz Umar during his
visit to Yangon, Myanmar in October 1998. The 35th SEAMEO Council
Conference held in Bali, Indonesia in February 2000, approved the
proposal on the establishment of the SEAMEO Regional Centre for History
and Tradition in the Union of Myanmar.
The SEAMEO Regional Centre for History and Tradition has been created in
recognition of the fact that a thorough grounding in our own history and
tradition remains a vital element in achieving any significant measure
of regional development even in today's increasingly global and
technological world. The main objective of the Centre is to develop a
better understanding of the history and tradition of the Southeast Asian
region through research activities as part of the efforts to create and
maintain a better sense of national identity. It also aims to enhance
the efforts of the Member Countries in the utilization of the resources
of their history and tradition in the continual effort of human resource
development in relation to the study and teaching of history and
tradition, and the raising of public awareness in the three levels of
education basic education, higher education and contributing education
for the community.
The Centre will also strive to develop educational curricula, programmes
and personnel for making history and tradition relevant to meeting the
challenges of the contemporary situation. SEAMEO CHAT as the only centre
for history and tradition in the region, will pursue its objectives with
the vision to act as a repository of the rich historical heritage and
varied traditions in Southeast Asia, that makes available its expertise
to meet the challenges of the 21st century and become the centre par
excellence in its field of competence. The mission of the Centre is thus
to promote co-operation in the study of history and tradition among
Member Countries, through research human resource development, education
and linkages.
The SEAMEO Regional Centre for History and Tradition will operate as an
autonomous international institution as in the case of other SEAMEO
Centres and will employ 24 professional and support staff. It will
endeavour to recruit nationals from SEAMEO Member Countries. The
inauguration of the Centre will be held tomorrow and we have worked hard
to make the inauguration a memorable occasion.
A Regional Arts and Crafts Fair will also be held at the Centre premises
for three days to create better public awareness of both the Centre and
the activities of SEAMEO. This Workshop forms one of the activities to
mark the inauguration of the Centre. History Agenda 21 has two main
objectives. The first is to consider new initiatives for study and
research in Southeast Asian history and the second is to consider the
needs to include regional history into secondary school curricula and
the methods of implementation. As Southeast Asian history is in a state
of flux, it is necessary to review their future directions.
In the last century, the study of Southeast Asian history as a region
was dominated by western historians like DGE Hall and G Coedes, who
presented the region as a conglomeration of cultural politics and modern
national states. Some historians have now pronounced the death of "
national histories" and see the trend in the study of local histories as
possible alternatives. Southeast Asian history by Southeast Asian
historians may also bring different perspectives to the subject, based
on a concept of regionalism that is being forged by ASEAN in particular.
However, there are questions whether this would not lead us straight
into another set of " constructs " in the same way as national histories
once did. Will regional history be " invalidated" one day and will we be
told that we invent another " imagined community"? Globalization may
also make regional histories appear outdated and irrelevant.
There is also a demand for the inclusion of certain aspects in the study
of history, such as gender, ethnicity, the deviants, the "history of the
peoples without history", agrarian history, etc.
At present the awareness of a common regional history and traditional
heritage is still in its infancy and confined to limited educational
circles. The younger generation are too preoccupied with their own
personal interests in order to survive in the age of globalization to
acquire knowledge about regional history and tradition on their own
initiative. It is the responsibility of state education to provide the
knowledge of Southeast Asian history and tradition to the future leaders
and citizens of the region. The teaching of Southeast Asian regional
history in the SEAMEO region has been confined mainly to institutions of
higher education whose curricula are influenced by Southeast Asian
studies developed mainly outside the region, and as such are confined to
specific issues, interests and approaches, and tend to serve the
international community of scholars with particular theoretical pursuits
and research directions.
It is necessary to develop educational curricula, programmes and
personnel in order to make history and tradition relevant to meeting the
challenges of the contemporary situation, particularly from regional
perspectives and in the interests of regional intellectual growth and
maturity. It is believed that to commence on a sound foothing, a review
of " The State of Southeast Asian Historical Studies" in secondary
education will help to elucidate the current situation and pave the way
for the development of curricula and materials related to the teaching
of Southeast Asian History that will answer regional needs to understand
Southeast Asian historical development in regional perspective,
providing a balanced sense of regional and national identity and a
better understanding of each country's attitudes and problems.
The workshop will address some of these issues in historical studies
especially their relevance to contemporary problems, the role of the
historian to forecast the direction of regional development and the
desirability of writing different kinds of history particularly
sub-regional history that transcend individual nations.
During the Workshop, 14 leading Southeast Asian academic historians and
10 officials in charge of school curriculum development from the
Ministry of Education will review the present state of the school
curricula related to South-East Asian History, their teaching staff,
teaching method, text used and researches and the ten SEAMEO countries
by a reviewer from each country. The new model of curricula of
South-East Asian History for secondary schools will be developed on
which national curricula will be based. Suggestions of suitable teaching
materials will also be sought.
Output is expected to be:
1. programme of study and research in South-East Asian History relevant
to the environment of the 21st century,
2. the inclusion of the contents of finding of such programmes in
secondary education in the region.
The final outcome will be new curricula that will find the right balance
between external scholarships and internal perspectives in the study of
South-East Asian History, and better link between higher education and
secondary schools, so that regional historical knowledge can be
transmitted to youths in the region.
Then, the workshop was held. Rujaya Abhakorn and Milagros C Guerrero
presented the term papers in the morning session. Shaharil, Abdullah,
Nguyen Van Nhat and Djoko Suryo presented the term papers in the evening
session. Then, Chairman of the workshop U Tun Aung Chain took part in
the discussions. The opening ceremony of Department of SEAMEO Regional
Centre for History and Tradition and the Regional Handi-craft Exhibition
will hold at the building of SEAMEO Regional Centre for History and
Tradition Department on Pyay Road on 15 December morning. After the
opening ceremony, the Workshop History Agenda 21 continues.
____________________________________________________
Xinhua: Regional Education Center Setting up in Myanmar
DATELINE: YANGON, December 15
A Southeast Asian Minister Education Organization (SEAMEO) Regional
Center for History and Tradition is due to be opened here later Friday
to operate as an autonomous international institution.
Attached with the opening of the SEAMEO Yangon center will be also a
three-day regional arts and crafts fair, which aims at creating better
public awareness of both the center and the activities of SEAMEO,
official newspaper The New Light of Myanmar reported Friday.
SEAMEO's 10-member countries are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos,
Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
The main objective of the center is to develop a better understanding of
the history and tradition of the SEA region through research activities
as part of its efforts to create and maintain a better sense of national
identity.
It also aims to enhance the efforts of the member countries in the
utilization of the resources of their history and tradition in the
continual efforts of human resources development in relation to the
study and teaching of the history and tradition, and the raising of
public awareness in different levels of education.
Meanwhile, a workshop which forms one of the activities to mark the
inauguration of the center, was held here Thursday ahead of the event,
addressing issues in historical studies especially their relevance to
contemporary problems, the role of the historians to forecast the
direction of regional development and the desirability of writing
different kinds of history particularly the sub-regional one that
transcend individual nations.
The establishment of the SEAMEO regional center for history and
tradition was decided at the 35th SEAMEO conference held in Bali,
Indonesia in February this year.
SEAMEO was formed in 1965 to promote cooperation among the SEA countries
through education, science and culture.
In addition to the 10 member countries, there are six associate member
countries, namely Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands
and New Zealand.
Most of SEAMEO programs have been conducted through its 14 regional
centers.
___________________________________________________
Bangkok Post: High-flyers have new choice; Executive Wings starts
charters to Burma
December 14, 2000
Affluent travellers whose schedules don't always mesh with those of
commercial airlines now have a new option for exploring the region, with
Siam Land Flying.
The company has introduced a series of Executive Wings packages to
Burma, and if response is good, more destinations could be added.
Siam Land Flying branched out into executive charters after beginning as
a provider of medical evacuation services. It flew 27 medical missions
in its first year, according to marketing and customer service manager
Natvara Temsoonthorn.
The company has two turbo-prop aircraft: a five-passenger King Air C90
with a range of 676 nautical miles, capable of reaching Singapore,
Kunming or Dhaka from Bangkok; and an eight-passenger Super King Air 350
with a range of 1,262 nautical miles, good for flights as far afield as
Chengdu, Hong Kong and parts of Indonesia, the Philippines or India.
Travellers to Burma have a choice of four packages: a one-day trip to
Pagan; two days/one night in Rangoon; two days/one night in Mandalay or
three days/two nights in Mandalay and Pagan.
"We're offering a full-circuit service including flying, sightseeing and
accommodation," Ms Natvara said.
The price is as high as the flying altitude, but there is definitely a
market for such high-end travel, the company believes. Packages range
from US$12,300-14,000 a day, depending on type of aircraft.
"The price is not too high for foreign businessmen who care about
privacy and time," she said.
When senior executives come to Bangkok for a meeting, they might want to
go somewhere else afterward, without the hassle of dealing with
scheduled commercial flight services. With Siam Land Flying, travellers
can take off whenever they want and wherever they want _ as long as the
destination has a 1,500-metre runway.
The company started with Burma because it has permits to fly to several
different destinations there, including Rangoon, Pagan, Mandalay, Heho
and Dawei.
If the Burma packages receive a good response, the company is keen on
expanding to Siem Reap in Cambodia, home of Angkor Wat and Southeast
Asia's hottest new travel destination. It has not ruled out the
possibility of offering scheduled flights if the right opportunities
arise.
Sales expectations for the first year are modest, as Ms Natvara said the
priority was to build brand awareness first.
The two aircraft are now operating at 70-80 percent capacity, with heavy
demand in the November-March peak season by high-end passengers
travelling for leisure. For the rest of the year, more of the clients
are businesspeople seeking to relax after their duties in Bangkok.
For clients arriving at destinations by commercial flights, the airline
can relay passengers to destinations where there are no commercial
flights. Now that several provinces have their own airports, it is an
opportunity for travellers to make the most of existing facilities.
Ms Natvara cited Chumphon airport as one example of a provincial
facility where hopes were high for tourism after commercial service
began. But commercial flights soon proved unprofitable and were
abandoned.
"We want to feed business to overlooked provinces," she said.
Thanin Weeradet
___________________________________________________
U.S. Newswire : AIDS Analyst Gives Overview of Asia's Rising HIV
Epidemic
BALTIMORE, Md., Dec. 14
The face of AIDS in 2000 is changing, and it is becoming increasingly
Asian, says Chris Beyrer, MD, MPH, director, the Johns Hopkins Fogarty
AIDS
Program, Department of Epidemiology, the Johns Hopkins School of Public
Health. Dr. Beyrer, who himself has tracked the spread of the human
immunodeficiency virus (HIV) along major heroin routes out of Burma, has
written an overview of the AIDS epidemic in Asia for the December 2000
issue of Washington Quarterly.
After sub-Saharan Africa, Asia is now the world's most
HIV/AIDS-affected region, notes Beyrer, with an estimated 7.2 million
cumulative HIV infections by 2000. One-fifth of Asia's infections
occurred
in 1999 alone, more than half of these in Asians under the age of 25.
With
the exception of Thailand and a handful of positive trends in a few
other
states, Asian governments have been slow to respond to the threat of
AIDS
and have largely failed to contain the spread of the virus among their
peoples.
"Now at risk are some of the largest human populations and most
important states worldwide," says Beyrer. "The window of opportunity to
respond to HIV in Asia is narrow and closing. The time for immediate
action
is now." Among Beyrer's recommendations for the region: End official
denials; reform and expand drug treatment programs; override cultural
taboos so that frank sexual health initiatives can be established for
all;
reform blood collection policies; reduce the trafficking of women and
girls; assess the impact new highways and bridges will have on the
spread
of HIV/AIDS.
Beyrer has watched several trends emerging in the region that demand
responses:
HIV spread related to drug use. Opium, heroin, and amphetamine
production are increasing in Burma, Afghanistan, and Laos, as is the
availability of drugs throughout the region. In Russia and China, for
instance, dual epidemics of injection drug use and HIV infection among
drug
users have led to explosive outbreaks. The emergence of a major heroin
economy in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan is a disaster for the entire
region.
The trafficking of women and girls. The trafficking industry today
appears to be, if anything, increasing. Nepal, for instance, is at risk
for
a major HIV epidemic because of an extensive influx of Nepali women and
girls into the Indian sex industry.
The social status and educational levels of women and girls. Most
Asian women at risk or currently infected with HIV are young, married,
and
monogamous. "They are, in fact, at risk largely because they are
married,"
says Beyrer.
Labor and social mobility. Asia has large populations of internal
migrants, migrant laborers, internally displaced persons, refugees, and
workers such as truckers whose jobs require mobility. Such large-scale
movements are tailor made for the spread of HIV.
Blood and blood products safety. The World Health Organization (WHO)
estimated that in 2000 only one-third of the world's blood supply could
be
considered safely screened for HIV and other blood-borne infections. In
China and India, for instance, official inaction, corruption, and
profiteering in the industry remain significant barriers to reform.
Sexual health education and services. Frank and effective sexual
health education and programs remain woefully inadequate across Asia.
Beyrer sees China's greatest threat, for example, as HIV's spread beyond
drug users and blood donors to its enormous numbers of sexually active
young adults.
Militaries and security forces. A prime example: With the coming of
the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), HIV rates among sex
workers shot up, as did outbreaks of HIV among UNTAC forces from
Indonesia,
India, Uruguay, and the United States.
Beyrer cites Thailand as the first example of a developing country
controlling HIV at a national level. To date, although roughly one
million
have been infected in its population of 58 million and at least 300,000
have died, Thailand has fought back. Among its weapons: a vigorous "100
percent" condom campaign, aggressive treatment of STDs, blood bank
reform,
and public education. Rates among Thai military conscripts have now
decreased from the high in 1991 of 12.5 percent of all recruits in
northern
Thailand to less than 4 percent in 1999. General population prevalence
is
estimated to have decreased from 2.7 percent of all adults to 2.3
percent
over the last five years -- the first example of population-level
declines
in a severe epidemic in Asia.
For a complete list of Johns Hopkins School of Public Health press
releases, go to www.jhsph.edu/pubaffairs/pr(underscore)list.htm
CONTACT:Ming Tai or Thea Glidden, 410-955-6878 or e-mail:
paffairs(At)jhsph.edu both of the Johns Hopkins School of Public Health
___________________________________________________
Shan Herald Agency for News: Junta empowering another ceasefire group
to expand
Dec. 14, 2000
Reporter: Maihoong
While the Wa have been authorized to expand in eastern Shan State,
another ceasefire group is being groomed to expand in the west,
reported Maihoong from southern Shan State.
Since 4 August, the Pa-O National Army of Aung Kham Hti, 69, with base
in Kyauktalung in Hsihseng Township near Taunggyi, has moved his
"advance base" to Namzang, 70 miles east of Taunggyi, according to
sources who fled into Thailand recently. His base was reportedly set up
in the eastern outskirts of Namzang near the IB 66 battalion post.
Although details are still lacking, it is learned the PNO has also
opened offices in Panglong, Laikha, Mongkerng, Mongnawng, Monghsu,
Mongnai, Langkher and Mongpan and have been collecting their own taxes
since, including a third of the harvest of rice from each field.
"The Burmese have already sanctioned to increase our strength so to
enable us to control the whole of southern Shan State," said a junior
Pa-O officer. "They said they would pull out of Shan State once we
achieve that objective."
The Pa-O, one of the main races of Shan State, moved northward from
Suwannabhumi (Thaton) when the kingdom, regarded both by the Mons and
Pa-Os as theirs, was conquered by Anawrahta (1044-1077) of Pagan in
1047, and were granted land to resettle by the southern Shan prince of
Yawnghwe.
The PNO signed truce with Rangoon on 18 February, 1991, according to the
New Light of Myanmar. Another Pa-O dominated group, Shan State
Nationalities and Peoples' Liberation Organization, led by Ta Kalei,
followed suit on 9 October 1994. The remaining resistance elements were
regrouped under Hkun Okker, who set up the Pa-O People's Liberation
Organization, a member of the non-Burman National Democratic Front
___________________________________________________
The Canberra Times : Soldiers in flip flops in 52-year struggle
The Karen people began their struggle for independence from Burma in
1949, writes JOH GREENAWAY.
December 14, 2000, Thursday Edition
MAJOR Saw Wee moves along the jungle path with an economy of effort,
gliding up the side of a mountain silently and without raising a sweat
despite the heat, steep track and mud left over from recent rains. Of
his 49 years, 31 have been spent as a soldier with the Karen National
Liberation Army fighting a rebellion against Rangoon for an independent
homeland for his people, the second largest ethnic group in his troubled
country after the Burmese.
His calmly-delivered orders to the fighters under his command on patrol
near Burmese army positions are listened to carefully and carried out
with a promptness that belies their bedraggled appearance, most of them
wearing cheap plastic flip flops on their feet.
Only 3km from the Thai border, it was from here recently that he and his
company commander, Major Nerdah Mya, son of longtime KNLA leader General
Bo Mya, launched an attack on a Burmese base, overrunning it after a
series of intense gunfire exchanges and shelling of mortars and
rocket-propelled grenades.
Many in the column carry weapons and rounds seized after the Burmese
troops fled their position atop Hto Kyo mountain, yet despite a victory
that has been increasingly rare for the KNLA in their 52-year-old
struggle, the enemy had already reoccupied their sacked base.
"We are engaged in guerrilla warfare," says Nerdah Mya, "This dry season
we have hit first, not only here in 6th Brigade's area but also in
neighbouring 7th Brigade where they have launched three attacks since
September.
"We do not have the strength to occupy a position so we attack small
outposts, gather any food or ammunition left behind after the Burmese
run, and move on."
The KNLA began their fight for independence in 1949 when they were
denied a homeland after Britain left Burma following the end of the
World War II.
Theirs has been one of the most potent insurgent forces.
The strongest of the ethnic-minority armies that have fought Rangoon
over the past half century, most of that time against a military regime
that overthrew the civilian government in the 1960s and its successor
that stubbornly hangs on to power today, it even rivalled the once
mighty but now defunct Communist Party of Burma.
But now the force that once boasted 25,000 regulars has been reduced to
just a few thousand and since Mannerplaw fell in 1995 the capital of
their self-declared independent state they have very little territory
under their control and few resources.
Mostly they operate mobile units from bases along the Thai border, such
as the camp of the 201st Battalion at Worlaykee.
Despite their unfavourable position they believe they will yet win their
freedom if they can hold on until the Welcome to Karen state
military junta folds under the weight of huge debts and international
pressure.
At Worlaykee, this conviction is immediately apparent entering the camp
across a swaying bamboo bridge over a creek and underneath a large sign
welcoming the visitor to Karen state, and at the end of the day when the
Karen flag is lowered before a three-man military guard.
"Before the start of the next wet season I am very confident that we
will bring them to the negotiating table," says Nerdah Mya, who as well
as being commander of the 201st Battalion is also the secretary of
foreign affairs in the Karen National Union, the KNLA's political wing.
The continued resistance of the KNLA, outlasting most of the other
ethnic minorities' battle for self-determination with many cease-fire
agreements having been signed in the past decade, has taken its toll on
the Karen population as the Burmese military has targeted villagers in a
campaign to undermine the KNLA's support base. Most of the 115,000
refugees from Burma living in camps along the Thai border are Karen,
forced to leave by random and targeted violence, crop destruction,
extortion and forced labour at the hands of the Burmese army and the
Karen allies they have won over from the KNLA. Kevin Heppner of the
Karen Human Rights Group, a Canadian who began his association with the
Karen teaching English in a village before it was razed by the army a
decade ago, supports claims by the KNLA that what is happening inside
Karen state is genocide. "If you look at the genocide convention it lays
out five conditions and if any one of those is in effect then genocide
is happening.
The situation in Karen, Karenni and Shan states satisfies three of the
conditions. "Based on the evidence from other areas where cease-fires
have been reached there is no reason to believe that human-rights abuses
would be reduced if the KNU decided to accept the poor terms offered
them up until now, " Heppner adds. On the few shortwave radios in the
camp the troops of 201st Battalion heard news of the decision of the ILO
to recommend sanctions be imposed on Rangoon for failing to stop forced
labour. They know what it means and are grateful but they still feel
their fight has been forgotten, particularly by Britain whose troops
parachuted into their hills in World War II and with whom they fought
highly successful guerrilla campaigns against the occupying Japanese.
"We do believe that Western people have forgotten us a bit but we hope
they won't forget us completely," Major Saw Wee says.
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
ABC/eCountries: Still out in the cold
by eCountries staff (Wed, 13 Dec 2000 23:01:15)
Talks between the EU and ASEAN have resumed, despite differences over
Myanmar's troublesome junta. The junta has now hinted it will release
detained pro-democracy leaders. Yet without wider political reform,
ASEAN-EU ties will remain vulnerable.
When it comes to Myanmar, any good news is welcome. At a December 11-13
meeting between the European Union and the Association of South East
Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Laos, the representatives of Myanmar's ruling
junta hinted that "key figures" could soon be released. That may mean
Aung San Suu Kyi, the embattled leader of the country's pro-democracy
party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Aung San Suu Kyi and other top NLD leaders were detained in September
when an attempt to leave the capital, Yangon, turned into a week-long
standoff with the military, drawing harsh criticism from around the
globe. The junta clamped down, hoping to avoid such embarrassment during
the Laos gathering - the first high-level contact between the EU and
ASEAN since Myanmar was admitted to the bloc in 1997.
The ASEAN and the EU remain in disagreement over how to handle Myanmar.
Yet the EU felt it was time to get relations with ASEAN -- an important
trade partner - back on track. The EU is also seeking new ways to
influence the junta, worried that its isolationist approach is not
working. At the Laos meeting, the junta agreed to allow three EU
officials to visit in January, a follow-up to exploratory talks held in
July 1999. Myanmar's foreign minister, Win Aung, indicated that the EU
visitors would be able to see "whoever they want." EU officials took
that to mean key opposition leaders, perhaps even Aung San Suu Kyi.
Yet the renewal of EU-ASEAN ties remains under threat. No date has been
set for the next meeting, due to be held in Europe. Embarrassingly for
the junta, its senior members are banned from visiting any EU nation. It
will be tough for the Europeans to relax that restriction unless there
are real steps towards political reform in Myanmar - and that looks as
far away as ever.
For one thing, there is little concerted pressure on the junta from
within ASEAN. Thailand is increasingly frustrated at the flood of
refugees and illegal drugs that pour across its border with Myanmar. Yet
most ASEAN nations remain wedded to the principal of "non interference"
in each other's affairs, fearing that open criticism of Myanmar's human
rights abuses would quickly lead to unwanted attention for their own
domestic problems.
That discord continues beyond Asia. The EU - and the many other nations
for whom Myanmar remains a pariah - exert pressure via a barrage of aid
freezes and consumer boycotts. Yet Premier Oil of the UK and Total of
France are still key investors in Myanmar, as the European Council
remains paralyzed over the question of tougher sanctions.
Back in the crumbling city of Yangon, there is no sign that the
secretive junta is ready to reform. Observers expect the junta to use a
long-promised revamp of the constitution simply to deepen its hold on
power, with the draft version enshrining a central role for the military
in political life. The junta is also desperate to overturn the result of
the last election, held in 1990 and won overwhelming by the NLD. As a
result, the junta has detained hundreds of NLD members and drummed
thousands more out of the party, in a bid to sideline its main political
foe before it risks reopening the polls.
NLD members are not hopeful that someone will emerge from within the
junta to lead them in a new direction, despite unease amid some sections
of the army rank and file. In fact, close observers of the junta fear
that the more hard-line generals, grouped around military commander
General Maung Aye, appear to be gaining in power. Further, after several
grim years, Myanmar's battered economy may be picking up a little,
making it easier for the junta to survive without aid - and so easier to
resist international pressure for change.
As a last resort, exiled democracy campaigners tried in late 1998 to
stir up mass protests, but that too has failed -- so far. It's hardly
surprising. The last time people took to the streets to demand political
change, in 1998, the military turned its guns on the protestors, leaving
thousands dead or wounded. Since then, the country has remained
smothered under what Aung San Suu Kyi has called a "blanket of fear."
Anyone who has visited Myanmar can attest that support for the NLD
remains strong. Yet it is also clear that people are afraid, far too
afraid to demand change. George Orwell, who spent five years in colonial
Burma, once said that a society "founded on fear and hatred...would
never endure." Myanmar's generals are working hard to prove him wrong.
___________________________________________________
TV Myanmar: Burma assesses ASEAN-EU meeting outcome
December 14, 2000, Thursday
Rangoon, in Burmese 1330 gmt 13 Dec 00
Text of report by Burmese TV on 13 December
Foreign Minister U Win Aung attended the sideline meeting of the Foreign
Ministers of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar Burma , and Vietnam during the
session of the 13th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting AEMM .
At that meeting, the ministers discussed and exchanged views on
cooperation in endeavours for enhancement of competitiveness in the
information technology sector in ASEAN region, which was the decision
passed by the Fourth ASEAN Informal Summit held in Singapore in
November, and sought action plans to be implemented in Cambodia, Laos,
Myanmar, and Vietnam for narrowing the digital divide between one member
country and another, and among the member countries.
The opening session of the 13th ASEAN-EU Foreign Ministers Meeting took
place at the Lao National Theatre at 0900 on 11 December. Lao Prime
Minister Mr Sisavath Keobounphanh delivered the opening address. Prior
to the opening ceremony, the ministers paid courtesy calls on the Prime
Minister of Laos.
Foreign Minister U Win Aung also attended the ASEAN Foreign Ministers'
Informal Meeting on 10 December evening and the Ministerial Meeting on
11 and 12 December. Subjects discussed at the ASEAN-EU Ministerial
Meeting covered ASEAN-EU relations, political and security affairs,
international economic situation, and ASEAN-EU future relations.
Under ASEAN-EU relations topic, the present ASEAN-EU relations were
reviewed and ASEAN-EU programmes were discussed. In the issue of
political and security matters, views were exchanged in relation to the
situations in South East Asia, Europe, Asia and the Pacific, and the
Middle East. ASEAN and EU delegates delved into economic development in
ASEAN and EU, economic recovery in ASEAN region and other economic
matters under the theme heading of international economic situations
issue. As regards to the South East Asian region topic, Foreign Minister
U Win Aung spoke at length on the government's plans and endeavours for
national consolidation, and changes and developments in Myanmar.
While attending the meeting, Foreign Minister U Win Aung informally met
with Lao Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mr Somsavat
Lengsavat, as well as with the foreign ministers of other ASEAN member
countries, and exchanged views on ASEAN affairs.
The minister gave an interview to reporters of BBC Myanmar Programme, AP
and Reuters news agencies, and replied to their queries. In addition, he
acquainted them with the changes and developments in Myanmar, the
government's projects for national reconsolidation, narcotic drugs
suppression, the government's projects for safe and smooth
transportation, and Myanmar and ASEAN's stance at the ASEAN-EU meeting.
Together with other leaders of ASEAN-EU delegations, Foreign Minister U
Win Aung called on Lao President Mr Khamtay Siphandone at 1100 on 12
December.
The 13th ASEAN-EU Foreign Ministers Meeting in Vientiane, Laos, was the
first to be held after the 12th meeting held in Singapore in 1997.
Holding of such a meeting after three years of stagnant relations
between ASEAN and EU indicates ASEAN's desire and willingness to promote
relations with other countries and organizations and dialogue partners,
and proves that ASEAN was able to hold the first meeting between the two
organizations of two regions with the attendance of the 10 countries of
South East Asian region. The delegates were able to review the relations
between ASEAN and EU and discuss and exchange views on future relations
at the meeting. ASEAN proved its dynamic unity at the meeting and was
able to present and discuss regional situations and developments.
Moreover, views were exchanged on human resources development, technical
cooperation, and anti-narcotic drugs activities in which the two regions
were able to cooperate together while adhering to the basic principles
of ASEAN.
_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
Myanmar Times: Electrical wire makers seek standard taxes
Dec. 13-17, 2000
ELECTIRCAL wire manufacturers, who are trying to survive and prosper
under an import substitution policy, say they need commercial tax
charges which are uniform across locally, jointly and foreign-owned
operations. Over recent years, for local sales, tax duties have been
reviewed. Local operators now must pay 2 per cent tax while joint or
foreign ones are required to pay 10pc to 20pc depending on product
diversification.?We want the government to review the tax system,? said
the technical manager of one cable company, whose product was first
imported here 10 years ago.?This situation hinders the possibility of
incoming foreign investments. When the market potential was found, our
management decided to start local production two years ago.?
One of the main reasons why another industrialist, Hong Pang, launched
its operations in Mandalay two years ago was that 15-20 percent of the
total material costs of a building were accounted for by electrical
requirements like wiring and lighting.Another reason was the amount of
work that needed to be done in Myanmar regarding electrification ?the
extension of power distribution cables, for example.And with wire
imports from neighbouring countries like China and India accounting for
about 75pc of market share in 1998, boosting local production made good
economic sense.?We expected to increase our market share with the
penetration of local products, and our expectation has gradually come
true as our products are as competitive as the imports in terms of both
quality and price,? said Ko Bo Bo of Hong Pang.
?The market share of imported items has now considerably dropped to
about 30pc.?So our operation has really become consistent with the
government?s ?import substitution? policy.?At the beginning of
penetrating local market, we had to face loss as profitability was not
our priority but the publicity of our brand.?Our products are comparable
to imports, especially to those from China. ?We sustain our market share
mainly relying on producing quality wires,? he said.A spokesman for a
leading local supplier with a strong export focus, who did not want to
be identified, said his company made monthly shipments of its product to
Singapore. ?As the quality of our product is proven, we are able to
export there,? he said. ?Our workforce has undergone on-the-job training
in Singapore. ?It is one of the reasons why the quality of our products
is good.?Good quality product comes from good quality raw material ?
copper ? that mainly is imported from Korea and Malaysia.
Asked whether importing the raw materials was problematic, Hong Pang?s
Ko Bo Bo said his company did not have independent foreign exchange (FE)
earning.?Therefore, we have an understanding with those who have their
own FE earnings to import raw materials for our mutual benefits,? he
said. ?We have nothing to do with importing the raw materials. Our
importers may enjoy some commissions on raw materials they import on our
behalf.? Raw materials are, of course, also available here. But that is
where the differential tax system hurts everybody.Copper is supplied to
the local industry by the Canadian-based Ivanhoe, which operates
exploration and production of the metal in Monywa, a town in lower
Chindwin district.?But the price of a ton of local copper is usually
US$150-200 higher than that of the prevailing London Metal Exchange
(LME) price,? said the export company?s spokesman.Quoting an Ivanhoe
source, he said the reason for this was the ?commercial tax due on the
company?.?We would hope that the price of raw materials locally
available could be lower than that of imports, or the same at least,? he
said.
___________________________________________________
Bay Area Burma Roundtable: San Francisco Board of Supervisors Votes
Unanimously to Divest from Burma-Related Stock
Dec. 14, 2000
San Francisco, CA In a victory for Burma's democracy movement, the San
Francisco Board of Supervisors yesterday unanimously passed a resolution
that urges the City Treasurer and the governing board of the City's
pension and retirement system to divest from companies that are doing
business in Burma.
Members of the Bay Area Burma Roundtable hailed the decision as an
important statement of support for the Burmese people in their struggle
to bring democracy to Burma. Since 1988, an oppressive military
dictatorship has ruled Burma. The military regime in Burma has been
widely condemned by bodies including the US State Department, the United
Nations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch for its widespread
use of murder, torture, forced labor and forced relocation as tools of
political repression.
In 1996, the San Francisco board had adopted a law, similar to the
famous Massachusetts-Burma law, which prohibited San Francisco from
conducting business with companies that have operations in Burma, and
from purchasing commodities produced in Burma. In light of the June
2000, Supreme Court decision concerning the Massachusetts Burma law,
however, this law was yesterday officially suspended by the San
Francisco Board of Supervisors.
Burma democracy activists say that divestment is an important
alternative to the selective purchasing laws, and will put additional
pressure on corporations such as Unocal, Suzuki, and Halliburton to
discontinue their operations in Burma.
"UNOCAL and others are directly supporting the abusive military regime,"
says Shannon Wolfe of the Bay Area Burma Roundtable. "We do not believe
that the city of San Francisco should be invested in such companies, and
we are glad that President Ammianno and the board stood with us on this
matter."
"This resolution is very important to members of the Burmese community
in San Francisco" said Ko Ko Lay, a Burmese-American citizen who spoke
before the board during public comments. Ko Ko Lay was a student in
Burma in 1988 when the military took power, and was part of the
democracy uprising when many student leaders were killed or arrested.
"We are working for democracy in Burma. The democratically elected
leader of our country, Daw Aung San Suu Syi, has called repeatedly for
all foreign companies to pull out of Burma." Nobel Peace Prize Winner
Aung San Suu Kyi, who heads the nation's democracy party, was
overwhelmingly elected in 1990, but the election has never been
recognized.
More than 25 cities and states had passed Burma-related purchasing laws
in the past decade. Now, many are turning to divestment. This fall,
the cities of Minneapolis and L.A. passed "Free Burma" divestment
ordinances.
______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________
Aung San Suu Kyi: Transcript of Video Message from To the Cadanian Auto
Workers' Association on receiving first Nelson Mandela Human Rights
Award
Speech delivered on video tape, Saturday, December 9, 2:00 pm at the
Sheraton Centre, Toronto
It is indeed a great honour to have been given the Nelson Mandela human
rights award by the Canadian Auto Workers' Union. It is especially in
honour because I believe I am the first recipient of this prize. It is
a great pleasure for me to receive a prize from the Canadian Auto
Workers' Union. I have never received any prize from any association
like this.
We always imagine auto workers to be full of vim and vigour and energy
and their support should really give a great boost to our movement.
The workers of Burma have no rights whatsoever but it is not just the
workers of Burma, the people of Burma have no rights. There is no rule
of law so we are not protected in anyway from the oppression of the
military regime.
The case of the violation of human rights in Burma is widely known but I
think it is worth repeating. 'Human rights' means every human being
should be able to live as free and respected members of society. But we
are not free in our own country. We are very much prisoners in our own
country. Prisoners of the military regime which decides whether we have
the right to freedom or the right even to live. Many of our people have
been arrested without trial or without a fair trial, and many of them
have been condemned to long years in prison.
A prison sentence in Burma is often tantamount to a death sentence
because of the conditions in Burma's prisons. It is not just workers
who are subjected to injustice in Burma. It is not just political
activists who are subjected to injustice in Burma. It is the general
public. Workers will be especially interested in the case of forced
labour.
Members of the general public are required to provide free labour
whenever the authorities desire it of them. It is called "voluntary" by
the authorities, but those who do not provide this voluntary labour are
subjected to financial fines, pressures of all kinds, and harassment by
authorities. So there is nothing voluntary about forced labour projects
which are going on all over the country.
This is why the International Labour Organization had made unprecedented
moves in favour of the workers of Burma. The ILO has no longer been
able to ignore forced labour. It is a terrible, burning issue.
We would like not just the auto workers of Canada but all the workers of
Canada to be aware of the lack of basic rights for the people of Burma.
We cannot go to bed at night secure in the knowledge that if we have not
committed a crime, nobody is going to arrest us before we wake up in the
morning. All too often, political activists can hear a knocking on the
door in the middle of the night, and they know that they are going to be
arrested. The only crime is that they do not agree with the policies of
the military regime.
So Burma, because of its lack of democracy and human rights, is also
lacking in unity. To build up a strong union, we require basic human
rights. We require rights for all the peoples of Burma, for the
farmers, for the workers, for the students, for the politicians, for
businessmen, for housewives, and for children.
Unless all of us have the basic rights that will enable us to live as
dignified human beings, there is no hope of progress in our country.
Progress does not come without effort. Effort cannot be made without
the reasonable degree of liberty. What we are asking for is liberty not
license. Democracy is by definition freedom with responsibility.
Our movement has been helped greatly by the support of people all over
the world who understand our need for basic human rights. We are
extremely grateful to those who have given us support. And we are fully
confident that with this support we will be able to make Burma the kind
of country that will be of benefit to its people and to the rest of the
world.
I look forward to the time when the workers of Canada and the workers
Burma can unite in a democratic force that will help strengthen peace
and stability in our world. Thank you very much.
I would also like to repeat my thanks to the Canadian Auto Workers'
Union and in particular to the President, Buzz Hargrove, for making it
possible for me to address you today. The award is a great honour but
to be able to address you is a great pleasure. Thank you very much.
___________________________________________________
Letter to the Editor: Misleading statement [in Noted in Passing]
Dec. 15, 2000
The leader to today's newsletter [Dec. 14 issue of BurmaNet] is
extremely misleading. Unless the statement about "carrying a laptop
through customs"
relates specifically to journalists, which is not indicated, it is in
fact wrong.
I have travelled in an out of Myanmar many dozens of times since 1994,
including my last trip a few months ago, and I have always traveled
with my laptop, declaring it each time, and I have NEVER experienced a
problem.
Regards
Gerard Murnane
Melbourne, Australia
*****
BurmaNet responds: What Mr. Murnane is objecting to is Ben Hammersley's
quote in the Noted In Passing segment of yesterday's issue:
NOTED IN PASSING: "It's illegal to be a journalist in Burma. If you're
caught carrying a laptop through customs they deport you or imprison
you. But it's quite easy to smuggle a Palm through in the pockets of
your cargo trousers."
Ben Hammersley, technology reporter for the Times of London. See Wired:
Size matters
*****
Technically, Mr. Murnane is correct. Computers aren't illegal in Burma,
except when they are. They are legal if you enter with a business visa
and declare it, as Mr. Murnane did. But it is a violation of Burmese
law punishable by 7-15 years in prison for anyone to possess a computer
with a modem (presumably including Mr. Hammersley's Handspring Visor)
without having a license. Such licenses, not to mention visas, are
unlikely to be granted to journalists who interview Aung San Suu Kyi or
who write critically of the regime.
________________
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