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BurmaNet News: February 23, 2001



______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
         February 23, 2001   Issue # 1742
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________

INSIDE BURMA _______
*Bangkok Post: Junta readies air and tank assaults: Successful guerrilla 
raid triggers reply 
*Asiaweek: Holiday in Hell
*Lonely Planet: Notes on a Recent Visit to Myanmar

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AFP: Rebel leader vows to fight Myanmar troops
*The Independent (Bangladesh): Strategy to keep China at bay India woos 
Myanmar
*The Nation (Thailand): Chavalit blasts press coverage of Shan attack 
*The Nation: Army warns Burma drug lords over smuggling
*Kyodo: Japan makes grant to Myanmar to improve health care

ECONOMY/BUSINESS _______
*AP: Thailand Bans Shipment Of 'Strategic' Goods To Myanmar
*Than Setthakit [Thailand]: Trade, tourism sectors said hurt by 
situation on Burma border 
*Asiaweek: A Boom Town Beckons

OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*Business Day (Thailand): Myanmar border conflict must be swiftly 
quelled 
*The Nation: Thailand and Burma Need To Mend Fences

OTHER______
*KHRG: Karen Human Rights Group Book Released


__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________



AFP: Rebel leader vows to fight Myanmar troops

DOI KO WON, Myanmar, Feb 23 (AFP) - A Shan State Army (SSA) leader vowed 
to fight advancing Myanmar soldiers Friday and said his troops were 
preparing to mount their own offensives. 

"From now on we will not just wait for Myanmar troops to fire on us. We 
will move to fight them, too," SSA leader Yawd Serk told reporters at a 
jungle encampment about one kilometer (under a mile) from the Thai 
border in Shan State. 

"I believe we can fight against Myanmar troops because we want our 
country back," he said. 

Yawd Serk said SSA troops had been attacked because they were positioned 
along a border route used by Myanmar to transport drugs, and that the 
SSA was simply following its policy to suppress the drugs trade. 

He said the SSA had its own legal means of supporting its military 
operations, which cost the ethnic rebel group approximately 100 million 
kyats (198,800 dollars) per year. 
"We have our own legal businesses. We are not involved in drugs," he 
said, declining to reveal the nature of the group's businesses for fear 
Myanmar authorities might intervene. 

Ethnic Shan rebels were not the only target of Myanmar troops, Yawd Serk 
said. 
"I believe they don't want to attack only the Shan, they want to attack 
Thailand also," he said. 

Yawd Serk said SSA troops had abandoned a Myanmar military base they had 
taken earlier this week, and that Myanmar troops had returned to it. 
During a half-hour skirmish late Wednesday, Shan State Army rebels 
stormed the base located some 300 meters (990 feet) from the Thai 
border, Thai sources said. 
Some 20 Myanmar troops had been stationed at the base inside Myanmar, 
opposite the Mae Fah Luang district in the northern Thai province of 
Chiang Rai. 
The attacking SSA troops, who numbered about 50, torched the base. One 
Myanmar soldier was killed and a second was taken prisoner during the 
fighting, according to a Thai border source. 

Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra confirmed Wednesday that the 
fighting took place on Myanmar soil, and said Thailand would ensure the 
security of its people along the border. 

Thaksin said he considered the fighting a domestic issue for Myanmar and 
that he thought it would end soon. 

Scores of Thai troops have been sent to the border region in recent 
weeks to guard against incursions by Myanmar troops, whose battle with 
ethnic rebels strayed into Thailand earlier this month. 

The SSA is one of the only major armed factions left in Myanmar yet to 
agree to a ceasefire with the Yangon government.  

Yawd Serk has pledged to cooperate with international efforts to 
suppress drug trafficking. 


___________________________________________________




Bangkok Post: Junta readies air and tank assaults: Successful guerrilla 
raid triggers reply 

Feb. 23, 2001

Rangoon is preparing to send jet fighters and tanks against Shan State 
Army forces who overran a Burmese army border post, killing one soldier, 
yesterday. 

Intelligence sources said Rangoon had deployed six Chengdu F-7 light 
fighter interceptors to Kengtung, 150km north of Tachilek, opposite Mae 
Sai district, Chiang Rai. 

The Chengdu F-7 is a Chinese copy of Russia's multi-role MiG-21 and 
equivalent to the F-5 operated by the air force. 

Rangoon had also sent 50 Chinese-made light tanks to the Tachilek area, 
the sources said. 

Air force pilots at Wing 41 in Chiang Mai, Wing 1 in Nakhon Ratchasima 
and Wing 4 in Nakhon Sawan, were placed on full alert as the build-up in 
the conflict zone increased. 

The Burmese soldier was killed and five wounded yesterday morning when 
the Shan took the outpost opposite Ban Pha-hi, 5km southwest of Mae Sai. 
The scene of the fighting is 500m from a Thai position and close to the 
area where Thai and Burmese troops exchanged gunfire on Feb 11. 

After 30 minutes of fighting, the outpost fell to the Shan, who set it 
on fire and took one Burmese soldier prisoner. 

Col Yawd Serk, chairman of the Shan State Restoration Council, said the 
action was aimed at disrupting Burmese military movements. 

The Shan had been aware of an imminent assault on their border bases and 
had to take the initiative, he said. 

Third Army commander Lt-Gen Wattanachai Chaimuenwong said he was not 
optimistic about the chances of a new round of border talks. It was up 
to Burma to call a meeting. 

Thailand would not push for talks since the latest round of clashes had 
not stemmed from the Thai side, he said. 

An estimated 200 Burmese troops had entered Ban Pang Noon, Mae Fah Luang 
district, on Feb 9, to assault a Shan base along the border area. 

"This is an issue of national integrity," he said. "Since we did not 
start the conflict and have not done anything wrong, we will not 
initiate such a move." Lt-Gen Wattanachai jointly chairs the Thai-Burma 
regional border committee, which has not met to discuss the border for 
two years. 

A first round of talks on the conflict was held last week in Tachilek 
and Mae Sai, but ended in deadlock. 

The Foreign Ministry said Burma should formally propose a meeting to 
settle the dispute rather than talk about its wishes for a peaceful 
solution, he said. 

Pradap Pibulsonggram, the ministry spokesman, urged Burmese authorities 
to submit in writing a proposal for talks. Thailand was concerned that 
it would again be affected by renewed tension on the Burmese side of the 
border, he said. 

Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, secretary one of the ruling State Peace and 
Development Council, on Monday said Burma was not aggressive in its 
foreign relations and wanted to resolve its border dispute peacefully. 

___________________________________________________



Asiaweek: Holiday in Hell 

By Ron Gluckman 


A well-intentioned travel boycott of Myanmar hurts ordinary people 

We're bumping along rutted roads in a dusty rented car, Tony and the 
driver up front, Maureen and me in back, when Tony, face pressed in his 
Lonely Planet guidebook, suggests another stop. Up ahead is 
Thayekhittaya, ruins dating back 2,500 years. The description is 
enticing, but we can't help but groan. We've been lurching for eight, 
long hours on the road from Myanmar's capital, Yangon. We ache, it's 
nearly dark, and tomorrow morning promises another long ride to Bagan, 
the ancient city that is our quest. 

Besides, we bowed to Tony last time, at Shwemyetman Paya (Temple of the 
Golden Spectacles). The appeal -- you guessed it -- a Buddha with big 
glasses. "It takes nine monks to lift the glasses every fortnight to 
clean them," Tony gleefully recites from the guide he keeps close at 
hand. To be honest, we are a bit Buddha-ed out, a common condition among 
tourists in this pagoda-packed land. Still, it's a once-in-a-lifetime 
opportunity, exhorts Tony. So, as the sun sets, we're tramping through 
muddy fields -- only the temples are so far away, we never reach one. 
"Gee, this book should better explain the distance," says Tony, 
unabashed. "You really need more time here." 

You'd think he'd be at least a little bit contrite. After all, it's his 
guide book. Literally. Tony and Maureen Wheeler practically invented 
budget travel. Their hand-stapled reports back in 1973 from a honeymoon 
trek across Asia spawned Lonely Planet and its legendary backpacker 
guides. With their down-to-earth, first-person reports of how to get 
there, what to see and where to stay, plus their in-depth sections on 
history, culture and the environment, all delivered with a 1960s-style 
counterculture slant, the Wheelers' guides have long been the bible for 
independent travelers. But Tony and Maureen were not trudging through 
Myanmar to check on the accuracy of travel times in their book on the 
country. They came to this tragic but beautiful land because human 
rights activists have organized a boycott aimed at forcing them to cease 
publication of their Myanmar guide. 

"The development of tourism in Burma is directly linked to mass human 
rights abuses including rape, torture and murder," declares Tourism 
Concern and Burma Campaign, two London-based activist groups. "Lonely 
Planet's promotion of tourism to Burma . . . have left pro-democracy 
activists with no choice but to call for a boycott." The campaigners 
last year asked concerned travellers to stop buying any Lonely Planet 
books as long as the company publishes a Myanmar guide. The Wheelers 
were stunned. After all, their guides provide blunt expositions of human 
rights violations in addition to explaining how to get to obscure 
pagodas and where to find the best cheap meals. The company donates part 
of its profits to causes like women's rights and the environment (and 
including, for many years, Tourism Concern and Burma Campaign). Only 
repressive governments ban Lonely Planet guides for being too honest 
about the problems in countries they cover. Or so the Wheelers thought. 

The boycott is one of the latest acts in the long running tragedy that 
is Burma -- or Myanmar, as it was named by the generals who seized power 
in 1988 over the bodies of thousands of student protesters. They later 
refused to relinquish control following elections in 1990 won by the 
opposition led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Her courage in the years of 
resistance and house arrest since has earned her a Nobel Peace Prize. 
Tourism might seem a strange target in the battle against the junta, but 
the long stalemate has forced drastic tactics. The regime's plan to 
boost visitor numbers in the 1990s presented an obvious Achilles' Heel. 
Aung San Suu Kyi called on would-be tourists to shun her country, 
arguing that their money only helped the military, not the ordinary 
people. From there, the boycott has grown from telling foreigners not to 
go to Myanmar, to insisting that they not even buy books about going to 
Myanmar. 

Should you stay or should you go? "The message from Aung San Suu Kyi and 
the NLD [her National League for Democracy party] has been unequivocal," 
says Patricia Barnett, director of Tourism Concern. "They say don't go, 
and they are the legitimate government. We have to respect their 
wishes." The Wheelers were not sure. A two-page section in the Lonely 
Planet Myanmar guide outlines the pros and cons, but concludes: "Tourism 
remains one of the only industries to which ordinary people have access. 
Any reduction in tourism automatically means a reduction in local income 
earning opportunities. For this reason alone, we continue to believe 
that the positives of travel to Myanmar outweigh the negatives." Still, 
logic dictates that the debate be decided in the country in question, 
not at the home office. Hence, Tony and Maureen have come to Myanmar to 
see things for themselves. Asiaweek tagged along for our own look. 

Tourism is bad, say boycott groups, since it props up the military 
regime and helps no one in Myanmar. That argument puzzles Soe Tint, a 
taxi driver in Yangon. Glancing in the mirror, he ponders this for 
perhaps a nano-second before replying, "How can anyone think that?" If 
no tourists come, the 49-year-old grandfather would need a new job. Tint 
worked as a government civil engineer for 20 years. He saved up his 
money, and in 1995 bought a second-hand car and went into the taxi 
business. Now he can make $ 10 a day, six times his old salary. "What is 
bad," he says, "is this boycott. We need more tourists, not less." 

Investors in the travel sector feel particularly disenfranchised. "Most 
of us came in the early 1990s, when there was great promise," says 
Arbind Shrestha, general manager of Trader's, Yangon's largest luxury 
hotel. "The government made a commitment to open the market." His 
company, Shangri-la Hotels and Resorts, put $ 85 million into Myanmar, 
where it planned two hotels. Only the 392-room Trader's was completed. 
The shells and abandoned construction sites of stalled projects litter 
the capital, reminders of a tourist boom that never happened. Occupancy 
around Yangon runs 25%-30%, against normal industry targets of 70%-80%. 
Says Shrestha: "We all feel cheated." 

Of course, one might dismiss five-star hoteliers as a pack of greed 
heads and sneer at their losses. But it's not just the big-time 
investors losing out. Duncan MacLean, manager of the swank Equatorial, 
says entry-level positions in his hotel pay $ 100 per month. That's a 
fivefold increase over the mid-1990s, when hotel clerks earned four 
times as much as nurses. The spread has only widened, he guesses. "I'd 
estimate that tourism brings Myanmar at least 100,000 jobs, and a 
million or more indirectly." 

Among those small timers benefiting are locals like Hillary Newton (who 
despite his Anglo-sounding name is Burmese) whom I met on my first visit 
in the early 1990s. Newton used to sit at Sule Pagoda in Yangon, 
approaching tourists with the smattering of English learned as a seaman, 
offering a range of services guide, translator, fixer -- anything to 
earn cash. Much has changed in Myanmar, but there was Newton outside the 
stupa, still chasing a fast buck. Now, he boasts business cards and 
works for a local travel agency. And he's not afraid to speak his mind. 
"We want change," Newton says over a curry in a shop not far from Sule. 
"But this movement really needs the help of our friends," he adds. "We 
need tourists and we need business. Reform will come later." 

I hear that sentiment expressed everywhere I go. It's repeated so often 
by tour operators, hoteliers, taxi drivers, students, waiters, old 
friends that I fret about balance. Surely, somewhere there is someone 
who supports the boycott. Finally, I meet Herve and Thuzar. Herve's a 
Frenchman who quit selling stocks in Paris to roam around the world. In 
Burma, he fell in love with a land, a people, and Thuzar. They run a 
boutique travel agency taking small groups to amazing parts of the 
country. "Perhaps with a boycott, it will give Burma a chance to go 
slowly and avoid all the mistakes of places like Thailand," he muses one 
magical night at a rooftop restaurant with moonlit views of the golden 
domes of Sule and Shwedagon. The latter inspired Rudyard Kipling to 
write: "This is Burma and it will be quite unlike any land you know." 
Herve knows the feeling. "Of course, anyone who really wants to come 
will. They would be fools not to." Not quite the kind of support the 
boycotters are looking for. 

Still, British tourism has skidded to a halt as agencies dropped 
Myanmar. Australian outfits like Intrepid Travel, which specializes in 
small-group adventure tours, also abandoned the market. "We agonized 
over the decision to start trips to Burma," says Intrepid's responsible 
travel coordinator Jane Crouch. Trips started in 1995 and were among the 
company's most popular offerings, she says. But the last tours finished 
a year ago. Melbourne staff felt the trips implied support of the junta. 
(Some say the firm bowed to pressure.) Tour leaders in Myanmar stayed 
on. "I couldn't just leave all these people we had trained. They trusted 
us," says Ian Marsh, a former Intrepid guide who now runs a firm called 
Global Drift and sells trips to essentially the same clientele, but 
quietly. "Nobody here wants the boycott," he says. "They want us here, 
and I believe we should be here, too." 

Boycott groups have a long list of gripes, most legitimate. Myanmar's 
record on human rights is abysmal. The junta's suppression of dissent, 
oppression of minorities, and links with drug traffickers is notorious. 
Keeping the focus on the tourist trade, the International Labor 
Organization said in 1998 that the government uses forced labor widely, 
including in tourism projects. Residents have been evicted from some 
tourism sites, such as the ancient city of Bagan (also known as Pagan) 
in 1990. Authorities claimed it was to protect the archeological zone, 
then cluttered with guesthouses and tourist stalls. Critics countered 
that poor folk were swept aside for military-linked hotels. A decade 
later, Old Bagan's only new development is a big museum. 

Aung Nyet was evicted from Old Bagan. And New Bagan? "It was hard at 
first," Nyet says of the move. Only two weeks notice was given. "But 
things are better in New Bagan, We have better lights, more water." Nyet 
has bulging muscles from building his riverside restaurant, where he 
serves Burmese favorites. Crafts from nearby villages are displayed for 
sale. Recent visitors included a group of German doctors, in country to 
perform free operations to repair cleft palates. "Tell people this 
boycott is completely wrong," he says. "The government and the people 
are different. Boycotts hit the people. When tourists don't come, 
everybody suffers." 

Bagan makes an interesting study. Easily Myanmar's most impressive site, 
this deserted city of 5,000 temples that flourished from the 11th to the 
13th century ranks with Angkor Wat and the Pyramids of Egypt as a true 
world wonder. At sunset, tourists flock to Bupaya, a cylindrical stupa 
with stunning views over the Irrawaddy River. Long before the crimson 
glow fades from the plain, most of them rush down to buses, then roar 
off to dinner shows at huge riverside restaurants. Left behind are a few 
awe-struck young travellers who came by bike. 

This is the ironic unintended consequence of the boycott. Sensitive 
travelers, the kind who patronize privately-owned guesthouses and small 
businesses, stay away. Group tours, from France, Italy and Japan 
especially, are pouring into state-run hotels. ("Business was better 
before 1996, but then it stopped," Hillary said back in Yangon. "For 
group tours, Burma is still popular, but individual travellers are much 
less than in the old days.") And why have few independent travellers 
come? "It's a beautiful country and everyone is happy to see us," one 
replies. "Nobody says, 'Why did you come?'" Peter, from Germany, sits in 
a tourist-oriented eatery, munching pizza. "I wanted to see for myself. 
Who's to say if tourists don't come the government will change?" 

That's the big question. Do boycotts work? Is the one against Myanmar 
having a positive impact? "Most likely it will turn the clock back, not 
forward," says Joe Cummings, who wrote the Lonely Planet guide. "Believe 
me, I want to see [the junta] toppled as much as anyone," he adds, "but 
there isn't a single indication that isolation will work. I remain 
convinced at least for the time being that it can only bring negative 
results." 

People who profit from tourism -- from guide-book writers to taxi 
drivers -- would be expected to oppose the boycott. But it does have 
strong support among Burmese, outside the country at least. "We advocate 
a total tourism boycott," says Soe Aung, the Thailand-based director of 
foreign affairs for the All Burmese Students Democratic Front. "Lonely 
Planet is a business that acts in its own interest. They don't care 
about the Burmese. They only want to sell books." Maung Maung, general 
secretary of the Federation of Trade Unions of Burma, says the world 
should ratchet up the pressure. "Engagement doesn't help," he says over 
coffee at Starbuck's in Bangkok. And the suffering inside Myanmar? "This 
is a crisis situation. People just have to tighten their belts." 

Inside Myanmar, however, many feel they have suffered enough. Like a 
friend I will call Kyaw. He was jailed for six years following his 
election as an NLD parliamentarian. The junta couldn't break his spirit, 
but he was booted out of the NLD for daring to question its policies. 
"They insisted that we agree to follow their stand without consultation. 
I couldn't. I was an elected official. That's not democracy." He adds: 
"This boycott is bad for the country. The generals just get richer and 
the poor get poorer. We need contact [with the outside world], 
investment and industry. Foreigners bring ideas, skills. That's what we 
need. That's the only way forward." 

Ma Thanegi, jailed for three years after serving as an assistant to Aung 
San Suu Kyi, feels much the same. "Why should the people suffer? All 
these advocates on our behalf say that will help inspire people to take 
to the streets. But we already had a revolution in 1988. Burmese don't 
want to go through that again." When we discuss Burmese activists 
working outside their country, her eyes burn. "Tell them, come back 
here. Bring your children and march in the streets, then I'll march with 
you." Ma Thanegi is a painter and writer well known to the Burmese 
lobby. One piece penned for an Asian magazine was reprinted by Lonely 
Planet as "The Burmese Fairytale." It concludes: "Myanmar has many 
problems, largely the result of 30 years of isolation. More isolation 
won't fix the problems. Don't close the door on us in the name of 
democracy." 

Yet activists don't talk to Ma Thanegi. Nor Kyaw. They're out of the 
loop. On the plane out of Yangon, I meet Ivan, a Danish activist who has 
worked years for the cause. This was his first visit. He spent five days 
in the capital, time enough to visit aid groups and others in his 
network before returning to Thailand for four weeks of consultation with 
refugee workers. "I didn't want to stay longer in Burma because tourism 
is so bad," he says. "Besides, that was enough to get a feel of the 
situation." Ivan is wearing a anti-child labor T-shirt. "It's another of 
our causes," he notes. As we leave the plane, he slips on an Aung San 
Suu Kyi pin. "I want to see the reaction of the stewardesses," he 
confides conspiratorially. 

But Myanmar needs more than gestures from well-wishers. The message in 
the country is clear: people want better government, but also investment 
and contact with the outside world. Not later, now. At the end of their 
trip, the Wheelers are exhausted but clear. "We wrestled with the idea 
of putting out the book even before we heard from the boycott people," 
says Maureen. "We believe tourism can be a good thing, but we wanted to 
see for ourselves. Everywhere we went, people were positive about 
tourism." Pulling the book would actually be the easy way out. It sells 
less than 5,000 copies per year; the Thailand guide sells 50,000 
annually. But taking it off the shelves? "No way," says Tony. Myanmar, 
he reckons, isn't helped by censorship or isolation. That's not how 
democratic debate works. 


___________________________________________________




Lonely Planet: Notes on a Recent Visit to Myanmar

 [Abridged]

[Circulated by email to a number of Burma observers]

Tony Wheeler - Lonely Planet Publications


1 February 2001

Maureen and I visited Myanmar/Burma for the first time in 1974. We 
returned again in 1978 and I made several more trips in the late '70s 
and early '80s. The first edition of our guide to Burma appeared in 1979 
after those first visits. 

Recently I made trips in 1997 and 1999. In 1997 I was working on a 
'coffee table book' about the rickshaws of Asia, an interesting but 
disappearing form of transport, and in 1999 I was working on another 
similar photographic book about rice and its importance in Asia. The 
1997 trip led photographer Richard I'Anson and me to Myanmar because it 
has a unique form of rickshaw and the 1999 trip because prior to WWII 
Burma was the world's largest rice exporter and today the Burmese still 
consume more rice per capita than any other country on earth. On both 
those trips we spoke to a large number of 'ordinary' people about their 
work and their lives. 

In early 2000 Tourism Concern launched a 'boycott Lonely Planet' 
movement on the basis that our guidebook to Myanmar/Burma encouraged 
tourism to that country and financed the country's terrible government. 
I won't deny that campaign has hurt. Not in a financial sense, there's 
no detectable impact on our sales and sales of the Myanmar/Burma book in 
particular have noticeably increased, but personally because it's a 
country we have loved for many years, a country we have taken a personal 
interest in and a country where we thought we were doing the right 
thing. Over the last year replying to people who have written (not just 
sent a 'click this button' email message or card) has consumed a huge 
amount of time - I have tried to reply to every single person 
personally. Some of the letters I've replied to have been ill informed 
and even downright abusive although many others have been measured, 
thoughtful and well considered. 

So in January 2001 Maureen and I returned to Myanmar/Burma purely and 
simply to find out what people in the country actually thought. We were 
beginning to think that the view of the country we got from Britain (and 
the vast majority of the correspondence we have had was from the UK) was 
not unlike the view of Cuba you get from Miami, impassioned but not 
necessarily 100% correct. 

We spent 12 days in Myanmar/Burma from 12 to 24 January and we spent 
almost all that time talking to people. We talked to diplomats, we 
talked to businesspeople both Burmese (and Shan and Karen for that 
matter) and expats, we talked to journalists (from outside as well as 
inside the country), we talked to ex-political prisoners, we talked to 
the families of current political prisoners, we talked to NLD (National 
League of Democracy) members, we talked to aid workers, we talked to 
people in the street, we talked to people who are dirt poor and people 
who are clearly comfortably well off. Here are some of the thing we 
found:

BURMA OR MYANMAR?
I found a Burmese website discussion on the name which concluded: 
Some people still argue the usage of whether 'Myanmar' or 'Burma'. But 
what difference does it make? It's all the same. (Just like Japan is 
called by outsiders as 'Japan', while the Japanese do called themselves 
as 'Nipon'.) We don't do any politics here. This is just a cultural 
page! So don't bulk me with flame emails, arguing Myanmar or Burma. 
 
That seemed to be the feeling in the country. People called it Myanmar. 
I must admit I like the sound of Burma better than Myanmar (and Rangoon 
better than Yangon, Prome better than Pyay) but if that's what people in 
the country are going with I'll live with it. Plus it makes it easier to 
use the term 'Burmese' to refer to the people within Myanmar who 
particularly are Burmese, not Shan, Karen, Wa or whatever. Not everybody 
in Myanmar/Burma is Burmese, just as not everybody in Britain is 
English. So from here on I'm going to refer to Myanmar. 

MONEY TO THE GOVERNMENT

Yes visiting Myanmar does put some money in the government's pocket, but 
not a lot. Virtually everybody flying from Europe to Bangkok or on to 
Australia puts some money in the government of Myanmar's pocket in the 
form of airline overflight fees for example. 

One piece of disinformation spread by some of the boycott movement is 
that there is an 'entry charge' on arrival. Yes, there is a compulsory 
exchange, but in no way is that an 'entry charge.' The compulsory 
exchange has recently been cut from US$300 to US$200 and very few 
visitors would not spend that amount of money in the country anyway. 
Shoestring travellers could, on the other hand, have chicken briyani for 
lunch at the Nilarwin restaurant in Yangon every day for the next year 
with their 'entry fee'!  

The current problem is the exchange is not direct from dollars to kyat, 
it's via FEC - foreign exchange certificates, a silly Chinese idea which 
the Chinese eventually dropped and the government of Myanmar also seems 
to be backing out of. After years of being worth almost exactly the same 
as the US dollar (occasionally even more) the FEC has recently dropped 
to about 75% of the value of the US dollar. So yes, you would be putting 
25% of the compulsory exchange into the government's pocket, if you did 
not first spend that money on expenditure which is denominated in 
FECs/US$ like your departure tax, certain site entries, certain hotel 
charges etc. Anyway it appears FECs may soon disappear.

Otherwise your money will go to the government if you stay in a 
government-owned hotel - of which there are eight out of approximately 
400 open to foreigners in the country. They're easy to avoid and in fact 
only one of the eight (the Inwa Hotel in Mandalay) is on the standard 
Yangon-Bagan-Mandalay-Inle tourist circuit.

Money also goes to the government if you fly by the government-owned 
airline internationally, but why bother, you can fly with Thai, Silk 
Air, etc. And domestically you'd be crazy to use the government-owned 
airline since it is unreliable and lethally dangerous while there are 
two much better privately owned rivals. Most bus services are privately 
owned and many visitors use cars and drivers which are privately owned. 
Apart from in that handful of government-owned hotels all restaurants 
are privately owned. In total very little of the tourist infrastructure 
is government owned.  

OPEN REGIONS
Far more of the country is open to visitors than in the past although 
there are still many border regions that are either unsafe and/or are 
not open to visitors. There is certainly not an 'itinerary' which 
visitors are forced to follow, as some boycotters insist. We even saw 
cyclists travelling around the country and particularly in the Shan 
region trekking is becoming increasingly popular. 

In 1983 I travelled around Myanmar in a rented pickup truck, an activity 
which at the time was still illegal. Even in large towns like Pyay/Prome 
I had to go through checkpoints hidden under a tarpaulin in the back of 
the truck. That certainly does not apply today in a much larger area of 
the country.

Even when people are followed the abilities of the government's feared 
'military intelligence' seem to confirm that old line that 'military 
intelligence' is an oxymoron. An aid worker spoke of visiting a border 
region where he spoke to people in English and in their local language 
(which he spoke) while his military intelligence guard spoke only 
Burmese and had no idea what was being discussed. 

TALKING TO PEOPLE
Some people involved in the boycott movement insist that people are 
unwilling to talk to you because of the risks involved. One 
pro-boycotter wrote that my visit would be useless as nobody would dare 
talk to me because 'military intelligence (the military government spy 
network) is everywhere.' The fact is everybody will talk to you and some 
of them seem almost recklessly outspoken in what they will talk about.

In our very first Burma book published in 1979 I wrote about how people 
were very keen to talk to foreigners because they were regarded as a 
safe contact. That situation absolutely prevails today although the 
relative safety of speaking out has certainly varied over the years. In 
fact today I have never been to a country where people are so ready to 
talk - no not to talk, to speculate. Nobody knows what the hell is 
happening and everybody wants to speculate about it. 

Ross Dunkley, the Australian publisher of the recently launched 
newspaper Myanmar Times said that, 'this is the world's greatest gossip 
town, the military, business, people in the streets, everybody has heard 
a rumour and it is always from a "reliable source".' John Jenkins, the 
British Ambassador, commented that, 'I've never been in a place with 
such an effective bush telegraph.'

There was a feeling, however, that the freedom to talk more freely had 
changed considerably in the last few years. Several people felt that it 
was only in the last three years (1998 was a date we were given on a 
number of occasions) that people felt the situation had changed 
noticeably. One Burmese even quoted jokes which were 'no longer 
dangerous,' which is of little help to the Moustache Brothers who remain 
behind bars for telling jokes. And there were certainly some 
conversations we had in Myanmar where the people involved felt it was 
wise to ensure they had real privacy before opening up.


INFORMATION

The increased number of tourists has led to the availability of much 
more information both directly from tourists to locals and also from 
overseas media. I'm sure the government would censor overseas 
publications if there was something particularly critical of their 
activities but during our period in Myanmar the ongoing meetings between 
Aung San Suu Kyi and the military government and the progression of the 
claim on her house by her brother in the USA could be read about in 
Time, Newsweek, the Singapore Straits Times, the Bangkok Post, etc even 
though they were not reported in the local press. CNN and to a lesser 
extent BBC World are widely available not only in tourist hotels but 
even in small hotels in 'up country' towns as well as in restaurants, 
bars, etc. 

Furthermore the BBC radio broadcasts in Burmese are listened to with 
avid interest. 'They listen to the radio,' reported John Jenkins the 
British Ambassador. 'Everybody listens to the BBC's Burmese language 
reports,' said a Burmese. Amusingly U Lu Maw, the one Moustache Brother 
at liberty, told me he heard of the Burma boycott protest outside our 
office in London in a Burmese language broadcast and assumed it had been 
organised by one of our competitors! 

Ross Dunkley, publisher of the Myanmar Times, a recently launched 
weekly, English language paper, had earlier run a paper in Hanoi and 
said that censorship was, 'five times worse there, the old 
Communist-style central control. Our ability to cover stories improves 
all the time,' he continued. A person from the British embassy later 
said, 'the Myanmar Times is owned by military intelligence,' but Ross 
had already said that people would say, 'we're the sophisticated 
propaganda vehicle for the military.'  

EMAIL & INTERNET

All email goes via the government but it seems to pass through their 
hands with such speed I wonder how well they can read it! An expat 
resident who came to Myanmar after a long spell in Vietnam predicted it 
would soon 'reach a critical mass, like in Vietnam, where they are 
simply overwhelmed with the volume and only bother to look at certain 
sensitive addresses.' Of course there's nothing to stop anybody dialling 
up a server overseas, Bangkok would be the nearest and cheapest 
location. One local commented that faxes are more secure than email.  

Internet is also severely restricted at present although again there's 
nothing to stop you (apart from the cost) accessing the internet via 
Bangkok. One local resident said local internet access would be 
available by the end of the year although bandwidth restrictions are 
likely to be an even bigger stumbling block than the government's urge 
to control things. A surprising number of local operators have websites 
hosted outside of Myanmar. 

  

 ...Before I went to Myanmar an expert on the region briefed me on which 
diplomats were best informed. Amongst the Western nations, he reported, 
the Australian embassy staff were 'the best on the ground.' He went on 
to say I should: 'Avoid the Americans who are not so much biased (which 
they are), but just have very poor intelligence and networks. The Brits 
are better but still hopelessly partial. The French are the best of the 
Europeans.' 

This outside advice was precisely mirrored by Burmese I spoke to in 
Yangon. One of them said, 'nobody likes the British, they're terrible 
snobs and don't mix with local people at all and the Americans have 
created their own little village which they never need to go outside. 
There are seven Australians at their embassy and five British at theirs 
but the Americans have 50 people! Why do they need so many for a place 
like Myanmar? There are so many of them they've created their own little 
world, they never need to talk to anybody else outside the embassy, they 
don't even appear at expat functions.'

In fact I did meet an American diplomat at an Australian diplomatic 
function but the most I can say about her was she was remarkably 
diplomatically evasive about any questions I asked. The British 
diplomats I met were not at all snobby but I think the British 
government policy does distinctly colour (if not bias) their views and 
the same policies probably exclude them from local contact to a much 
greater extent than other embassy staff in Yangon. Several Burmese 
commented that while the British push for isolation and boycotts the 
British Council gets income by putting on courses for which many of the 
participants are military kids. 


 ...Although it's hard to find anything nice to say about the military 
government there's no denying that their attempts at public relations 
are almost comical. You would swear they had a reincarnation of George 
Orwell doing their PR work, how else would they have come up with SLORC 
as an acronym for their party name? Major General Hla Myint Swe, 
Minister of Transport, presents a message to passengers in each issue of 
the Myanmar Airways International inflight magazine. A pageful of pure 
airline schmaltz (happy smiling flight attendants, striving to improve 
our passenger service, blah, blah, blah) is accompanied by a picture of 
the general, draped in medals and ribbons, looking like a cross between 
Jabba the Hutt and Manuel Noriega and with a scowling expression clearly 
indicating he'd much prefer to be hurling passengers out the emergency 
exit without first opening the door. 

WHAT DOES AUNG SAN SUU KYI SAY?
Unfortunately it was not possible to meet Aung San Suu Kyi but nobody, 
not one single person we met in Myanmar, supported a tourism boycott. 
She does indeed say, 'don't come to Myanmar,' although interestingly the 
only person who came right out and said she said that was the Italian 
Ambassador who was probably the most pro-tourism diplomat I met in 
Myanmar. Everybody else I met had some sort of interpretation of what 
she said:

*   What she says has to be interpreted
*   There are nuances to what she says
*   That wasn't one of her policies when we voted for her, it's a 
unilateral decision she made later on
*   She doesn't necessarily mean what she says about tourism *   She 
said it at one time and she can't say something differently now *   
She's the opposition, she has to say the opposite to the government 
There is still overwhelming support for Aung San Suu Kyi but from many 
quarters there is definitely resentment about this particular policy or 
a feeling that supporting Aung San Suu Kyi does not entail supporting 
this policy. Even the very strongest supporters of 'the lady,' people 
who had gone to jail for her and still worked actively, even if 
clandestinely, for her programs still believed tourism was a good thing 
and encouraged visitors to come to Myanmar. Surprisingly some people had 
no idea that she had suggested tourists should not visit Myanmar.


And according to some local people we spoke with a lot of ordinary 
people would agree with Aung San Suu Kyi, 'because they have no idea 
what her policies are but if you told them, "Aung San Suu Kyi says 
this," they would reply, "then it must be right".'

One indication that the 'no tourist' policy doesn't  necessarily extend 
very far from Aung San Suu Kyi is that Kim Aris, her younger son, and 
his partner Rachel Jefferies, recently toured around the country. Two of 
the hotels we stayed in reported that they had been recent guests. 
During his travels, which were facilitated by the military government, 
he wore T-shirts either with a portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi or with 
anti-SLORC/SPDC slogans and we were told, gleefully, that these caused 
their military shadows great discomfort as they were very concerned that 
somebody would photograph Aris and his provocative T-shirts and they 
might appear in the background.  


Tony Wheeler







___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
				


The Independent (Bangladesh): Strategy to keep China at bay India woos 
Myanmar

Feb. 23, 2001

by Prakash Nanda from New Delhi

If anything, External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh?s just concluded 
three day-visit (February 13-15) to Myanmar, erstwhile Burma, has proved 
that in international relations, national interests eventually prevail 
over a country?s ideological orientations. Though the cultural and 
spiritual ties between the two countries date back to BC 267 circa when 
Buddhism took strong roots in Burma and Pali was adopted as its official 
script and though both India and Myanmar were administered as one unit 
by the British from 1886 to 1934, and attained independence around the 
same time i.e. August 1947 and January 1948 respectively, the relations 
between the two countries, until recently, were far from encouraging. 
The initial post-independence years were cordial, with both countries 
signing a treaty of friendship in 1951. 

However, when military-backed leaders occupied the centers of power in 
Yangon (better known as Rangoon) in the early sixties - this began with 
General Ne Win - relations stared to drift. It was not that ties were 
cut off; they simply lacked any substance. The nadir in the ties reached 
in 1988 following the bloody suppression of a pro-democracy uprising by 
Myanmar?s military. Two years later, when elections were held in that 
country, the ruling military junta refused to give up power to the 
victor, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for 
Democracy. India, a vibrant democracy, found it difficult to deal with 
Myanmar, a military dictatorship. However, over the last two years or 
so, the situation seems to have changed. Although, the nature of the 
political regime at Yangon remains the same, New Delhi has deemed it fit 
to enhance the level of bilateral interactions so that the ties become 
multifaceted and substantial. Last November, General Maung Aye, the 
Deputy Chief of the military government of Myanmar, visited India and 
revived the debate about the advisability of India nurturing and 
expanding relations with Myanmar. This paved the way for Jaswant Singh?s 
visit to Myanmar. More important, both President K.R. Narayanan and 
Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee will also be visiting Yangoon in 
near future. 

How does one explain India?s keen interests in Myanmar? The explanation 
lies in the fact that Myanmar is one of India?s most important 
neighbours in terms of geo-strategic location, security considerations, 
availability of markets and complementarity of mutual economic needs. 
Krishna Menon, whose views on foreign and defense policies were greatly 
valued by India?s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, had once said, 
" What hurts Burma (old name of Myanmar) hurts us equally. We have no 
military alliance but Burma is closely linked to us and naturally a 
great concern to us that she should suffer". All told, in the 
eventuality of Myanmar coming under the control of forces hostile to 
India, there will be grave implications for India?s security. First, 
there is the possibility of direct intervention in India through land by 
these hostile forces. India and Myanmar share a long and porous border 
of 1643 Km; the length of the international boundary is shared by four 
of the seven northeastern states of India, namely, Arunachal Pradesh, 
Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. 

It is in this context that the control of cross-border insurgency and 
trans-border drug trafficking constitutes an important dimension in the 
bilateral relations between the two countries. Myanmar?s importance to 
India?s security also lies in the control on the Bay of Bengal. In the 
circumstances of modern air and naval warfare, hostile forces in Yangon 
could paralyse India?s coastal communications without even a major air 
attack. Moreover, Calcutta and the entire seaboard of India are within 
bombing range of Myanmar. So are the Jhavia coalfields and the Tata iron 
industry. The point is that it does not serve India?s interests if 
Myanmar turns out to be a part of an exclusive area of influence of 
other powers in the region with which India has uneasy relations. The 
reference here is to China, which has been increasing strategic links 
with Myanmar. 

Apart from providing military equipments to the Myanmar?s ruling junta, 
the Chinese have already built an all-weather road from Kunmin in China 
to Mandalay in Myanmar, which they are planning to extend to Yangon. 
There are also reports of the Myanmar government providing some visiting 
and berthing facilities to the Chinese navy in Coco islands; this will 
provide the Chinese entry-point into the Bay of Bengal. Therefore, 
India?s national interests dictate that the rulers at Yangon maintain 
their independence and freedom of options in dealing with their foreign 
policy and security concerns. And that, in turn, is possible, when India 
provides Yangon the alternative to the advantages it gets from China. 
This is now being done with India assisting in building up the 
transportation network in Myanmar and developing other infrastructures 
there. Yangon has also indicated its willingness to providing general 
facilities to the Indian Navy in Myanmar?s ports and coasts. Secondly, 
sound Indo-Myanmar relations mean good economics. 

Myanmar?s entry in July 1997 into Association of South East Asian 
Nations (ASEAN), of which India is a dialogue partner, and the 
sub-regional grouping BIMSTEC (Bangladesh-India -Myanmar- Sri Lanka - 
Thailand Economic Cooperation Group) in December 1997 is bound to open 
up avenues for further cooperation in areas of trade and economy on 
bilateral and multilateral basis. At a time when Myanmar economy is in 
doldrums, thanks to the continuance of the US-led sanctions for Yangon?s 
anti-democracy policies, the military junta needs investments. India can 
well invest in the exploitation of that country?s rich natural gas and 
other mineral resources. The basic idea here seems to be the revival of 
the pre-independence economic links in the sub-continent when undivided 
India was a "common market". In the present context, many common 
projects involving Myanmar, India?s Northeast and Bangladesh can be 
undertaken, whose economic benefits well may reach Thailand, Sri Lanka 
and Nepal. It is against this background that some of the important 
features of Jaswant Singh?s trip to Myanmar may now be highlighted. 
Singh became the first leader of an official delegation from India to 
cross the land border into Myanmar since independence. 

The 165 kilometer-long Tamu-Kalemyo-Kalewa (TKK) road that Singh jointly 
inaugurated with Myanmar?s Minister of Construction Maj. General Saw Tun 
was also the first completed major project in the field of 
infrastructural cooperation between India and Myanmar. The road, built 
by the Border Roads Organisation of India at a cost of approximately Rs. 
100 crore as part of India?s assistance to Myanmar, connects Moreh in 
Manipur to central Myanmar and hold enormous significance as a vital 
section of the designated Asian Highway running from Singapore to 
Istanbul passing through Myanmar and India. In this way, the road forms 
a gateway to South-East Asia and holds tremendous values for the success 
of India?s "Look-East" policy. Besides the Moreh-Tamu linkage, Singh, 
through his talks with Myanmar leaders, including Foreign Minister U win 
Aung and the chief of the ruling military junta General Than Shwe, 
facilitated the opening up of three new trade points at Champai-Rih, 
Pangsau Pass and Paletwa on the Kaladan River to enhance economic 
cooperation between the two countries. 

While Champai-Rih and Paletwa crossings are in the Mizoram -Nagaland 
sector, Pangsau pass links Arunachal Pradesh with Myanmar. The 
strengthening of border roads can now have spin-off benefits on the 
security front, too. Both the countries can send troops to smash 
cross-border insurgents who have acquired sanctuaries in Myanmar. In 
this sense it was reassuring that during the Foreign Minister?s visit, 
the two sides underscored their common approach towards terrorism and 
insurgency and trans-border drug trafficking through a twin-pronged 
strategy of tackling insurgents on the shared border and working towards 
the overall economic development. Myanmar rulers assured Singh that they 
would not allow their territory to be used for activities directed 
against India. 

It may be noted in this context that last year, the Myanmar Army 
destroyed five camps of the Khaplang faction of the National Socialist 
Council of Nagaland (NSCN-K) and suffered casualties in these 
operations. Another notable aspect of Singh?s visit was that it provided 
a big impetus to the multi-faceted economic cooperation and exchanges in 
the fields of science and technology between India and Myanmar. India is 
now prepared to help Myanmar develop its infrastructures such as roads, 
hydroelectric projects. Myanmar also wants India to develop its 
railways, ports, navigation projects and gas-line ventures. 

It is noteworthy that southern Myanmar (in the Arakan region) has 
abundant gas reserves that can be piped to either India or South East 
Asia. Singh?s inauguration during his visit of Myanmar?s first Centre of 
Remote Sensing and Data Processing at Yangon built with Indian aid 
should be seen in this light. In the final analysis, can we now say in 
the light of the above that "democracy" has no meaning in India?s 
relations with Myanmar? When asked this question, a Foreign Office 
spokesman said, "While we follow the ideals of democracy, we do not 
interfere with the internal affairs of other countries". In other words, 
while India remains committed to democracy and related values, India 
will not unilaterally assume responsibility of creating democracies in 
other countries. This has to be the choice and responsibility of the 
people of the country concerned.




___________________________________________________



The Nation (Thailand): Chavalit blasts press coverage of Shan attack 

Feb. 23, 2001

Chavalit blasts press coverage of Shan attack 

DEFENCE Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh yesterday criticised the 
press for coverage of the clashes between the Shan State Army (SSA) and 
Burmese government troops, claiming the publicity has jeopardised 
negotiations between Bangkok and Rangoon. 

"The reality is that we were having a dialogue. But you guys [media] 
went and photographed the SSA attacking the Burmese camp. This is very 
ugly," said the defence minister, who has often claimed that his close 
ties with Burmese generals could help solve bilateral problems. 

Chavalit was the first top foreign official to visit Burma after the 
military took power in the crushing of a popular uprising for democracy 
in 1988. He has been instrumental in the regime's participation in the 
international community. 

"We have to be careful," Chavalit said yesterday. "We have to help each 
other, one hand, two hands, for the sake of the nation. Because, 
essentially, it's good to have friends." 

In an effort to patch ties with the Burmese army, Chavalit has sent his 
personal aides, General Pat Akkhanibut and General Sanan Kajornglam, to 
attend funeral ceremonies for Burma's General Tin Oo and other senior 
army and cabinet offices, who died in a helicopter crash on Monday. 

Both Pat and Sanan, retired officers, were Chavalit's close aides 
overseeing Burma policy when Chavalit was army chief and supreme 
commander. The Thai government welcomed statements on Wednesday by 
Burma's Lt Gen Khin Nyunt that Burma wanted to peacefully resolve the 
border conflict. 

"I believe the problem can be settled with negotiations," Foreign 
Minister Surakiart Sathirathai said. 

He said Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has no immediate plans to 
visit Burma and will wait before making a final decision on when to go. 

Thai and Burmese troops two weeks ago engaged in cross-border shelling 
after fighting between Rangoon's troops and SSA rebels spilled over into 
Thailand. Border checkpoints have been closed, while more troops from 
both sides have been mobilised to the area. 

Burma's state-run press has accused the Thai military of aiding the Shan 
rebels, while Thai officers said Rangoon has mobilised of soldiers from 
the United Wa State Army to the areas opposite Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai 
provinces. 

Yesterday, the New Light of Myanmar said Thailand had not been a "good 
neighbour" in helping Burma fight rebels and that Thailand was aiding 
drug traffickers. 

"Instead of lending us a helping hand in this task [of defeating the 
rebels], they are assisting the drug traffickers . . . which threaten 
the human race," the newspaper said. 

The border situation remained tense yesterday as armed rebels of the 
Karen National Union and Burmese troops clashed inside Burma opposite 
Tak province's Mae Sot district and Tha Song Yang district. 

Burmese troops positioned opposite Chiang Rai's Doi Tung district 
returned to their Balang Luang camp, which was overrun and later 
abandoned by Shan soldiers on Wednesday. 

General Tein Sein, the Burmese commander for the region, reportedly 
directed about 200 troops from Tachilek into position 1 kilometre from 
Palang Luang camp in preparation for a possible offensive by Shan 
soldiers. 

Agencies, The Nation 




___________________________________________________


The Nation: Army warns Burma drug lords over smuggling 

English 22 Feb 01 

by Chaiwat Pumpuang,


Ban Pha Hee, Chiang Rai: The Third Army commander yesterday warned drug 
warlords operating along the border in the north, saying the build-up of 
Thai troops in the area is partly designed to put the squeeze on 
drug-trafficking armies. 

"We will shut the door and beat the bad cats," Lt-Gen Wattanachai 
Chaimuenwong said. 

In addition to securing the border against Burmese intrusion, the 
build-up is an opportunity to zero in on the armies of drug traffickers 
and the opium warlords, he said. 

Third Army Deputy Commander Maj-Gen Chamlong Phothong said the ban 
against cross-border trade, especially to areas where drug armies are 
positioned, will be strictly enforced. 

Any type of precursor chemicals used for making methamphetamines, or yaa 
baa, or other illegal drugs would be strictly prohibited from entering 
the area. 

However, Chamlong said, Thai troops will not cross the border to pursue 
drug armies such as the 20,000-member United Wa State Army (UWSA). 

The UWSA is a pro-Rangoon group that over the years has expanded its 
drug operations from its stronghold along the Chinese border to areas 
adjacent to Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. 

If the UWSA or any other drug trafficking group is seen approaching the 
Thai border, Chamlong said, Thai soldiers won't hesitate to use force. 

In a separate development yesterday, a platoon of soldiers from the Shan 
State Army (SSA) overran a Burmese military base near Chiang Rai's Ban 
Pha Hee at dawn, bringing the fight between the rebels and Rangoon to 
the doorstep of Doi Tung, a popular tourist destination. 

One Burmese soldier was killed and another was taken hostage, an SSA 
official said. The rest abandoned the camp and fled to a nearby Burmese 
Akha village. 

The camp, situated on the curb of a paved road on Doi Chang Moob that 
links Doi Tung to Mae Sai, was occupied by 11 Burmese troops at the 
time. 

Empty casings of rocket propeller guns fired by the SSA were scattered 
near the camp. 

Wattanachai insisted the army was not involved in the operation, saying 
the incident was an internal Burmese matter. 

Meanwhile, the Foreign Ministry yesterday welcomed a remark by Burmese 
intelligence chief Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt that suggested the junta is serious 
about resolving problems with Thailand through peaceful means. 

Foreign Ministry spokesman Pradap Pibulsonggram said Rangoon should 
match words with deeds, adding that a convening of the Regional Border 
Committee would be welcome. 

"If they are as serious as they said, they should answer (invitations) 
officially and not just through newspapers reports," Pradap said. 

Defence Minister Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh yesterday suggested that 
border problems with Burma could be dealt with more effectively if the 
local and regional border committees would agree to meet regularly. 
There should be at least one meeting a year at the government level, he 
said. 

In any case, the border dispute should be solved soon after the new Thai 
government formulates its policy on the situation, he said. 

Chavalit said he would send a "personal representative" to attend a 
funeral of Lt-Gen Tin Oo, the fourth-ranking member of Burma's ruling 
State Peace and Development Council, who died in a helicopter crash on 
Monday [19 February]. 



___________________________________________________




Kyodo: Japan makes grant to Myanmar to improve health care 

YANGON, Feb. 23 Kyodo 


Officials signed Friday an agreement on a Japanese grant of $5.8 million 
to improve health services for women and children in Myanmar. 

The grant covers the third phase of a project called 'Improvement of 
Maternal and Child Health Care Services' coordinated between Japan and 
the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF) since 1999. 

The agreement was signed by Japanese Ambassador Shigeru Tsumori and 
UNICEF representative John Bertrand Mendis. 

The project was funded with $2.7 million in 1999 and $5.5 million 2000.







_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
 


AP: Thailand Bans Shipment Of 'Strategic' Goods To Myanmar

Friday, February 23 10:32 PM SGT 



MAE SOT, Thailand (AP)--Thailand barred the shipment of so-called 
strategic commodities to Myanmar from four northern provinces, Thai 
officials said Friday.  

The ban, which Thai army spokesman Col. Somkuan Saengpataranetr said is 
a joint operation of the army and the interior ministry, comes at a time 
of military tension with Myanmar, also known as Burma.  

The ban covers such materials as fuel, medicine, vehicle spare parts and 
rice, and applies to the provinces of Tak, Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai and 
Chiang Rai.  

Many consumer goods in Myanmar are imported overland from Thailand. Last 
year, Thailand exported more than 36 billion baht ($1=THB43.075) worth 
of commodities though six official border checkpoints, and probably at 
least as much was smuggled across the border.  

Thousands of Thai and Myanmar troops have been facing off along the 
160-kilometer stretch of border at the northernmost part of Thailand 
since clashes about two weeks ago.  

The fighting was a spillover of fighting between Myanmar troops and Shan 
ethnic rebels. Thailand said the Myanmar troops intruded onto the Thai 
soil to take a hill overlooking the rebel bases. They were driven out 
after heavy fighting, the Thai army said. 


___________________________________________________



Than Setthakit [Thailand]: Trade, tourism sectors said hurt by situation 
on Burma border 

Bangkok

[Translated from Thai] 

Excerpt from report by Thai newspaper Than Setthakit on 15 February 

There has been considerable impact on trade, investment, and tourism 
from the conflict between Thailand and Burma after the 5 February 
Burmese suppression drive against the Shan State Army and its ethnic 
population. The mortar rounds fired by Burmese soldiers during the drive 
caused the death of two Thais in Mae Sai District, Chiang Rai Province. 
Thai and Burmese soldiers now confront each other along the border. 

Anan Laothammathat, president of the Chamber of Commerce of Chiang Rai, 
informed Than Setthakit that the repercussions from the incident have 
been very acute, particularly because shots were fired into the market 
which is the biggest trade location on the Thai-Burmese border, causing 
considerable panic among and forcing evacuation of the local people. 
Trade, investment, and tourism activities have halted, and the resulting 
damage could not be estimated at this time. 

Trade has stalled since January 2001 when the Burmese changed the staff 
manning the border checkpoint to strictly inspect goods for tax 
collection. The move caused Thai exports to slow down. In addition to 
the tax collection purpose, the Burmese want to support their domestic 
industries, as several Thai export products can now be produced 
domestically. The products banned by the Burmese are Thai products which 
previously sold very well, such as instant noodles, seasoning powder, 
and beverages... 

According to the Foreign Trade Department, the volume of trade between 
Thailand and Burma in 2000 totalled 30,711.2m baht, a 60 per cent 
increase from 1999. The Thai exports accounted for 20,244.5m baht, a 
35.6 per cent increase, and 11,137.7m baht were contributed by border 
trade or 55 per cent. The border trade during January and February 
usually totalled about 1-1.2bn baht... 

According to the northern region office of the Tourism Authority of 
Thailand, hotels near the Thachilek border crossing point and in Mae Sai 
have been badly affected by the clash between Thai and Burmese soldiers. 
Room reservations in Wang Thong and Yunan hotels were cancelled. But 
reservations in hotels in Chiang Saen district and downtown Chiang Rai 
have not been affected. 

Flights to Chiang Rai continue to be full. Tours to Mae Sai have been 
cancelled and replaced by other destinations such as downtown, Doi Tung, 
and Phu Chifa. Most of the people taking these tours are Thais, only a 
few are foreigners. 

According to a source in the Dusit Island Chiang Rai Hotel, there have 
been no cancellations, although inquiries were made by tour groups from 
Japan and Taiwan. Charoen Wang-ananon, president of an association of 
domestic tour operators, said tours to Mae Sai have been cancelled and 
replaced by other destinations. Tour promotions to Chiang Rai have 
continued, only the Mae Sai destination was cancelled. 


___________________________________________________




Asiaweek: A Boom Town Beckons 

February 23, 2001 


by Roger Mitton 


Business radars are on alert in the wake of political talks. But is 
investment wise? 


The meeting was unusual enough, but the outcome even more so. On one 
side were two generals from Myanmar's military junta, and on the other 
were members of Yangon's leading chambers of commerce. The businessmen 
-- local and foreign -- had a common gripe: too much bureaucratic red 
tape getting in their way. Could the generals help them cut through it? 
Yes, came the answer. The next day, a trader in the fisheries industry 
received a call from his bank. He had complained to the generals about 
currency exchange problems that dogged his export business. The bankers 
asked him to drop by so they could devise a solution. An efficient 
response, in anyone's commercial language. 

Myanmar is back in business. With a moribund economy and biting 
sanctions, the generals are bending over backwards to keep the vital 
signs ticking over. Indeed, business interests may have helped spur the 
recent talks between the junta and its determined nemesis, National 
League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The dialogue may lead to 
nothing, but the fact that it is even taking place has already warmed 
the international climate toward pariah state Myanmar. The new U.S. 
administration has hinted that economic sanctions imposed in 1997 due to 
political repression may be lifted. The European Union is scrambling to 
establish meaningful ties after years of avoiding eye contact. Is it the 
beginning of real change for Myanmar, or just a cynical gambit by the 
military dictators? 

Whatever the case, developments have foreign investors rubbing their 
hands -- and the generals licking their lips. "Economic stability is the 
key to political stability," says respected Myanmar analyst-in-exile 
Aung Naing Oo. "The junta sees sanctions as obstacles to economic 
development and thus a threat to their future hold on power." Despite a 
shambolic economy born of decades of mismanagement, Myanmar is often 
rated Southeast Asia's richest nation in terms of natural resources. And 
now the time seems ripe for a sustainable boom. "When foreign investors 
hear the talks [with Aung San Suu Kyi] are going on, they feel a glimmer 
of hope," says Moe Kyaw, who heads a market research company in Yangon. 
"They feel Myanmar may no longer be ostracized." 

If only it were that simple. Yes, out of self-interest, the junta has 
sent unmistakable signals that it is preparing to come in from the cold. 
And yes, the generals are increasingly eager to make life easy for 
investors. But ethical dilemmas remain. Will increased engagement result 
in a rapprochement between Suu Kyi and the generals, ending the 13-year 
military dictatorship? Or will it serve to prop up the regime? Will 
investment make a difference to the lives of ordinary Burmese, or will 
the junta cream the benefits? Not least, will forced labor be used to 
build this new Myanmar? ASEAN countries, plus China, India, South Korea 
and Japan, have already made up their minds: business opportunities are 
too hot to ignore. For the rest of the world, the writing on the balance 
sheet isn't hard to read. Says Bo Olson of the nongovernment 
Sweden-Democratic Burma Friendship Association: "The West is just dying 
to get in there." 

But should it? That depends on whom you ask. Broadly speaking, three 
schools of thought have emerged. One says that whatever political game 
the junta is now playing, more business activity will inevitably enrich 
the population. Even if the generals and their cronies rake off most of 
the profits, the man in the street will still benefit. Big business is a 
leading proponent of this line. U.S. oil company Unocal arrived in 
Myanmar in 1993 to help build the Yadana offshore gas pipeline to 
Thailand, now among Myanmar's most profitable legitimate operations. The 
Washington sanctions barred U.S. companies from setting up new business 
deals, but Unocal, as an established outfit, was allowed to remain. It 
retains a small foreign workforce of managers and technicians on the 
pipeline with its French partner Total -- and points to the jobs and 
community facilities it provides for local maintenance workers. "Real 
change and improvement will come when there are dozens of Yadana-size 
projects," says Unocal spokesman Barry Lane. Critics say forced labor 
was used to build Yadana. The companies deny this. 

A second school of thought is more cautious. It has few problems with 
investment, but does want to see evidence of political progress. Olson 
believes that foreign investment on the whole is a positive thing: 
"Naturally the generals get most out of it, but ordinary people can get 
jobs and can sell their produce if the economy is rolling." Yangon-based 
lawyer and foreign business consultant Alec Christie thinks investment 
can only improve standards of living for all. "If you ask me what are 
the areas where there are problems, it would be infrastructure," 
Christie says. More money would improve telecommunications, electricity 
supply and roads -- especially outside the capital. "If there is 
investment and international aid, things would be better," he says. 

Compromise, however, remains a dirty word for many Burmese. Kanbawza 
Win, a dissident and visiting professor at the University of Winnipeg, 
Canada, believes that investment merely strengthens the dictatorship. 
"The system put in place by the junta aims to prevent the growth of the 
middle class -- which has the potential to lead the country to 
democracy," he says. "Only the top brass and the cronies get richer 
while the mass of the people remain poor." The rallying cry of Western 
labor groups, too, remains "sanctions on, business off." Says Phillip 
Fishman, the assistant Asia director for the American Federation of 
Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations: "What would most help the 
citizens of Burma would be the restoration of civilian, democratic 
governance and the rule of law, and an end to widespread corruption." 

That's a big wish list, but one that helped convince mostly U.S. 
companies to abandon Myanmar in 1997. Pepsico Inc., for instance, which 
had an estimated 80% share of the soft-drink market, sold its 
joint-venture stake with a local company in 1996. The next year it 
closed shop completely by canceling supplies of Pepsi syrup. The company 
said its decision was "based on our assessment of the spirit of current 
U.S. government policy." In fact, its involvement in Myanmar had 
resulted in boycotts by U.S. students -- the company's main domestic 
market -- which soon translated into shareholder concern. Other U.S. 
firms quick to toe the domestic-opinion line included Levi Strauss, 
Amoco, Apple and Eastman Kodak. 

Did their withdrawal make a difference? Possibly. But for almost every 
outfit that left, one arrived. Tiger Beer (Singapore), Rothmans (U.K., 
tobacco), Japanese conglomerates Sumitomo and Mitsui, Clough Engineering 
(Australia) and Ivanhoe Mines (Canada) are well established. Oil and gas 
players Premier (U.K.), Petronas (Malaysia) and Nippon (Japan) jostle 
with Unocal and Total. Singapore companies, the biggest investors, have 
hotels, garments, defense supplies, banking and travel services. A 
French-Myanmar fisheries joint venture began operations in November. The 
bottom line, says market researcher Moe Kyaw, is that if you know how to 
do business, you can do it in Myanmar. So long as you are not too fussy 
about the company you keep. 




_______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________



Business Day (Thailand): Myanmar border conflict must be swiftly quelled 


Feb. 23, 2001


The current border conflict between Thailand and Myanmar calls to mind 
the traditional folk tale A Drop of Honey. The tale illustrates how even 
a small incident can stir up bloodshed. 

Once upon a time, according to the story, there was a man who was 
carrying a jar of honey from his house to sell in the village market. 
The jar's lid accidentally became loose and the honey fell to the 
ground. 

Flies swarmed to feed on the honey, followed by several house lizards 
which came to eat the flies. Then came a cat to eat the house lizards, 
and a dog which chased after the cat. 

The cat's owner became angry and took a piece of wood to beat the dog. 
The owner of the dog took offence at the cat's owner, and the two were 
soon engaged in a heated scuffle. Their relatives who saw the fight 
rushed to help, and the melee was further enlarged by the participation 
of friends and supporters. Each side suffered heavy casualties and 
wounds before the situation was brought under control. 

The above fable should serve as a warning to both Thailand and Myanmar - 
close neighbors with a traditional rivalry - in the light of the latest 
tense border situation, resulting from Yangon's military drive against 
its own minority rebel group, the Shan State Army (SSA), which was 
carried out in an area close to Myanmar's border with Thailand. 

The subsequent conflict with Thai troops occurred when 500 Myanmar 
soldiers allegedly outran a platoon of Thai rangers after encroaching 
into the province of Chiang Rai. This was followed by an artillery 
attack on Thai territory in which three Thai civilians were killed. 

Troops were mobilized by both countries following the incident, 
punctuated with a war of words. 

The role of the media is of vital importance in such situations. 

While Thai media enjoy full freedom to report on the situation, the 
state-run media in Myanmar do not have much say on the conflict, except 
what the ruling junta would like said. 

Aside from reporting on the movements of Thai and Myanmar troops and 
those of the Wa Army and the SSA, the Thai press and media should try to 
calm the situation to help reduce confrontations between Thailand and 
Myanmar. Such a positive step would help pave the way for the Thai and 
Myanmar governments to negotiate a settlement of the conflict and other 
unsolved problems. 

Thai and Myanmar leaders, as well as informed citizens, know very well 
that there are still conflicts between our two countries in a number of 
areas, including the unsettled demarcation line along the 1,400km 
border, narcotics production and trafficking activities in the common 
border areas, the impact of the Myanmar's military operations against 
minority rebels, and the influx of Myanmar refugees as a result of 
internal politics in that country. 

Despite the current contrast between Thailand and Myanmar with regards 
to democratic development and the freedom of their citizens, the leaders 
of the two nations have tried to keep conflicts on a manageable scale. 
They have tried not to allow small incidents to flare up as in our folk 
tale. 

Military engagement is not a wise course for either Myanmar or Thailand, 
especially when both countries take into consideration the economic cost 
of the war, and the now well-established ASEAN spirit. 



___________________________________________________





The Nation: Thailand and Burma Need To Mend Fences

23 Feb 01 

Diplomats from Thailand and Burma are working quietly to ensure that the 
tense border situation will ease soon. Defence Minister Gen Chavalit 
Yongchaiyudh has already dispatched a close aide to Rangoon to attend 
the funeral of Lt-Gen Tin Oo, secretary number two of the ruling State 
Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and chief of staff of the army, who 
was killed in a helicopter accident several days ago. The funeral will 
also provide a fresh opportunity for the two sides to discuss their 
problems. 

If the situation along the Thai-Burma border at Chiang Rai's Ban Pha Hee 
remains calm following the overrun of a Burmese military base by the 
Shan State Army on Wednesday, there is a good chance that both sides 
will make further progress over the tension. If the Burmese troops 
decide to retake the base from the SSA, it will need extra troops and 
artillery shells. With such forces, the conflict can certainly spill 
over to Thai territory again. The Third Army Region already has troops 
in position and is ready for any renewed attack by the Burmese troops. 
So far, the situation has been calm. 

The Thai Foreign Ministry and security officials and leaders are closely 
monitoring the change of attitude by the leaders of the SPDC. They are 
certainly taking seriously comments by Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt. The Burmese 
military intelligence chief said that the current Thai-Burmese border 
issue should be resolved with an optimistic approach based on mutual 
understanding, respect and magnanimity as true good neighbours. 

At this juncture, Thailand wants to make sure that there are no longer 
any more violations of its territory. If the violations stop, 
Thai-Burmese relations are bound to improve. Then, bilateral issues will 
need to be addressed according to the four existing frameworks. 

Burma's softer approach comes amid worsening economic difficulties. The 
closure of the Thai border has forced the price of necessary commodities 
up several fold. The kyat's value has also plummeted from 430 to the US 
dollar two months ago to 545 as of yesterday. 

The swirling inflation has already caused panic among ordinary people, 
including government officials. The junta leaders have promised to 
increase the officials' salaries fourfold, following another recent 
increase. That promise has also driven up consumer prices across the 
board. 

The resumption of Thai-Burmese border trade should go some way to easing 
market conditions inside Burma. But trade between the two countries has 
already decreased because the purchasing power of the Burmese people is 
getting smaller by the day. 

Thai-Burmese relations need to improve before the ASEAN foreign 
ministers arrive in Rangoon for a retreat in April. Burma intends to use 
this retreat as a showcase that it is part of the ASEAN community. 
Otherwise the border issue could spill over again and damage the 
planning meeting. This is the first gathering of ASEAN foreign ministers 
in Burma, so it is imperative that the retreat starts and ends on a 
friendly note. 







______________________OTHER______________________



KHRG: Karen Human Rights Group Book Released

Feb. 2001

"Suffering in Silence: The Human Rights Nightmare of the Karen People of 
Burma", a new book by the Karen Human Rights Group and edited by Claudio 
O. Delang, is now available at several online booksellers.  The book 
reproduces 3 of KHRG's 1999 reports to show the human rights situation 
in 3 Karen regions, each of them under a different degree of SPDC 
control. Together, they show that while tactics vary in nature and 
brutality between different regions, the end result in all three areas 
is the disintegration of village life.  The reports are tied together by 
an introduction, summary background of Burma, and many photos from 
KHRG's archive.  Published in paperback, 310 pages, and only available 
online at several online booksellers including www.amazon.com, 
www.barnesandnoble.com, and www.borders.com .  Amazon.com and 
borders.com sell it for the cover price of US$25.95, but 
barnesandnoble.com is selling it for US$20.97.  Any sales royalties 
received from the publisher over and above the amount of the initial 
publishing charges will be used to continue KHRG's ongoing work. 







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