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BurmaNet News: March 6, 2001



______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
         March 6, 2001   Issue # 1750
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________

INSIDE BURMA _______
*People Daily (China): Myanmar Govt on Border Incidents with Thailand
*Bangkok Post: Junta Behind Traffickers, Says Gen Harn
*Shan - EU News: the Thai-burma Border Conflict &  the Shan Resistance
*Mizzima: Being an elected MP in Burma

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*Reuters: Thai military hits back at Burma in war of words
*Mizzima: Manipur CM warns of Chinese control over Burma
*The Nation: Plan to Formalise the Hire of Burmese Labour
*Bangkok Post: Border Killing Probes Mired in Doubts

ECONOMY/BUSINESS _______
*Earthrights International/International Labor Rights Fund: Plaintiffs 
win round in Yadana lawsuit
*Nation: Mass fast at US, UK colleges over Burma

OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*The New Light of Myanmar: Backfiring

OTHER______
*Radio Free Asia: Help Wanted?Journalist


__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________


People Daily (China): Myanmar Govt on Border Incidents with Thailand

Tuesday, March 06, 2001, updated at 09:44(GMT+8)

A Myanmar government information sheet said on Monday evening that in 
its recent campaign against the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), 
an anti-government Shan ethnic armed group led by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Ywet Sit, great care was exercised by the Myanmar side to ensure that 
their shells and bullets did not stray into Thailand. target Thailand.  

The statement said such assurance was made more difficult as the SURA 
camps were located right on the Myanmar-Thai border line which stretches 
for over 2,080 kilometers.  

It maintained that the campaign launched against SURA was purely for 
eradicating the scourge of narcotic drugs.  

It stressed that Myanmar has never allowed anti-government organizations 
from neighboring countries to operate from its territory.  

It complained that this "good-neighborly" policy was not reciprocated by 
Thailand as these organizations continue to enjoy refuge and sanctuary 
in that country.  

It disclosed that the situation in the border region has not returned to 
normal with the border still closed due to existence of some tension 
which it said arose out of the organizations being allowed to operate 
along the border and even within Thai territory.  

It said Myanmar would like to see the return of peace and tranquillity 
to the two countries' border without further deterioration in the 
relations between the two sides, emphasizing that it has always been 
Myanmar's policy to make big issues become smaller and for smaller ones 
to be resolved completely.  

It warned that it is time for Thai officials, including military 
officers, to stop providing support and assistance to " insurgent 
groups", which it said the main reason for the present unhappy 
situation.  

Meanwhile, Thailand charged Myanmar troops with intrusion of Thai 
territory, saying that Myanmar soldiers seized one of its border 
outposts on February 10 and hit Mae Sai with stray shells during a 
battle against the SURA.  

The tension between the two countries has prompted Thailand to shut down 
the Mae Sai border check point.  

Thailand has urged Myanmar to show goodwill by not deploying excessive 
troops near the Thai border, warning Yangon not to divert attention from 
the real cause of the problem that Myanmar troops had encroached on the 
Thai soil, while Thailand has taken the leading role in drug 
suppression.  



___________________________________________________


Bangkok Post: Junta Behind Traffickers, Says Gen Harn

 Sunday, March 4, 2001



Independent agency would soon prove it

Sermsuk Kasitirpadit

Allowing the northern border to be monitored by an independent agency 
would quickly disprove the Rangoon junta's allegation that Thailand, not 
Burma, was assisting drug traffickers, the senate military committee 
chairman said yesterday.

Gen Harn Leenanond, a former Fourth Army chief, said he was stunned by 
the recent Burmese claim.

An independent agency, or the United Nations, should be allowed to 
freely monitor activities along the Thai-Burmese border, he said. 
Then, "the whole world will know who the real drug traffickers are along 
the northern border area".

"We are all aware now that the United Wa State Army is the largest drug 
trafficker in the Golden Triangle region," Gen Harn said. "Half of the 
drug trade money goes directly to support the Burmese military 
junta."The junta's allegation was printed in the official New Light of 
Myanmar It said the Shan State Army was the major drug trafficker along 
the border and was protected by Thailand.

SSA commander Jao Yawd Serk denied the claim and insisted the Shan were 
committed to the fight against drugs.

"No one will ever know what is really happening in the UWSA-controlled 
area unless the Burmese allow outside scrutiny," said Gen Harn. The Thai 
people had suffered greatly from the flood of methamphetamines from 
Burma. 
"Drug money from the UWSA has not only helped build up the Burmese armed 
forces, it has helped finance construction of roads and towns in the 
border area," said Gen Harn.

He praised Third Army commander Lt-Gen Wattanachai Chaimuenwong for his 
decisive response against Burmese intruders who seized a paramilitary 
forward outpost early last month.


"There should be no doubt the incursion was intentional. The outpost was 
clearly marked and nearly a kilometre inside our country," said Gen 
Harn. 
He was very suspicious of Burma's claim to sincerity in tackling the 
drug problem along the border. Drug money was the only income the junta 
could get easily from its close ally, the UWSA.

He was optimistic a cap could be kept on the border situation, but 
warned that further encroachment by Burmese troops would not be 
tolerated. 
An aide to Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said yesterday he 
expected the bilateral Regional Border Committee would meet soon, 
following talks between Gen Chavalit and a leading member of the junta. 

"Gen Chavalit will travel to Burma soon after the RBC meeting," he said. 

Lt-Gen Wattanachai, who jointly heads the RBC, has said repeatedly that 
Thailand should not initiate the meeting, since it was Burma's turn to 
be host.



___________________________________________________



Shan - EU News: the Thai-burma Border Conflict &  the Shan Resistance

4 March 2001

PERSPECTIVE


 
By: Sai Wansai
 
In connection with the Thai-Burmese armed conflict along the 
Thai-Shan(Burma) border, the Shan resistance movement has been making 
headlines, specifically within the Asia-Pacific region, starting from 
the month of February this year.  

It all started out on February 8 when Burmese troops crossed the Thai 
border in the northern province of Chiangrai, occupied Ban Pang Noon 
camp in Mae Fah Luang district and captured 19 Thai army personnel. Once 
the Thai officials managed to escape, the Thai army which has taken a 
very strong position on such incursions, retaliated in full force in 
order to repossess the territory.   

These clashes, the fiercest in recent years, left six civilians and 
dozens of Burmese soldiers dead, according to the official figures. 
While they might have been caused by a tactical error or with sheer 
intention on the part of Burmese army, which in hot pursuit of Shan 
resistance troops intruded into Thai territory, they once again reminded 
the Thai and international community of the highly volatile and 
precarious situation along the border.   

THE RELUCTANT PROXIES: UNITED WA STATE ARMY & SHAN STATE ARMY  

While the spill-over effect of the ethnic conflicts raging in Burma into 
Thailand is nothing new to the Thais, the recent territorial intrusion 
of the Burmese, coupled with the flooding of Thailand with all sorts of 
drugs, noteably amphetamine or known as Ya Ba in Thai, by United Wa 
State Army (UWSA) are seen as highly intolerable by the Thai army. In 
addition, UWSA is considered a proxy of the Burmese army and is closely 
allied to it.   

>From the Wa point of view, the Burmese offer to settle in the Shan 
region with its population and territorial gains are too attractive to 
resist. It serves the purpose of the Burmese to push out the Shan and 
thereby undermine the support base of the Shan Army, and as a bonus the 
Wa are also rewarded with territorial gain. The only problem is that it 
all occurs at the expense of the Shan population, who has to flee and 
become refugees in Thailand. This latest drive alone was said to number 
more then 100,000 displaced people, according to reliable Shan and Thai 
sources.  

The Burmese military regime has been using the tactics of "divide and 
rule" by pitching the non-Burman ethnic groups against each other quite 
successfully all these years. The recent forced relocation of the Shan 
mainly carried out by the UWSA with the blessing and collaboration of 
the Burmese military within the Shan State Army's (SSA) areas of 
influence and the settlement of the Wa from the northern part of Shan 
State is the Burmese strategy meant to deprived the Shan resistance with 
recruitment, food supplies and logistic support. The Thai, in turn, sees 
this as a security threath and as well the scheme to destroy and disrupt 
Thai social fabric by flooding the Thai market with heroin and synthetic 
drugs.  

Sources within the Thai military privately concede that in a bid to 
counter methamphetamine and heroin smuggling from Burma, covert 
assistance has been given to the Shan State Army since the latter part 
of last year.  

At first there was financial help and medicine, then a more tolerant 
attitude to the use of Thai soil by Shan militiamen and the provision of 
solely needed ammunition. The Shan State Army in turn announced publicly 
that it was attacking heroin and methamphetamine laboratories.   

FORCED RELOCATION & POPULATION TRANSFER
 
Population displacement and forced relocation in Shan State are not new. 
They have been common occurrences since the Burmese Army first came to 
Shan State in 1950 on the pretext of driving away the Chinese 
Nationalist KMT, who were pushed into Shan State from Yunnan Province of 
China by Mao Tse Tung's troops. All kinds of human rights violations 
were committed by both the Burmese Army and KMT alike.  

The situation became worse after the military seized power in 1962 and 
resistance forces sprang 
up all over Shan State. In their attempts to crush the forces of the 
opposition, one of the strategies of the Burmese Army has been the "Four 
Cuts" operation, aimed at cutting the food, funds, intelligence and 
recruits provided by local villagers to the resistance armies. This 
often involved forcing whole village tracts to move to strategic sites 
which could be closely guarded. Throughout the past thirty years, large 
areas of Shan State have been repeatedly disrupted in this way. However, 
the massive forced relocation begun by the Burmese military regime in 
Central Shan State in 1996 and continuing up to this day is totally 
unprecedented in scale.   
Since March 1996, the Burmese military regime has forcibly relocated 
over 1,400 villages throughout 7,000 square miles in Central Shan State. 
Over 300,000 people have been ordered to move at gunpoint into strategic 
relocation sites. No assistance has been provided to them.  
The relocation program has intensified during 1997 and 1998, with new 
areas being forced to relocate, and existing relocation sites being 
forced to move again. Vast rural areas of 11 townships have been turned 
into depopulated "free-fire" zones.   

During 1997 there was a sharp increase in the number of extrajudicial 
killings by the regime's troops, with repeated massacres of villagers 
caught outside the relocation sites. In one township alone, Shan Human 
Rights foundation (SHRF) has documented the killings of over 300 
relocated villagers.  

The villagers in the relocation sites are used for forced labour by the 
junta's troops. They must work as porters, build roads, and perform 
tasks such as digging ditches or building fences at the nearby military 
camps without food or pay.   

There are three main patterns of displacement for the relocated 
villagers. Most move to the relocation sites, and try to survive by 
selling off possessions, working as wage labourers, or even begging. 
Others remain hiding in the jungle near their villages, dodging army 
patrols to try and cultivate their old farms. Finally, there are those 
driven to desperation by the lack of food and security who flee to other 
parts of Shan State or to Thailand.   

It is estimated that over a half million Shans have fled into Thailand 
during the last few years. Current Thai policy has denied these Shan 
safe refuge and the right to receive humanitarian assistance. Shan 
refugees have therefore been forced to survive as illegal migrants, 
seeking shelter and food at construction sites or on farms. Their 
already precarious situation has been worsened by the Thai economic 
crisis, which has led to a lack of work and increased arrests and 
repatriations by the Thai authorities.   

Commenting on the recent population transfer, now going on for over a 
year, of the Was to Shan region with the approval of the Burmese 
military regime at the expense of the Shan, a Thai academic warned 
recently that Burma's move to mobilise troops close to the Thai border 
is designed to give it the upper hand in demarcation talks.  

Relocation of 200,000-300,000  Wa close to the border would cause 
demarcation problems, said Pornpimol Trichote, of Chulalongkorn 
University's Institute for Asian Studies. "Burma's aim is not to crack 
down on ethnic minorities but to triumph in border demarcation," said Ms 
Pornpimol.  

"Hence the mobilisation of Burmese government troops and its ethnic 
minority allies close to the Thai border along wide stretches of 
territory," she told a seminar on Burmese ethnic minorities and border 
problems.  

"We must understand that Burma is a very dynamic military state, that it 
takes after China in very long-term planning," she said.  

Settlement of so many Wa people, complete with their plantations, close 
to the border could pose an obstacle to border markers, she said.  
Thailand shares a 2,400km border with Burma, of which only about 59km 
are demarcated.  

THE BURMESE MILITARY'S ULTIMATE AIM
 
With such a backdrop, the tension along the Thai- Shan border is bound 
to escalate and the reluctant proxies of Thai and Burmese, the Wa and 
Shan, will be forced by the situation, and is programmed ahead, to fight 
each other, even though it is not in the interest of both parties. Only 
the Thai or Burmese will benefit from such an open conflict between the 
Wa and the Shan armies, both indigenous of the Shan State.   

So far, Sao Yawd Serk, leader of the SSA has refused to condemn the Wa 
intrusion into its areas of operation, stating that the Wa are also sons 
of the Shan State. In the same vein, a Wa leader in Pang Sang 
headquarters was said to have bluntly questioned Khin Nyunt, the first 
Secretary of the Burmese military junta, if it was their plan to let the 
Shan and Wa killed each other only to be crushed and dominated by the 
Burmese once both are exhausted. 
 
But if the conflict along the Thai-Shan border could not be contained, 
due to the fall-out on Thailand in terms of drugs, refugees and illegal 
labour, there is a possibility that the conflict could become regional, 
which might even escalate into international one, drawing in regional 
powers as well as super powers into the conflict. Considering the fact 
that narcotics problem respects no borders, the first to be drawn into 
the conflict are members of the ASEAN themselves and Burma's immediate 
neighbours, China, India and Bangladesh, most of whom have already 
officially  complained about drug trafficking originated in Burma.  

Burma's escalating drug empire may have overreached itself by bringing 
recent protests from India and China. Involvement of these large 
countries in the border conflict may help to bring a quick resolution to 
the problem and might even initiate other changes in Burma.  
Thailand has been advocating to form an alliance with Burma's neighbours 
China, Bangladesh, India and Laos to push the junta to solve the 
problems of drugs and ethnic conflicts occuring between the Burmese 
military junta and most non-Burman ethnic nationalities. But the Burmese 
military junta seems determined to crush all armed oppositions 
militarily, rather than working out a give-and-take political 
settlement.  

Speculation aside, the ramification of the Thai-Burmese conflict, due to 
the spill-over effect of the Shan-Burmese ethnic conflict, could be 
numerous and many. But for the Shans, it is only part and parcel of the 
Burmese military's grand strategy to subdue the Shan's ambition of 
regaining its birthright sovereignty and the rights of 
self-determination, in the name of so-called "national unity".  

THE ABOLITION OF UNION CONSTITUTION
 
It should be clear that the country we all know as Burma or Myanmar, as 
termed by the Burmese military regime, is a country made up of at least 
three countries, namely: Burma Proper, Karenni State and Shan States. 
The Shan and the Karenni joined Burma in their struggle for 
self-determination from the British and jointly attained independence on 
January 4, 1948.   
However, in 1962 the Burmese military sized state power in a coup and 
declared the Union Constitution abolished. In so doing, the Burmese 
terminated the only existing legal bond between them and the other 
ethnic nationalities. The declaration of the suspension of the 
Constitution was in effect a self denunciation that Burma had overnight 
become an aggressor-nation instead of partner. Thus, in a 
legal-constitutional sense, the Union of Burma ceased to exist.   

The Burmese military regime has been attempting to hold the defunct 
union together by sheer military force, whilst the real and only 
solution is political. The Shan and the Karenni on their part have been 
waging a war of resistance to free themselves from the yoke of Burmese 
domination. This is also true for all the other non-Burman ethnic 
groups, who are being subjected to the Burmese militaryÆs Burmanization 
and forced assimilation. The significant difference is that the Shan and 
Karenni conflict with the Burmese military could be argued as 
"international", due to the fact that the Shan and Karenni joined the 
Union of Burma on an equal political footing, whereby both nations were 
constitutionally granted or enjoyed the right to secede after a trial 
period of ten years following the attainment of joint-independence from 
the British.   

The Burmese military has been trying to achieve its policies of 
"Burmanization", coupled with "ethnic cleansing" and "forced 
assimilation" by making life unbearable for the Shan people. This 
involves all kinds of harassment: violation of all their rights 
(including livelihood and means of sustenance), the systematic 
employment of terror, the encouragement of lawless behaviour of the 
Burmese armed forces and the killing of individuals and most commonly 
the mistreatment of women (rape) so as to humiliate the men and 
psychologically scar the children. Shan language is not recognised as an 
official language despite the Shan efforts since 1948, nor it is allowed 
to be used as a  medium in schools and universities throughout Shan 
State. For over half a century, the Shan literature and culture have 
been systematically suppressed to erase the sense of Shan ethnic 
identity. Publication of literature and culture are discouraged and 
through bureaucratic procedures systematically delayed and hampered. The 
Shans have to translate any draft of their work from Shan into Burmese 
and submit it for permission to be able to publish from the Burmese 
officials. On top of all these, every aspects of political and daily 
lives are exclusively dominated and monopolized by the Burmese military 
regime, at the expense of all non-Burmans and democratic oppositions.  

CONCLUSION
 
Given such circumstances, the struggle for realization of the rights to 
self-determination and restoration of the birthright sovereignty of the 
Shan people on one side, and the denial of the rights to 
self-determination and implementation of the repressive and racial 
supremacy policies of the Burmese military regime on the other, will 
continue to go on unabated. The only hope for possible political 
settlement and reconciliation will only come about if and when a 
democratically elected parties are given a chance to govern and 
eventually work out a remedy to benefit this deeply divided society.  



___________________________________________________


Mizzima: Being an elected MP in Burma

March 4, 2001; Mizzima News Group (www.mizzima.com) 

    He was one of the rich persons in the town a decade ago. But things 
have changed dramatically since the multi-party elections were allowed 
to be held by the ruling military junta in 1990. Now, he is struggling 
hard to survive with his tiny teashop, facing daily harassment of the 
military authorities. The guilt is nothing but being an elected Member 
of Parliament from the National League for Democracy (NLD) party.  

The NLD party led by the Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi won in a 
landslide victory, securing more than 80% of the parliamentary seats in 
the May 1990 election. He was one of the winning MPs, elected with 
overwhelming votes against the military-backed National Unity Party 
(NUP).  
His name is U Maung Kyun Aung, above 60, an NLD MP from the Rathae Taung 
Township Constituency No. 1 in Rakhaing State.  

There were two members of parliament in the township, one U Thar Noe was 
elected from Rathae Taung (2) from the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) 
and the other was U Maung Kyun Aung from Rathae Taung (1) from the 
National League for Democracy (NLD). U Thar Noe fled the country in 1995 
and now takes shelter in India as an exiled MP.  

The ruling junta, known as State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), 
refuses to honour the verdict of the people and never allows to convene 
the peopleÆs parliament even though it is already more than ten years 
after the elections were held.  

U Maung Kyun Aung has faced and continues to face the regular 
harassment, intimidation and threat by the military intelligence (MI) 
personnel in the town. He was initially offered bribe by the juntaÆs 
agents but later detained when he turned down their offer.  

After the release, since 1998, the MI Unit 18 has been forcing him with 
various methods to resign both from the MPship and from the NLD party.  

But, he consistently refuses to bow to these pressure. The consequences 
are that the military intelligence personnel have been disturbing 
whatever business he does, the government-sponsored Union Solidarity and 
Development Association (USDA) members threatening the local people not 
to do any business with U Maung Kyun Aung. They had, indeed, troubled 
the local people who did business with the NLD-MP.  

As a result, once-a-rich U Maung Kyun Aung lost his wealth and has 
reached to a point where he has to open a small teashop in his hometown 
for survival. But, that still doesnÆt make him free from the troubles. 
Recently, his son was sentenced to six-month prison for ôdestabilizing 
the security of township.ö One or two members of the local intelligence 
unit and the USDA everyday come and sit at his teashop not because they 
like his tea very much but to put the words around that the customers 
would be troubled if they continue to come to the teashop. The customers 
are threatened they would be even charged. And now, many dare not to 
come. But, U Maung Kyun Aung continues to stand on as a NLD-MP in this 
town of Southwestern Burma.    





___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
				


Reuters: Thai military hits back at Burma in war of words 

BANGKOK,(Reuters) March 6  Thailand's military used its nationwide radio 
network on Tuesday to hit back at Burma in a war of words over bloody 
border clashes last month.         Army spokesman Somkuan 
Saengpattaranetr rejected Burma's claims that the Thai military was 
involved in drugs trafficking.  

''They want the world to think that Thailand supports the drug 
trafficking of some ethnic groups,'' Somkuan said on a midday radio 
programme. ''In fact, they invaded us.''         

Relations between Thailand and Burma plummeted last month after a series 
of clashes along the border. The usually busy border crossing between 
the northern Thai town of Mae Sai and Burma's Tachilek remains closed 
because of the tension.         

Bangkok says Burmese troops crossed into Thai territory on February 10, 
seizing an outpost which was later recaptured. A day later, shells hit 
Mae Sai as Burmese soldiers and their allies in the United Wa State Army 
(UWSA) clashed with ethnic Shan rebels across the border.         Thai 
soldiers retaliated by firing at Burmese military positions.         

Burma denies firing any shells into Mae Sai and says they were fired by 
the Shan rebels. It also says the border outpost taken over by its 
troops was not in Thai territory.         The two sides have been firing 
verbal salvos at each other ever since. Rangoon on Monday accused 
members of the Thai military of aiding ethnic Shan rebels battling the 
Burmese military and urged Thailand to cooperate in ''quiet diplomacy'' 
to restore frayed relations.         General Sampao Chusri, supreme 
commander of Thailand's armed forces, said Rangoon had broken an 
agreement that non-demarcated border areas should be regarded as ''no 
man's land.''         

''When both sided claim rights over the land, we should let the area be 
no-man's land. But Burma just took control over the area,'' Sampao said. 
        

Bangkok says the UWSA is the major player in the drugs trade in the 
region and is the source of most of the heroin and amphetamines flooding 
Thailand. Thai officials have accused the Burmese junta of allowing the 
drugs trade to flourish.        

 But Burma says the rebel Shan State Army is to blame for most drugs 
trafficking in the area.         The dispute with Burma has been an 
early headache for the new government of Thai Prime Minister Thaksin 
Shinawatra.      The government had been widely expected to be less 
confrontational with Burma than the previous administration.         

Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh 
says he can boost ties through his good relationships with some of 
Rangoon's ruling generals.         But many senior Thai military 
officers remain deeply suspicious of Burma.         

''They (the Burmese junta) say their problem is ethnic groups and we say 
ours is drugs, but they never want to patrol along the Thai-Burma border 
with us to check drug production bases,'' Somkuan told Reuters 



___________________________________________________



Mizzima: Manipur CM warns of Chinese control over Burma 

New Delhi, March 6, 2001 
Mizzima News Group (www.mizzima.com) 

The new Chief Minister of Manipur State Mr. Radhabinod Koijam has 
requested the central Government in Delhi to timely check the growing 
Chinese economic influence in Burma and warned that India may suffer 
economically in long term if failed to check.  

ôDuring the Chief MinistersÆ meeting in New Delhi on 3rd March, I said 
that China is overrunning the economy of Myanmar (Burma) with its goods 
flooding the Myanmar market. The central government should try to get 
Indian market to Myanmar. If we neglect this, we may suffer economically 
in long termö, said Mr. Koijam who ended his visit to Delhi this 
morning.  
Speaking on telephone from Imphal, capital of Manipur State, he said, 
ôTamu (border town of Burma) is flourishing with trade activities 
whereas our border town Moreh (in Manipur) is dying downö, adding that 
ôa large number of illegal firearms and narcotics are coming across the 
border from Myanmar and our boys are effected by these.

He also met the Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee in New Delhi last 
Friday.  
Mr. Koijam heads the newly formed Samata Party-led coalition government 
in Manipur State, which is bordering with Burma. The present Indian 
defence minister Mr. George Fernandes, known for his sympathy for 
Burmese pro-democracy activists in India, is the founder chief of the 
Samata Party.  


___________________________________________________




The Nation: Plan to Formalise the Hire of Burmese Labour

March 6, 2001


PLANS for a foreign-worker programme in Thailand similar to ones 
overseas were still at a fact-finding stage, the Labour and Social 
Welfare Ministry said yesterday.

The scheme to import workers mainly from Burma would relieve labour 
shortages and reduce the smuggling of illegal workers and attendant 
problems, a senior official said.

The programme would follow procedures that Thai workers undergo when 
heading to countries such as Taiwan, Phusak Thammsal, deputy 
director-general of the Employment Department, said.

Setting up a formal programme to legally bring in foreign workers would 
help resolve problems involving illegal immigrants, Phusak said. For 
instance, when the government uncovers illegal workers, it has 
difficulty sending them back to Burma because the government there 
refuses to let its citizens in when they are deported from Thailand.

If Cabinet gives the proposal the go ahead, the government would have to 
seek the cooperation of the Burmese government, he said.

"The Labour Ministry is compiling information on illegal immigrants for 
negotiations if the government agrees with the proposal," Phusak said. 
He said the department's employment offices in northern provinces would 
collect information on the current status of illegal immigrants and the 
use of foreign workers in the region.

A system similar to Thai workers going overseas would be implemented 
here, he said.

"For instance, there will be brokers and quotas. Legal workers will come 
under labour protection laws and will be guaranteed minimum wages," 
Phusak said.

The two governments would have to discuss the qualifications needed for 
job applicants in order to avoid security problems. But government 
agencies had not given any input yet on the criteria for job applicants, 
he said. 






___________________________________________________





Bangkok Post: Border Killing Probes Mired in Doubts

 Sunday, March 4, 2001



SCAPEGOATS?: Did God's Army junior guerrillas really kill six Thais in 
Ban Huay Sud in December last year? Or are the children the police have 
detained in connection with the case merely being used as defenceless 
scapegoats?

Perspective Reporters

Along the mountainous terrain of Ratchaburi where the Thai-Burmese 
border lies, only the Tenasserim (or Tanaosri) range marks the 
demarcation between Thailand and Burma.

But nothing marks the differences between the Thais and the Karens who 
live in villages scattered along the border in Suan Phung district. They 
breathe the same air, their children play the same games, and they share 
nature's bounty. They have lived in relative peace for a long time, and 
it seems as if nothing could disturb the serenity.

But along the border opposite Suan Phung are the remnants of God's Army. 

Villagers of Baan Huay Sud and Baan Ta Go Lang, a Karen immigrant 
village about 400 metres from Huay Sud, say that God's Army guerrillas 
often cross the mountain to buy food and necessities from their 
villages. 

However, they do not believe that the God's Army members who surrendered 
to Thai authorities in January were the killers of six Thais in December 
last year.

BEYOND BELIEF

A Karen resident in Ta Go Lang could not believe press reports that the 
six Thais were killed by a God's Army leader named Rambo. He cannot 
believe that the God's Army was even involved in the matter.

"Many of us doubt if those who surrendered are the killers," he said. 
"We know they are not.""They cross the mountain often to buy food and 
necessities from Thais, there's no reason for them to kill Thais," he 
added. "Had we known they would kill Thais, we would not have given them 
food and water."The Karen residents in the village deplored the 
killings, saying it will attract more violence and fighting. "There's 
peace now, but how long will it last?"Press reports that God's Army 
members killed the six Thais elicited hundreds of demands for the 
relocation of Thamhin Refugee Camp, about 15 kilometres from Baan Huay 
Sud, which houses thousands of Karens.

After the killing, more Thai soldiers were sent to the area. The 
soldiers moved over 80 Karens from Pha Pok, Ta Go Lang and Tanaosri 
villages to refugee camps in Kanchanaburi. The soldiers demolished at 
least 20 of the Karen's bamboo cottages.

At the same time, the military ordered the Thai villagers of Baan Huay 
Sud to keep their lips sealed about the incident.

CHILD'S PLAY?

What really happened that night? What did the villagers see? Why the 
disbelief about the involvement of God's Army members?A villager in Huay 
Sud said she saw three Karen men, aged between 20 and 30, at about 8 
p.m. on the night of the shooting. There were no children with the men. 

The men had been there before, usually to buy food at a shop located off 
the Phapok-Suan Phung-Ratchaburi road. This time, they went to the shop, 
but it was closed and all food sold out. They then went to another shop 
which was located in the inner mountainous area, where the killing took 
place. 

The second food shop stands alone in a mountainous area, about 400 
metres from the first shop. It is a new bamboo cottage, villagers say, 
as the owner moved in only two months ago.

"I don't believe the children killed them," said the villager. "How can 
children do that? There were no children with them that night." 
"Actually," she said, "the two shops share customers who are mostly 
Karen. 

"Because of its location, the inner shop usually sells food to Karens 
from across the mountain.

"They might have had some conflicts, but if so, I am confident that it 
was not the children who killed them," a village housewife insisted. 

PIECING THE EVENTS TOGETHER

Meanwhile, many details in press reports remain unclear. Police have yet 
to prove a) the motive for the killing, b) Rambo's involvement in the 
killing, and c) that Rambo's death was due to a grenade that allegedly 
exploded in his hand.

There are many versions of the incident.

According to reports from state officials connected with the 
investigations, Rambo traded wild products with the shopowner, but after 
being unable to collect payment twice, he shot at some Thais sitting 
around a table in front of the shop. The shop owner reportedly saw four 
God's Army members standing in front of her shop with guns. They did not 
behave like buyers and they spoke English, which she could not 
understand. Feeling the situation was unusual, she left through the back 
door with her child and hid in a brook behind the shop. Le Bi, one of 
the four accused of the killing, testified that he and his fellows had 
500 baht to buy rice. At first, they bypassed the shop where the killing 
occurred because there were too many people. They went to the outer shop 
but there was no rice there, so they returned to the first shop where 
villagers were drinking whisky. 

Rambo stayed outside while the rest bought food. "A drunken man then 
asked where we got the guns from, so Rambo shot at them. We ran and hid 
in a thick clump of grass. Then we heard a grenade explode. We thought 
it was the Thai police but it was Rambo," Le Bi was quoted as saying. 
DIFFERENT VERSIONS

Interviewed by Perspective, Mr Sophee Sopha who survived the shooting 
and Mrs Watchareewan Yaphuang, the owner of the shop, gave different 
versions of the story. But they both said there were two survivors that 
night-Mr Sophee and Mr Somnuek (last name unknown).

Mrs Watchareewan denied that her shop sold rice and bought wild products 
from God's Army.

"I've never sold rice or bought wild food from them. My usual customers 
live nearby," she said.

On the night of the shooting, Watchareewan was in the hut. A group of 
men appeared and pointed their guns at Sophee and others celebrating New 
Year in front of the hut.

Sensing something amiss, Watchareewan held her daughter and called to 
her mother who was in the toilet to leave the hut immediately. "I took 
my mom's hand and we ran out through the back door to a hut where my 
husband was playing cards with other villagers," she said. 

Two God's Army members allegedly involved in the shooting were later 
taken to re-enact the crime. Watchareewan said she recognised only one 
of them. 
Sophee, whose younger sisters were killed in the shooting, told a 
different story. He said five strangers aged between 15-16 years showed 
up that night while he and his friends were celebrating New Year. "I 
think the God's Army members who surrendered were in the same group as 
those who appeared that night," he said.

"Two of the men pointed their guns at us, while the other three rushed 
into the shop to pack food into their bags. They said nothing. As they 
were leaving, they turned back and fired at us," said Sophee, who said 
he pretended to be dead.

Sophee said the biggest man, believed to be Rambo, pulled out the pin of 
a grenade and walked away. An explosion was heard moments later. 
Perspective visited the spot where the grenade allegedly exploded. It is 
about 30 metres from the hut where the six were shot. A couple living 
near the spot said the attack was carried out by adults, not children.

Somnuek, the other survivor, also told them that the killers were adult 
not children.

Sophee's mother told Perspective that she saw at least ten men in 
military uniform emerge from a small track as she was walking from her 
house to the shop to take care of her nephew, who was injured in the 
attack, that night. 
YOUNGSTERS IN DETENTION

Suan Phung police have yet to identify the "three boys" who allegedly 
accompanied Rambo.

However, three boys are being detained at Suan Phung Police Station 
without access to lawyers or the press.

They are charged with murder, illegal possession of war weapons and 
illegal entry.

Chalida Tajaroensuk, programme coordinator for the Asian Forum for Human 
Rights and Development, said attempts by the organisation to provide a 
lawyer for the three boys were turned down by police and officials. 
Thai Criminal Law says that youths under 18 years of age must have a 
lawyer with them when they testify to police.

"We wonder why the officials did not allow us or the press to meet 
them," she said. "Everything is done in a clandestine manner."

SUSPICIOUS CIRCUMSTANCES

About two weeks after the incident, human rights activists and Forum 
Asia took a fact-finding trip to the site of the killings. Most do not 
believe that Rambo shot villagers and died from a grenade exploding in 
his hand. 

Pensak Chagsuchinda, vice chairwoman on the Senate's Foreign Affairs 
Committee, said what she found did not fit with the press reports. She 
did not see anything to support the official reports either.

"From what I saw, the killing was well planned. I do not believe that 
Rambo shot the villagers or died because a grenade exploded in his 
hand," she said. 
The senator said the killing seemed premeditated. "The bamboo shop had 
only been open for two months. Its location was questionable. It stands 
alone in an elevated area, where there is a track leading into the 
forest. 
"I wonder why the shop was located in such a desolate spot. Who are its 
regular customers?" she asked. "Moreover," she added, "it is surprising 
that the shopowner has another shop in town but keeps another shop open 
in that remote area."The fact-finding team was also surprised that 
villagers confirmed they saw Rambo and could remember him, when the 
house closest to the shop is some 30 metres away.


"The shooting happened at night," said Wasant Panich, a human rights 
activist. "How could the villagers see Rambo's face? The store is quite 
far off and only has a small battery operated neon light."The 
fact-finding team raised several questions.

- Did Rambo kill the six Thais?- Did he die because of the grenade 
explosion or did someone try to make it look like he died of the grenade 
explosion?- Was he dead before the grenade went off?Photos of the 
incident show a cadaver, claimed to be Rambo's, with the right arm 
severed and a fist-sized cavity in the chest.
"If he really died when the grenade fell and exploded, his leg should 
have been severed, not his arm," commented a fact-finding member. 
Could he have fallen while the grenade was in his hand? If so, how could 
the combat-hardened Rambo allow a grenade to explode near him?" he 
asked. 
"Actually, a grenade will not explode even if its safety pin is pulled 
out as long as the safety lever is not pulled out," explained Mr Wasant. 


"Is it possible that he was dead before the explosion?" he asked. 
Amporn Wongsaeng, another fact-finding member, said she did not think 
Rambo was killed by a grenade explosion or was involved in the shooting. 

"If they just wanted to loot the shop, they need not have shot at the 
children and women," she said.

Mr Wasant added that the members of God's Army are not cruel or 
inhumane, as shown from past incidents, including the siege of 
Ratchaburi Hospital last year.


_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
 

Earthrights International/International Labor Rights Fund: Plaintiffs 
win round in Yadana lawsuit

March 6, 2001

Yesterday, plaintiffs in two cases charging Unocal with slavery, unfair 
business practices and other violation of other California Law defeated 
Unocal's attempt to remove their cases from California State Court. 

In September 2000, the State Claims were filed by 15 Burmese citizens 
whose rights were violated by the Construction of Unocal's Natural Gas 
Pipeline Project through the Tenasserim region, and California resident 
Louisa Benson. 

Unocal then attempted to have the case removed from the State Court.  
They argued that State standards, including violations of the California 
Constitution such as slavery and involuntary servitude, and California's 
law on unfair business practices, were not applicable in the two cases, 
Doe v. Unocal and Roe v. Unocal. 

Dan Stormer of the Pasadena Law Firm Hadsell & Stormer, who appeared for 
the Doe plaintiffs, stated after the ruling, "Unocal's last ditch effort 
to prevent this case from going forward has failed.  We will take this 
case to trial and we will win."  Natacha Thys of the International Labor 
Rights Fund, who argued for the Roe Plaintiffs, added, "In allowing 
these claims of slavery and unfair business practices to go  forward, 
the judge allowed Unocal's practices to be put on trial to the full 
extent of the law.   

Plaintiffs are also represented by the Center for Constitutional Rights, 
Earthrights International, and a coalition of other civil and human 
rights lawyers throughout the U.S.   
For more information contact

ccr@xxxxxxx, or www.earthrights.org or www.ilrf.org.



___________________________________________________




Nation: Mass fast at US, UK colleges over Burma

March 6, 2001

STUDENTS at 53 universities across the United States and the United 
Kingdom fasted for 24 hours yesterday to protest against US corporate 
and university support for Burma's military regime.

"We demand that our universities stop doing business with companies 
operating in Burma," said Katie Ryan, leader of the Free Burma Coalition 
chapter at North Carolina State University.

"Desmond Tutu called Burma the 'next South Africa', and it is time for 
our universities to divest and refuse to purchase from US companies 
operating in Burma."

The fast comes in the aftermath of a New York Times article on March 1 
exposing the links between clothing exports to the United States and 
Burma's ruling military regime.

The newspaper had received an unclassified State Department cable from 
Senator Tom Harkin of Iowa, which said: "We understand that the GOB 
[military regime] controls distribution of the current [garment-export] 
quota and reserves a large portion of it in government-related 
factories." 
Harkin, a Democrat, has promised, along with Republican Senators Jesse 
Helms and Mitch McConnell to introduce legislation calling for a ban on 
imports from Burma.

Students, however, are not waiting for legislation.

"Slavery ended over 100 years ago in the United States. We shouldn't be 
supporting a modern form of slavery in Burma through this university's 
57,000 shares in Unocal oil company," said Andrew Price, leader of the 
Free Burma Coalition at the University of Virginia.

"We have enough problems in our own backyard, and US corporations 
shouldn't create more for us in Burma."

Students at American and Bucknell universities and Trinity College have 
already successfully pressured their universities to divest shares in 
and refuse to purchase from companies operating in Burma.

Clothing companies JanSport, Kenneth Cole and the Dress Barn all 
promised to cease sourcing from Burma late last year after protests.

JanSport said after its withdrawal in October: "Recently some 
collegiate-licensed apparel was found to have been manufactured in 
[Burma] without JanSport's or the university's knowledge. This was 
expressly against JanSport's manufacturing policy. I assure you, 
JanSport . . . immediately took steps to transfer the production to an 
alternative facility." 
On Thursday, Burma, which along with Afghanistan accounts for 90 per 
cent of world heroin production, was again decertified by the US 
government for non-compliance with its anti-narcotic efforts.

Randy Beers, assistant secretary for Narcotics and Law Enforcement, 
said: "The government of Burma has also been unwilling or unable to take 
on the most powerful trafficking groups directly and continues to refuse 
to surrender major drug traffickers under indictment in the United 
States." 




_______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________



The New Light of Myanmar: Backfiring

Monday, 5  March, 2001



Sarram was his name for those close to him. 

He was a counter-intelligence officer of the Thai special intelligence 
unit with the rank of major. But I do not know whether he is still alive 
or not, or still in his job or not, or still in the same post, or better 
or worse. I lost contact with him for more than ten years.  

With fair complexion he was handsome. Maybe that was the reason why he 
attracted women. He took three wives. In the Thai military one can take 
wives more than three; there is no problem; if one can take the number 
of wives who can be formed a section if one can afford. Recently, I have 
read a news report about how Thai men took more than one wife. 
Patriotism of the Thai men is like that.  

The first wife of Sarram was a very rich widow with two children. She 
loved Sarram very much. She bought him a posh car. That first wife had a 
business of her own in Bangkok. The second wife was a Laotian. She was a 
big boss at the night club of Wantao Hotel in Maesai opposite Tachilek 
on the next bank. The third wife with whom he lived was a Myanmar (Shan) 
national named Nan Kya Nyo. There is much difference between his age and 
hers. He fondly called her "Nok" in Thai language.  

As I know about him to that extent it is needless to say how I had been 
intimate with him.  
Still, I will have to say. We frequented his house to enjoy ourselves. 
One thing I noticed was that in one album I saw him as a monk. When I 
studied the date of his monkhood I learned that he was ordained after 
joining the military service. It was unlikely that he was ordained as a 
temporary monk during his leave. Because according to the dates 
mentioned he had been a monk for a long period.  

Then I asked him why he entered monkhood. I learned that he did so under 
an assignment. He said he had been a monk for one year and nine months. 
The photographs were taken in Tachilek, Kengtung, Taunggyi, Inlay, 
Pindaya and Sagaing in the background. There were also background scenes 
in Laos. Then I realized the motive. He disguised himself as a monk and 
visited our country at the time when we were following the close-door 
policy, and Laos. In fact, in spy work such disguises were not unusual.  


Out of the three strategies of the old imperialism, taking the cover of 
missionary work is one and it continues to be practised in the periods 
that follow. For, there have been some advantages for it compared with 
other strategies. So, there have been many instances in which spies have 
taken the cover and protection of missionary work. 

Especially, taking the protection of missionary work is better than 
other covers in carrying out intelligence work involving infiltration 
and penetration for political or military purposes. It is easier to 
overcome the checks and obstructions placed for security reasons. It 
will be even better if one disguises oneself as a Buddhist monk. With 
their respectful tradition to the monks, the security bodies in our 
country are inclined to relax their procedures in checking the monks.  
For these reasons, once the communist insurgents underground (White and 
Red communists) branded by the people as impediments endangering the 
teachings of Buddha, their subversives, bombers and spies disguised 
themselves as monks to approach and pass through the towns, villages and 
military camps. Then I found out that the personnel of the Thai special 
intelligence also aped the evil practices of the communists known as 
impediments endangering the teachings of Buddhism. 

A news report telecast by the Thai TV at 7 pm on 22 February 2001 said 
that security units comprising the Thai intelligence were combing the 
monasteries in northern Thailand and Chiangmai. It added that it was 
done so for fear that spies from Myanmar disguising themselves as monks 
might be active there. It is natural for a thief not to trust anyone. 
The Thai military intelligence and police who have colluded with the 
expatriates, fugitives, thieves and robbers from Myanmar are ready to 
carry out intelligence work by disguising themselves as monks; they have 
no respect for the religion or the monks. 

Our security personnel have respectfully followed the procedures and 
requested monks, who illegally entered the country in questionable 
situations after passing through the insurgent areas, to enter the 
country with the use of official passport.  

I would like to cite an incident. We have reasons to suspect a Thai monk 
found in Pyinmana on 3 October 2000. His layman's name was Alonkun 
Kalankato. He was 43 years old, a law graduate and ex-army personnel. He 
used the Pompakyin-Mongton-Monghsat route to enter the country.  

He took up residence at a village in Namgsam Township for nearly three 
years and befriended the local people. Once he was well-known in the 
area he secured a identity card with the name U Obhasa from the Laikha 
Township Immigration and Manpower Department with the help of the 
townselders. On security grounds this is most questionable.  

I am thinking why he did not use the official passport and for what 
reasons he had deceitfully secured the identity card issued to monks; 
this card is equivalent to the national citizenship scrutiny card issued 
to Myanmar citizens. In submitting the application to the authorities to 
obtain the identity card, bogus names were stated when he referred to 
the name of the Myanmar presiding monk at the ordination ceremony, the 
order of the Sangha and its address. His address was also a fake one. 
All had been premeditated. His actual address was No 43/79, 5th Lane, 
Sanompennom Street, Sunniwei No 2 block, Bangkatsao in Angphe District, 
Thailand. 
Myanmar authorities entertained no suspicions but recognized him as a 
monk. But they supplicated to him that he himself was a law graduate and 
he knew that it was illegal. They requested him to return to his country 
and come back with an official passport if he truly wanted to discharge 
missionary duties in the country. Proper arrangements were made for the 
monk to return to Thailand. 

At present, a large number of Thai monks, sojourning the length and 
breadth of Myanmar, are studying Pariyatti and practising Patipatti. 
Because of the tense atmosphere at Myanmar-Thai border, any security 
organizations have not questioned or disturbed Thai monks. Four 
prerequisites are still being donated to them.  

The security organizations of Thailand are taking desperate measures in 
their country. Come to think of it, I will tell a despicable act of Thai 
police. It happened on 28 March 1998. As those from Maesai who wished to 
offer soon invited Sayadaw Bhaddanta Dhamma Nanda of Myitta Dekkhina 
Aungdawmu Monastery in Tachilek, the Sayadaw went to Maesai. Thai police 
from Maesai Police Outpost arrested, interrogated and beat the Sayadaw. 
They behaved despicably to that extent. Seething at the unjust and 
barbaric act of Thai police, the people of Tachilek planned to retaliate 
against Thai police with the help of local people of Maesai. However, 
authorities took tactful measures, and anything important did not occur. 
If they had been allowed to do what they liked, the police from Maesai 
would have felt as if suffering alive in hell. 

The authorities, on their part, did not make public the barbaric and 
insulting act of Thai police, and took measures through the Regional 
Border Committee meeting of the two nations by informing Thai 
authorities of the incident and asking them to inquire into the matter. 
It is an instance which shows that Myanmar people do not easily fly into 
a rage or harbour any grudge or do anything in the spirit of revenge, 
and that they exercise forbearance and usually act with discipline and 
dignity.  

With regard to the fact that Thai people wearing robes entered Myanmar 
through illegal routes, it is not that there has been just an 
above-mentioned incident. There have been many similar occasions. 
However, Myanmar authorities have never insulted any monks, but paid 
respects to them and acted in accord with rules and regulations.  

A state of emergency has not yet been declared officially at the border 
cities and towns of Thailand on the ground of the tense atmosphere at 
Myanmar-Thai border. However, in the real situation, it looks as if an 
ogre was going on the rampage in Wesali. Due to personnel of Thai 
security organizations who are getting agitated and panic-stricken and 
behaving like a monkey whose tail is catching fire, the situation is in 
a state of confusion to such an extent that, let alone the common 
people, even monasteries cannot be in a peaceful and quiet atmosphere. I 
have got from my Thai friends some news that Thai soldiers have forcibly 
entered the monasteries in northern Thailand and in the surrounding 
areas of Chiangmai and have searched for Myanmar monks. I don't know 
whether the security measures taken by Thai security units are effective 
or not. On the morning of 27 February 2001, in the centre of Maesai 
patrolled by vast multitudes of motorcycles, cars, tanks and armoured 
vehicles ! somewhat like a well-attended Chinese funeral procession 
making its way in the town, three gunmen in Thai army uniform shot to 
death a Thai entrepreneur (who has contracts to undertake road 
construction projects in Myanmar). I wonder whether it is backfiring.  

Author: Nga Khin Nyo



______________________OTHER______________________


Radio Free Asia: Help Wanted?Journalist

 (International Broadcaster)
 
 International radio service seeks journalist(s) with background and  
experience in East Asia.  Candidates must fluently speak and write one 
of  the following: Burmese, Cantonese Khmer, Korean, Lao, Mandarin, 
Tibetan,  Uyghur and Vietnamese.
 
 Working knowledge of English required.  SPECIAL EMPHASIS ON BURMESE  
CANDIDATES.
 
 Positions available at RFA HQ in Washington, DC.  All qualified 
applicants  will receive consideration for employment without regard to 
race, creed,  color, sex or national origin.
 
 Candidates must respond by COB March 12, 2001 for consideration.  
 Send cover letter and resume to: P. O. Box  57023, Washington, DC 20036 
or  fax to 202-530-7797.
 
 RFA is an equal opportunity employer committed to workforce diversity.  







________________


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