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BurmaNet News: March 28, 2001
- Subject: BurmaNet News: March 28, 2001
- From: strider@xxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Wed, 28 Mar 2001 15:01:00
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
March 28, 2001 Issue # 1765
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
INSIDE BURMA _______
*Sydney Morning Herald: Talk of Political Transition Suggests
Breakthrough Is Nearing
*Shan Herald Agency for News: Junta intelligence officer--Little
breakthrough expected during April talks
*KNPP: Karenni villagers flee the Burmese junta's dry-season military
operation
*Shan Herald Agency for News: Shan traditional festival banned
*Karen Human Rights Group: Thaton District?SPDC Using Violence Against
Villagers to Consolidate Control
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AFP: Disappointing government response to forced labour in Myanmar--ILO
*ILO: Developments concerning the question of the observance by the
Government
of Myanmar of the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29)
*Bangkok Post: Reshuffle Looming to Tailor Personnel to Foreign Policy
ECONOMY/BUSINESS _______
*RCR Wireless News: Myanmar GSM Service Begins
OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*Bangkok Post: Burma to Test Thaksin's Resolve
*Myanmar Times : Unfounded Accusations Hurled at Myanmar
OTHER______
*Rakhine Conference in America
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
Sydney Morning Herald: Talk of Political Transition Suggests
Breakthrough Is Nearing
March 28, 2001
By Mark Baker
The head of the military regime in Burma has spoken publicly for the
first time about plans for political transition, a fresh sign that
secret talks are progressing on a return to civilian rule.
In a speech marking Burma's armed forces day, General Than Shwe also
offered cautious praise for democracy, but said the country would need
to move forward with caution to avoid instability.
While the general did not refer directly to the democracy leader Ms Aung
San Suu Kyi or to her talks with senior military intelligence officers
over the past six months, a government spokesman said: "It's going very
well."
There are growing expectations a more detailed announcement may be
imminent after it was confirmed that a United Nations special envoy, Mr
Razali Ismail - asked to postpone a visit to Rangoon earlier this month
- was expected back in Burma within the next fortnight.
Observers said the remarks by General Than Shwe, on such an important
day in the Burmese calendar, reinforced speculation that significant
progress was being made towards solving the 10-year standoff between the
regime and Ms Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. "For the number
one guy in the Government to use the words political transition in a
major speech on an occasion like this is very significant," one
Rangoon-based analyst said.
The Herald revealed earlier this month that Ms Suu Kyi had held at least
12 meetings at her Rangoon residence with the powerful deputy chief of
military intelligence, Major-General Kyaw Win, and that the general had
told close associates they were discussing the framework for a
transitional administration.
Sources said yesterday that Ms Suu Kyi, who won the 1991 Nobel Peace
Prize, was still refusing to talk publicly about the progress of her
talks with the regime. One said: "She remains totally tight-lipped about
it all, and she's not even talking to her own people about what is going
on."
Burma has been ruled by military regimes for almost 40 years, and Ms Suu
Kyi has spent most of the past decade under house arrest since the
generals refused to recognise her group's landslide victory in elections
in 1990.
During his speech in Rangoon yesterday General Than Shwe praised the
success of democratic countries in achieving economic development.
___________________________________________________
Shan Herald Agency for News: Junta intelligence officer--Little
breakthrough expected during April talks
27 March 2001
A military intelligence officer remarked recently that he did not think
the upcoming regional level talks between Rangoon and Bangkok would
amount to much, according to a source from Tachilek.
The officer from MI-24 (Tachilek branch), whose name is withheld here to
protect the source, said on Friday (23 March), Given the fact that Gen
Thein Sein will have to refer everything back to the top, I don't
suppose there'll be any significant decisions.
The Regional Border Committee (RBC) will meet on 2-4 April and
co-chaired by Maj- Gen Thein Sein, Commander, Triangle Region Command
(Eastern Shan State) and Lt-Gen Wattanachai Chaimuenwong, Commander,
Third Regional Army (northern Thailand) in Kengtung.
The gate on the Burmese side of the Friendship Bridge between Tachilek
and Maesai, Chiangrai, is still welded and Joint patrols by Burmese and
Wa troops west of Tachilek to prevent attacks by Shan State Army of
Yawdserk are being carried out each night, said the source.
Foodstuffs for Tachilek such as chicken, fruit and vegetables are being
transported from Kengtung each day.
___________________________________________________
KNPP: Karenni villagers flee the Burmese junta's dry-season military
operation
Destruction of villages, farms and hunting the Internally Displaced
Persons (IDPs) is a crime against humanity
Contacts: Abel Tweed, Doh Say
Tel: 66 53 611 691
E-mail: ooreh@xxxxxxxxxx
March 23, 2001
Seventy-six Karenni villagers fled the junta's dry-season military
operation and reached Thai border this evening. The villagers are
originally from Daw Tamakyi, Dee Mawsoe Township, Karenni State. On Feb
22, 2001, 105 Karenni villagers reached the Thai soil. The total number
being 181 Karenni villagers from more than ten villages have reached in
since the last month.
The Burmese junta started its annual dry-season military campaign
against the Karenni Army (KA) and the Karenni villagers including those
who have been hiding in the jungle since it carried out a forced
relocation program in 1996.
"We were forced to leave our village and hide-outs by the Burmese
soldiers for Thailand," said Khu Sa Reh, 60, the head of Daw Sa village.
" We were fleeing oppression, forced labour, and military operation by
the Burmese soldiers," concluded Khu Sa Reh.
The fighting between the junta's troops and the KA is going on both on
the border and deep inside Karenni State. There have been several
clashes along the Karenni-Thai border between the junta's troops and the
KA since the beginning of this year.
"Destruction of villages and farms, hunting the Internally Displaced
Person (IDPs) is a crime against humanity," said Aung Than Lay, Prime
Minister of the Karenni Government. " There will be more Karenni
civilians on Thai soil if the junta does not stop its uncivilized and
inhuman activities.
The Karenni Government in exile calls for the International Community to
stop the regime from its inhuman activities both in Karenni State and
Burma. It also calls for the International Community to put more
pressure on the regime to enter the tripartite dialogue to solve the
problems which are related to ethnic issues and a move towards a
democratic system.
The Karenni Government was founded in 1946 and it has been leading the
Karenni National Resistance Movement against successive military regimes
of Burma since 1948.
___________________________________________________
Shan Herald Agency for News: Shan traditional festival banned
March 24, 2001
Reports coming from the north said military authorities at a northern
border district had issued an order prohibiting the Shan celebration of
the Leun-hsi (Fourth Lunar Month or Tabaung in Burmese) two weeks ago.
On 10 March, the district peace and development council of Muse,
opposite Ruili of Yunnan and 110 miles north of Lashio, made a
proclamation banning the customary celebration in the whole valley of
Mao aka Shweli aka Ruili.
In future, it was to be observed by the Shans with simpe temple visits
and alms-giving, according to the order.
The order was followed by intensive public relations by the local
departments, namely, Nasaka (Border Control Unit), Administration,
Police, military Intelligence and drug agency exhorting the local
populace to attend the entertainments by the official mobile theatrical
troupe.
"It was to ensure that the people went only to the festivities organized
by junta officials," said a source. "In the past the local people had
often ignored the military-supported concerts."
The Leun-hsi, that falls on 8 March this year, is held throughout Shan
State every year. It is regarded as a Poy Hpi-pang (Festival invited by
the gods).
___________________________________________________
Karen Human Rights Group: Thaton District?SPDC Using Violence Against
Villagers to Consolidate Control
[Abridged]
March 20, 2001 / KHRG #2001-U2
In an effort to drive a wedge between the villagers in northeastern
Thaton district and the resistance forces of the KNU/KNLA (Karen
National Union / Karen National Liberation Army), the SPDC continues to
intimidate villagers with violence, threats and military retaliation.
Information sent by KHRG field researchers indicates that in Bilin
township, east of the Bilin River spanning the border of Mon and Karen
States, soldiers are using innocent villagers in a campaign to gain
complete control over the villages and defeat KNLA opposition forces.
They are capturing and torturing civilians, forcing them to work for the
army and committing many kinds of abuses. Interviews by KHRG have
documented stories of exploitation and violence in Bilin township,
fuelled by ongoing SPDC attempts to gain both military and financial
advantage.
One SPDC strategy is to terrorise the villagers over any allegation of
ties to the opposition army, no matter how spurious. A KHRG field
researcher reports that in November 2000, SPDC troops abducted and
tortured several villagers accused of having ties to the KNLA. The Light
Infantry Battalion #1 soldiers entered Lah Soe Ko village in the
nighttime, tied each of the accused villagers to a partner and brought
them to Kyu Kee. The SPDC was acting on information given to them by the
DKBA [Democratic Karen Buddhist Army - a Karen splinter group aligned
with the SPDC] about which villagers were working with the KNU. Two men,
Pa G--- and Pa K---, were tortured by the soldiers in an attempt to
coerce them into revealing the whereabouts of Pa G---Æs father, a health
worker with the KNU. Battalion Commander Myint Lwin pressed the blade of
his knife to their skin, nearly drawing blood, and pounded their
stomachs with a large pestle. At first the men were able to prevail in
their attempts to protect Pa G---Æs father, but the CommanderÆs efforts
soon proved unbearable and the villagers led the soldiers to the manÆs
house. On arrival in Pa G---Æs fatherÆs village, the soldiers found only
a one-legged villager, whom they captured and brought back to Dta Meh
Kee village. The SPDC troops then burned down three village huts,
destroying the belongings of three families. They also confiscated
medical supplies and equipment.
In another incident in November 2000, SPDC soldiers coerced three
villagers into revealing the locations of KNLA personnel. They suspected
that the three men, who had been captured to work as porters for the
army, had information about KNLA operations and whereabouts. The SPDC
tortured the villagers Pa M---, A--- and Saw L---. The Battalion #1
soldiers bound the menÆs heads, beat them and poured gallons of water
down their throats. The villagers were then forced to lead the troops
through the jungle to a KNLA camp, where the SPDC shot at the KNLA
soldiers.
In their ongoing efforts to cut ties between the Bilin township
villagers and the KNLA, the SPDC uses threats and extortion to achieve
their goals. One example documented by KHRG was in Noh KÆNeh village.
Light Infantry Battalion #1 demanded large sums of money from the
villagers because they claimed a KNLA officer is married to one of the
village women. The village had to pay 50,000 Kyat the first time and
40,000 Kyat in a subsequent visit. If the villagers cannot come up with
the money, the SPDC officers threaten to relocate their village to an
area closer to an SPDC army camp. The Noh KÆNeh villagers call the
battalion officer "Pa Set Daw", meaning "one who stabs people with his
knife", because he is known to torture villagers by pressing his sharp
knife blade against their skin to convince them to give him information.
Such extortion is not just for strategic reasons; it appears that
financial gain for the officers is an equally compelling motive on their
part, because during torture money is frequently extorted from the
villagers.
The township is also home to many seemingly random acts of violence
perpetrated by SPDC soldiers, including rape. One 18-year-old village
girl named Naw B--- was raped in her home by the SPDC during the
June-October 2000 rainy season. While commonly committed, villagers
donÆt dare report incidents like this to officials due to their fears of
retaliation.
The SPDC use the Karen villagers in the region as tactical pawns in
their war against the KNLA. With every SPDC casualty or setback, a price
is exacted on the civilians. If a soldier steps on a landmine, the
villagers pay. If there is fighting with the KNU, homes may be ransacked
and burned. If any of the troops are wounded in battle, the village
might be fined, threatened or even destroyed. One less violent example
occurred recently in Htoh Kloh Hta village. After a DKBA soldier was
wounded in the area, SPDC and DKBA troops visited the village and
demanded 200,000 Kyat, a very large sum by villagersÆ standards.
Although the villagers have scarcely the resources to feed their own
families, they paid out of fear of the consequences if they refused.
Reports continue to surface from the area about an SPDC conscripted
militia group composed of local villagers. Tha Gka Hsa Pa
("Anti-insurgency Group") units operate in PaÆan, Kyaikto and Thaton
townships. According to Karen sources, this group may have begun with
KNU/KNLA members who defected to the other side in the 1970s or 1980s.
Many of its members are unarmed and function primarily to point out KNU
sympathisers to SPDC and DKBA forces. They are meant to divide the Karen
community as much as to protect the SPDC army and its interests. A
villager interviewed by KHRG says that each village has to have four or
five members in this militia. Karen villagers are lured onto this
"security force" by SPDC offers that their families will be exempted
from portering and other forms of forced labour, and the possibility of
being issued a weapon (though most are not given weapons until they have
been with the force for several years). The soldiers can then work on
their fields in the day and perform their security duties at night. In
July 2000, KNLA forces captured three Tha Gka Hsa Pa soldiers and took
them to their camp. After having their weapons confiscated they were
released, only to be jailed by the SPDC on their return. Over the years
KHRG has also received reports from Thaton District and other parts of
Karen State about an SPDC-run militia group called Pyitthu Sit
("PeopleÆs Army"), but it is unclear what if any relationship exists
between the Pyitthu Sit and the Tha Gka Hsa Pa. Pyitthu Sit recruits are
taken from villages and are given rudimentary military training,
outfitted with basic weapons and ordered to guard the village. The
village usually has to meet training expenses and supply food to the
soldiers. Their only real military use seems to be serving as occasional
cannon fodder in attacks on the KNLA. The use of these militia forces
serves as another strategy to turn Karen against Karen, and is
reminiscent of the Nazi use of Jews to police themselves during wartime
Germany and similar divisive tactics used by dictatorships worldwide.
Villagers in Bilin township face great difficulties providing their
families with enough food because of the actions of the SPDC army. They
continue to grow their hillside rice crops, but whenever SPDC patrols
come close, they flee into the jungle. The combination of working under
this cloud of fear and being kept away from their work by forced labour
projects allows them little time to properly maintain their crops. The
amount and severity of forced labour tends to depend on each villageÆs
distance from an SPDC army camp. But all villages have to send people on
a regular basis to be unpaid army porters, workers or messengers and are
forced to work making thatch roofing shingles, constructing camps or
maintaining roads. This leaves them little time to work on their crops.
Consequently the villagers, particularly the men, have to flee when
troops visit the area. They live in fear of being captured and forced to
work for the army. Many families have fled their villages entirely,
seeking refuge in the surrounding jungle. Around 15 to 20 households
have already done so from each of the villages of Baw Naw Po Kee, Ther
Khaw Doh Kee, Ther Gkee Pu and Pleh Po Hta. Many villagers prefer this
unpredictable life away from their villages and food sources to the
constant threat posed by visits by the SPDC and DKBA troops.
In order to minimise the use of villages as KNLA resources, the SPDC
have sporadically used forced village relocation to consolidate the
Karen in selected SPDC strongholds. This also provides the army with a
large, easily accessible pool of forced labourers. This can be
accomplished first by oral or written demands, and later by burning and
destroying the villages, driving some villagers to relocation sites and
others to escape into the jungle. In recent years, they have destroyed
the villages of Htee Mu Kee, Nya Po Kee, Kwih Lay Pu, Wah Tho Klah, Ther
Rer Kee and many others.
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
AFP: Disappointing government response to forced labour in Myanmar--ILO
GENEVA, March 28 (AFP) - Government responses to International Labour
Organisation (ILO) recommendations to abolish forced labour in Myanmar
have been disappointing, the organisation said Wednesday.
In an unprecedented move last November, the ILO called on its members
-- workers and employers' groups, and countries -- to review their ties
with Myanmar and take steps to ensure their ties did not help continue
or extend forced labour.
Lord Bill Brett, from ILO's executive council, said that "the primary
responsibility lay on governments" who have taken no action. He also
denounced the secret diplomacy that some have indulged in.
The ILO asked recently to visit Myanmar to give an objective evaluation
of the regime's efforts to counter the problem.
The US view is that ILO's presence in Yangon would be useless because
of concealment by the Burmese authorities.
"The offer of technical cooperation still stands," said ILO chief Juan
Somavia. "It remains to be seen whether the ILO is following a positive
direction or is heading for a dead-end," he added at ILO's annual
meeting in June.
Somavia said Myanmar's minister of labour, General Tin Ngwe, had sent
him a letter last month saying it would continue to take measures to
ensure forced labour was illegal both "in law and in practice".
Denmark, speaking on behalf of the EU, supported ILO's move to check
the situation at first hand. While Yangon had announced several measures
to put an end to forced labour, the EU was alarmed by information that
the practices continued, they added.
Japan hailed Myanmar's action but said results were not yet evident.
___________________________________________________
ILO: Developments concerning the question of the observance by the
Government
of Myanmar of the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29)
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE GB.280/6(Add.1)
280th Session
Governing Body Geneva, March 2001
Addendum
1. Since document GB.280/6 was finalized, the Office has received a
number of additional communications from member States, national
employers' and workers' organizations, an international organization,
and a non-governmental organization. To enable the Governing Body to
get as complete a picture as possible, these communications are
summarized below.
2. The Government of Canada indicated that copies of the Conference
resolution had been sent to Canadian provincial and territorial
governments and to national workers' and employers' organizations. The
Government had also sent a letter to major Canadian business
associations informing them of the Conference resolution and Canadian
policies with respect to Myanmar. In 1988 Canada suspended diplomatic
and commercial relations with Myanmar, along with support for Canadian
firms doing business in the country, including export programmes and
commercial promotion. Support for multilateral assistance through
international financial institutions was also withdrawn, and bilateral
aid was suspended. In August 1997, the Canadian Government had announced
selective economic measures against Myanmar, which remain in force.
These include withdrawal of trade preferences and the introduction of
export controls that effectively limit exports to those of a
humanitarian nature. The Government also issued a statement urging the
Canadian business community to refrain from entering into further
investment agreements or commercial ventures in Myanmar until
improvements were evident.
3. The Government of Japan communicated the following points via its
Permanent Mission. The relationship between Japan and Myanmar did not
contain any element that contributed directly or indirectly to forced
labour in Myanmar, nor did any development assistance do so. Japan
hoped that an early solution would be attained on the question of
forced labour in Myanmar, and that a constructive dialogue towards that
objective between the Government of Myanmar and the ILO would start
soon.
4. The Government of New Zealand indicated that it had recently reviewed
the country's bilateral relationship with Myanmar and no element of
that relationship had been identified that would perpetuate or extend
the system of forced labour in Myanmar. The Government intended to keep
the relationship under review. It had forwarded copies of the
Conference resolution to the New Zealand Council of Trade Unions and the
New Zealand Employers' Federation.
5. The Government of Portugal indicated that its trade with Myanmar took
place within the framework of the WTO and the EU. It was difficult
within the framework of the WTO to take measures against another member
State for violations of fundamental worker rights. The EU had suspended
Myanmar from its system of trade preferences because of the forced
labour situation. The EU continued to observe the situation in Myanmar
with concern, and would discuss the question of forced labour in Myanmar
and the Conference resolution at a meeting of the EU Council in March.
6. The Government of Belgium indicated that although its bilateral
relations with Myanmar were extremely limited, it had invited ministers
of departments having relations with the country to examine measures
that could be taken in support of the ILO action and to prevent these
relations being used to maintain the system of forced labour. The
possibilities for economic sanctions were limited because bilateral
trade was minor, and also because trade policy was mainly handled at
the EU level. In July last year, the Government of Belgium had
communicated to the president of an oil company its strong reservations
regarding the policy followed by that company, which pursued its goals
without taking account of the situation in Myanmar. For ethical reasons,
the Government had ended a contract for the supply of fuel with the
same company. It had also introduced an ethical clause preventing
suppliers to the Belgian State from carrying out activities in
countries that were guilty of certain human rights violations, although
the introduction of this clause had yet to be approved by the European
Commission. The Government gave its assurances that during its next
term as president of the EU, later this year, the EU's position would
be carefully examined in the light of the situation on the ground in
Myanmar.
7. The Government of Kuwait stated that it had no direct or indirect
cooperation with the Government of Myanmar, and indicated that it had
communicated the Conference resolution to its employers' and workers'
organizations. The Government of the Seychelles indicated that it was
studying the situation and would revert in due course.
8. The Dutch trade union federation Federatie Nederlandse Vakbeweging
(FNV) indicated that it had no relations with the regime in Myanmar. It
had requested the Dutch Government to provide it with information on
Dutch companies with trading interests in Myanmar, on the total value
of trade between the two countries, as well as details of imports which
may have been made with the use of forced labour. Further action would
be taken on the basis of an analysis of this information, as soon as it
is received. The federation had also requested the Dutch Government to
develop concrete proposals for a review of its own and/or EU relations
with Myanmar on the occasion of the next EU discussion round on these
relations. It had asked the Dutch Government to inform it of such
proposals, with whom it would discuss them if appropriate.
9. The Fiji Trades Union Congress indicated that it supported the ICFTU
position, but did not have any further information to provide at this
stage.
10. The All Pakistan Federation of Trade Unions indicated that it had
urged the Government of Pakistan to implement the spirit of the
Conference resolution, and had circulated the resolution widely to the
news media in order to inform public opinion about the situation in
Myanmar.
11. The Swedish Employers' Confederation indicated that the content and
implications of the Conference resolution had been discussed at a
meeting of the South-East Asia advisory board of the International
Council of Swedish Industry. The Confederation's full membership of
45,000 companies had been informed via its newsletter of its support
for the Conference resolution, and companies that had any commercial
relations with Myanmar were asked to review these relations. The
International Council of Swedish Industry had communicated the content
of the Conference resolution to relevant associations of companies.
12. The United Nations Industrial Development Organization indicated
that in reference to its activities in Myanmar it was not aware of any
non-compliance with the Conference resolution.
13. The non-governmental organization Images Asia, which had provided a
representative to testify before the Commission of Inquiry at its formal
hearing of witnesses and which had cooperated closely with the
Commission's visit to the region in 1998, transmitted a report dated 3
March 2001 on forced labour in the Rakhine state of Myanmar. The report
referred to the situation in northern Rakhine state in December 2000.
The report indicated that orders to stop the use of forced labour had
been transmitted by the Government of Myanmar to the civilian
authorities in the state, and village leaders had been requested to
organize mass public meetings to announce the change in policy. Such
information had also been placed on official notice boards, and it had
been declared that neither civilian nor military authorities were
entitled to demand compulsory labour, and that in case of
non-compliance, complaints should be filed with the Court, which would
take appropriate action. The report claimed, however, that the Myanmar
military, especially local battalions, were showing no willingness to
implement these instructions. The military was continuing to requisition
labour under threat of "dire consequences". As a result, while there
had been a temporary reduction in labour demands in some areas, this
was only slight, and there were allegations that it had been
accompanied by an increase in extortion and arbitrary taxation.
Geneva, 22 March 2001.
___________________________________________________
Bangkok Post: Reshuffle Looming to Tailor Personnel to Foreign Policy
March 27, 2001
Berlin posting likely for soft-line critic
Achara Ashayagachat
Cabinet is likely to endorse a major Foreign Ministry reshuffle to ease
the way for the government's policies, ministry sources said.
Surapong Jayanama, director general of the East Asian Affairs
department, is expected to become ambassador to Germany, replacing Kasit
Piromya, who will become an adviser to Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra.
Mr Surapong was critical of Thai Rak Thai's "soft policy" towards Burma
and strongly advocated the closure of borders in retaliation of Burmese
violations of Thai sovereignty.
The hardliner will be replaced by Krit Garnjana-goonchorn, director
general of Department of Treaties and Legal Affairs, who is known for
his gentle approach and strong principles.
Mr Krit, secretary to former premier Prem Tinsulanond, is expected to
concentrate on dealing with border problems with regional neighbours.
The lawyer will be replaced by Thana Duangratana, ambassador attached to
the ministry and acting chief of the minister's office.
Mr Thana is a former deputy director general of the treaty and legal
affairs department and former minister at the Thai embassy in France.
Rathakit Manathat, deputy ministry spokesman, will replace Mr Thana as
chief of the minister's office.
Coming just a month after Surakiart Sathiarathai's appointment as
Foreign Minister, the reshuffle was a surprise to officials who expected
a "mini-reshuffle" after the departure of Kobsak Chutikul, director
general of the economics department.
Spokesman Pradap Pibulsonggram will take over Mr Kobsak's job and be
replaced by Norachit Singhasenee, ambassador to the ministry. He was
chief of the minister's office under former foreign minister Surin
Pitsuwan.
_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
RCR Wireless News: Myanmar GSM Service Begins
March 23, 2001
NEW DELHI, IndiaùGSM service has been launched in the major cities of
Myanmar, after many delays. Last year, the military regime licensed
Sky-Link Communications of the Virgin Islands to set up a GSM network
supporting 135,000 lines. The government announced in March last year
that it intended to launch a GSM network in the country, starting in
Rangoon and Mandalay in two months, with a further six towns to be
covered by the end of 2000. But the service was delayed for various
reasons.
Reports reaching here said the capacity available is 70,000 lines and
30,000 lines respectively for Rangoon and Mandalayùtwo major cities of
Myanmar. Other towns that will have access to GSM include Myitkyina,
Moulmein, Bhamo, Taunggyi, Sittwe and Prome.
A GSM phone in Myanmar officially costs about US$1,000.
_______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________
Bangkok Post: Burma to Test Thaksin's Resolve
March 28, 2001
Knajana Spindler
There's a popular joke doing the rounds of Rangoon's goons these days.
"If you throw a stone into Thailand you will hit a drug dealer." Of
course, the Burmese military junta is not the only beneficiary from the
tide of drug money pouring across the border from the sale of 600-700
million ya ba tablets a year in Thailand. A significant chunk of that
money comes back into Thailand into the hands of big business. Cement,
petrol, pick-up trucks, luxury consumer goods-all the suppliers of these
types of goods benefit from the huge fountain of drug money piling up
across the border, fed, as Prime Minister Thaksin so eloquently put it
recently, "by the tears of the Thai people".
The prime minister says he's determined to solve this scourge, ranked by
most observers as Thailand's number one national security problem. But
while one doesn't doubt Mr Thaksin's sincerity, there is a huge policy
disconnect between his desire to solve the problem and the policy
options being promoted by his defence and foreign ministers.
The policy disconnect appears to operate at several levels. For a start,
both the minister of defence and the minister of foreign affairs share a
common "let's promote business" policy, combined with the familiar
attractions of a personal diplomatic style.
This is the first critical issue Prime Minister Thaksin must address.
Following the elevation of a professional soldier, Gen Surayud
Chulanont, to the position of army commander-in-chief, the Thai military
has progressively withdrawn from interference in matters of foreign
policy, preferring to leave them to their rightful authors, the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs. This withdrawal was welcomed by former prime
minister Chuan Leekpai's foreign affairs team, who succeeded in building
a reputation of leadership within Asean for a more activist foreign
policy that tried to address in a more realistic manner the policy
tensions within Asean, rather than ignoring them as had been the
tradition.
So who is in control of Thailand's overall relationship with Burma?
Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai will be meeting his Burmese
deputy counterpart in Chile later this week and will be in Rangoon at
the end of April for an Asean foreign ministries informal "retreat", the
latter being the operative word. At the same time, both Defence Minister
Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh and Mr Thaksin have made various noises about
visiting Rangoon.
Mr Surakiart expects to talk about fisheries and border trade and will
reiterate the principle of Thailand's bilateral relations. Fresh from a
visit to China, Mr Surakiart will also want to give some real life to
China's apparent agreement to enter into a trilateral agreement with
Burma and Thailand on drug suppression.
But who is kidding who? The Burmese economy is in terrible shape and
apparently the junta is highly dependent on and attracted by the drug
money. Moreover, nobody should be mislead by the so-called dialogue
taking place in Rangoon between the junta and the democrats. According
to Burma expert Bertil Lintner of the Far Eastern Economic Review: "The
word 'dialogue' doesn't exist in the Burmese dictionary. They don't know
what it means."So where does this leave the hard-pressed Thai military?
Should it follow Gen Chavalit's facile instructions to "just turn up and
smile" at next week's critical Regional Border Committee meeting in
Kengtung, the first such meeting for two years? Should it follow Gen
Chavalit's instructions to open all border crossings, which will please
big business but also facilitate drug trafficking?The Thai military is
deeply concerned. It sees no sincerity of purpose behind Burmese words
and actually favours sealing all borders with Burma and imposing martial
law in border areas. Big business or national security? What's it to be,
Mr Prime Minister?
Kanjana Spindler is Assistant Editor, Editorial Pages, Bangkok Post
___________________________________________________
Myanmar Times : Unfounded Accusations Hurled at Myanmar
[BurmaNet adds?The Myanmar Times maintains that it is not owned by the
regime but credible news reports indicate it reflects or promulgates the
views of Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt.]
The Bangkok Post in its 8 March 2001 issue expressed in its Opinion &
Analysis section that:
Commander of the Third Army Lt. Gen. Wattanachai Chaimen-wong could find
himself transferred in a special mid-year round of military postings and
transfersö and that This is the follow up to the recent visit to Myanmar
of Gen. Pat Akanibutr, Deputy to Defence Minister Gen. Chavalit
Yongchiyndh and that Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt in a private meeting with Gen
Pat Akanibutr expressed disapproval of Lt-Gen Wattanchai.
Furthermore, The Defence Minister?s aides are said to be considering
whether the meeting and discussions of the Joint Regional Border
Committee would proceed smoothly if Thailand were to be represented by
Lt-Gen Wattamachai as head and are contemplating whether it would not be
prudent to replace him with another.The Bangkok Post and other
rumour-mongers are certainly running amok with unfounded accusations.
One report says that the bomb sabotage of the Thai Airways (737-400)
flight at Don Muang Airport last Saturday was certain to be related to
the fact that Myanmar military forces were hard hit in skirmishes at the
Myanmar-Thai border last month.
It also said that Commander of the Third Thai Army Lt-Gen Wattanachai
and some senior military officers are ready to wager large sums of money
that Myanmar secret agents in Thailand were surely involved in the
bombing of the Thai Airways passenger plane.As a matter of fact, Gen.
Pat Akinibutr came to Yangon to attend the funeral of Secretary-2 Lt-Gen
Tin Oo and a meeting with Secretary-1 Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt. To discuss the
case of Gen.Wattanachai was not on his itinerary. The newly-elected
Government headed by Prime Minister Thaksin has now assumed power in
Thailand and General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh has been assigned the cabinet
post of Minister of Defence. And it is the new Defence Minister?s
prerogative to reorganise the Thai Military Forces, order new postings
and transfer as he sees fit. But those harbouring ill will against our
country have deliberately tried to confuse the issues and exacerbate the
situation by linking the moves made by the Defence Minister with the
sugges! ted meeting of the Joint Border Regional Committee.
With regard to the blow-up of the Thai Airways passenger plane blame was
laid on the Wa armed group, the United Wa State Army (USWA). But now
they have changed their tune and claim that it was the work of Myanmar
secret agents in Thailand wreaking vengeance for losses suffered by
Myanmar forces in border skirmishes.This is a case of ôpost hoc ergo
propter hocö û a kind of irrational thinking where something that occurs
before a certain event is taken to be the cause of that event,
irrespective of time and place. No person in his right senses would give
credit to such a wild act of mud slinging.An official investigation was
made and more than 50 airline and airport staff were questioned. The
resulting report said that according to a reliable source, there is a
possibility that the bombing may have been ôaimed at discrediting the
new director of the Thai Airways Cargo Department and the airline?s
president.
The Thai Police stated that: the attack could have been sparked by last
month?s management reshuffle of eight vice-presidents which angered many
of the managers. Thai Police General Sant in his report to Defence
Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said that
conflict between Thai Airways and the Airports Authority was the most
likely motive.This was reported on the front page of the Bangkok Post.
Yet in the Opinion & Analysis section of the inner pages, the
correspondent who wrote it went out of his way to make bricks out of hay
to further incite General Wattanachai, the general in command of the
border areas, by claiming that without a doubt, the bombing must have
been the work of Myanma secret agents.We must therefore be aware that
there are bound to be some ulterior motives behind these blatant lies
and improbable scenario.
We are left with very little doubt that the Thai newspapers with their
sly innuendoes, exaggerated reports and gross untruths are attempting to
increase tensions between the two countries or to even totally disrupt
them. We would do well to think about who is really instigating the
mercenary editors, reporters and correspondents of Thai newspapers such
as the Bangkok Post and the Nation.We also need to take heed of other
media organizations and news agencies that are intent on creating
misunderstanding between the two countries. To warn the people of this,
I have therefore highlighted the fact that the Bangkok Post is in the
same category as the VOA, BBC, RFA and DVB, in fabricating news and
broadcasting rumours to suit their own purposes. In Thailand some
persons in authority, to serve their own interests and gain recognition,
have time and again made false allegations against Myanmar. This is
certainly not the first time.
False reports were made to the effect that:
On 30 December 2000, Myanmar soldiers killed 6 villagers from Suan Peng
Village, which lies 15 kilometres west of Bangkok. Later a revised
report was made that these villagers had died at the hands of KNU
insurgents active in the area.öThe Wa Armed Group in a bid to
assassinate Prime Minister Thaksin was responsible for the bombing of
the Thai Airways jet liner. And again that it was the work of Myanmar
agents in Thailand.öIt makes one wonder whether flinging unfair and
unfounded accusations left, right and center is an ingrained habit of
some Thai officials. Very soon, they might begin to say something
far-fetched such as that the collapse of the Thai economy was due to
Myanmar machinations and not to the Asian currency crisis.
"The Myanmar Times" Vol.3 No.55,
______________________OTHER______________________
Rakhine Conference in America
[Abridged]
March 19, 2001
On March 17, 2001 with extensive
discussion, 21representatives from all over the United
States, Canada, and Sweden has decided the
Arakan-Rakhine conference will be held in New York
City, New York State, on July 7 and 8, 2001
(tentatively).
The conference is designed to build friendships and
mutual trust among Rakhine whereas invited scholars,
experts, activists, and individuals can facilitate
broader ideas and compressive provision for Rakhine
national interests, media networking, and information
sharing. Importantly, the conference is to give wider
opportunities to explore higher educational accesses
and financial access in grants and aids for Rakhine
refugees in India, Bangladesh, and Thailand as well as
for Rakhine organizations.
In addition, the substantial goals of this conference
is to provide greater arrangement to create a
subcommittee to conduct an international Rakhine
conference cooperating with other organizations and
individuals that enable to execute national interests
and politics in democracy and human rights. Moreover,
making sponsors for Rakhine refugees in India to come
to the US and Canada is also one of the priorities to
carry out.
For more information, contact:
nyinyilwin8@xxxxxxxxx
e-mailakoo@xxxxxxxxx
m_aung@xxxxxxxxxxx
Communication and Information Subcommittee (USA)
________________
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