[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index ][Thread Index ]

BurmaNet News: July 29, 2001



______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
           July 29, 2001   Issue # 1853
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________


INSIDE BURMA _______
*DVB: Interview with San San Nweh (Tharawaddy)

MONEY _______
*Reuters: Key senator details proposal for Bush trade bill

DRUGS______
*Muslim Information Centre of Burma:  Junta recruits porters to move 
methamphetamine in Karen State

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*Hoosier Times: Students hope to change homeland 
*AFP : EU says sanctions against Myanmar regime to remain EU says 
sanctions against Myanmar regime to remain 
*Burma Office Japan: On meeting of UN Special Envoy for Myanmar with 
Japanese labor officials
*DVB: Exiled group urges government to release jailed MPs

EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA________
*NLD Statement on 19th July (unofficial translation) 
*NLD: U Lwin's speech at Martyr's day (translation) 

OTHER______
*EarthRights International  Internship Openings: Fall 2001 (Washington, 
DC Office)


					
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________




DVB: Interview with San San Nweh (Tharawaddy)


[Received July 27, 2001....date of interview and broadcast unknown]



The Burmese military government recently released the prominent writer 
San  San Nweh (Tharawaddy). She had been arrested along with her 
daughter in  1994. Accused of "producing and sending anti-government 
reports to  international radio stations and foreign journalists passing 
through the  country", she was subsequently sentenced to 10 years 
imprisonment. Prison  officials regarded Daw San San Nweh as an 
important prisoner, as the  Burmese authorities dare not touch activists 
whose issues are raised by  international Human Rights groups. The 
following is an interview with Daw  San San Nweh who was released after 
nearly 7 years in Insein prison. This  interview was broadcast on July 
23 over the DVB (Democratic Voice of Burma)  radio, a Norway based 
Burmese radio station. The words in brackets are by  the translator.

DVB : Would you first please summarize your daily life as you stayed in  
prison for 7 years.

San San Nweh: I was put alone in a tiny cell for over one year. Before  
that, I was allowed to stay with my daughter. My release came 1 year and 
4  months after the release of my daughter, who got ordinary remission. 
So I  had a companion for 5 years and 7 months, then later stayed alone 
in the  cell. According to prison rules, I was required to stay in that 
cell the  entire day except for 35 minutes in the morning and 25 minutes 
in the  afternoon, during which time I could bathe, wash or walk as I 
liked. That's  all. I received a meal known as hospital food. For my 
diet, I got an egg  everyday. If we complained about our health, the 
doctor or medical officer  came to us. In my case, I went to the 
physician when my skin became  inflamed. Sometimes it {the health 
problem} took time to heal because of  the step-by-step procedure. It's 
a difficult case. Although the authorities  take care of health 
problems, it {the prison health care system} doesn't  work properly.

DVB:  We are aware that political prisoners who are put in tiny cells  
constantly face stress. What is your experience?

SSN: I felt frightened whenever I heard the sound of the door being  
unlocked. I would immediately worry about why they were opening the 
door.  When I was asked to collect all my things, I was worried that 
some terrible  thing had happened at home. Prison is full of secret 
things and I didn't  know anything in advance. I was allowed to return 
home for a short time,  but I was informed only upon reaching the house. 
It was to meet with the  children for a ceremony, offering a meal to the 
monks. I prayed when taken  because I thought there were problems. So, 
it's not okay being in prison as  I faced a lot of stress . Unhealthy 
people seem to be very close to death  in prison.

DVB: The political prisoners are required to use poun zan* in prison. 
How  about you?

SSN: I felt uncomfortable whenever I had to do this. However, it was not 
 everywhere. (Ah- how to say) we had to sit according to the rules when 
the  officials checked around the prison, but we were not forced to bow 
our  heads and cross our arms in front of our chests. Just sit politely. 
We were  not asked to stand in pon zan position. We behaved politely and 
they did  the same.

*('poun-zan' - prison terminology, referring to the position of sitting  
cross-legged with arms starightened out and both fists on knees, holding 
 the body absolutely vertical with the face downward. This position is 
for  the counting of prisoners and for inspection by prison officials) 

DVB: Prison conditions have slightly improved.

SSN: They have improved a little bit and are not as bad as before.  
Moreover, ICRC visits prisons inside Burma, right?

DVB: Did you have a chance to talk to ICRC?

SSN: Yes I did. It was a joyful moment for the people in prison because 
we  were able to recognize ourselves as human when we had the chance to 
deal  "human-ly" with an association that equally dealt with us as 
human. We felt  happy about the subjects we talked about. It was the 
happiest time. 

DVB: Were you able to talk without disturbance?

SSN: I was allowed to talk freely. When we were pulled out of our cells, 
we  weren't required to sit in Pon Zan position. We spoke in a friendly 
manner,  freely and without any disturbance. We felt free and light. We 
thought  about this and were pleased.

DVB: Did the authorities threaten or question you at all?

SSN: No, not at all. They didn't question me. There was an understanding 
in  advance {between ICRC and the authorities}. That's the condition. 

DVB: There was a big improvement after ICRC was allowed to visit and 
talk,  wasn't there? How about the meal conditions in prison?

SSN: The food stayed the same as usual, Talapaw* curry and rice. Most of 
us  in the cells received the hospital diet, and got an egg once a day. 
In  contrast with others {other prisoners} we got an egg. Except for 
this, we  had to rely on home supply.

(Talapaw curry:  Consists of a small amount of various unwashed 
vegetables  and water. They are put together into a large urn, and then 
boiled. The  soup always contains leeches, sand or some very tiny pieces 
of stone.) 

DVB: How was health care and home food supply later {after ICRC}? SSN: 
All the medicine and food {that we received} was home supply. We had a  
difficult time when we lacked this. The prison health care system only  
gives Paracetamol and Dygine* tablets. We got the medicine from home  
supply. I received my first {medical} treatment when I returned home. 
(Paracetemol is a genereal painkiller, and Dygine is a medicine for 
stomach  aches)

DVB: According to our knowledge, ICRC also provides medicine to prisons. 
SSN: Medicine that is suitable to {cure} disease was rare. When we got  
sick, there were times that the medicine supply was more than before. 
This  was very rare. There are many prisoners. Poor health conditions 
exist among  the criminals. For this reason, the prisons dreadfully need 
more medical  supplies.

DVB: There is news that only one needle is used for many sick prisoners. 
 Some are worried that Burmese prisons have become places which 
contribute  to the spread of HIV/AIDS. What is the condition according 
to your experience? SSN: We collected needles to use for emergency and 
"rainy day" cases. They  {prison authorities} managed to get new needles 
for the political prisoners. 

DVB: As a writer, were you allowed to read during your 7 years in 
prison? SSN: In prison, I was not allowed to read except for religious 
books. My  family sent me religious books and they {prison authorities} 
censored them.  3 books were rejected. Moreover, during the time of 
family visit, we were  only allowed to talk about family affairs and our 
general well  being.  Before we met our family members, we had to sign 
{on paper} that we  would not talk about the conditions inside prison, 
or else action would be  taken. Even today prisoners have to sign before 
family visits. 




______________________MONEY________________________



Reuters: Key senator details proposal for Bush trade bill
 
 By Doug Palmer
 
  
 WASHINGTON, July 25 (Reuters) - In a move aimed at breaking a  
seven-year
 deadlock in Congress, a key U.S. Democratic senator on Wednesday 
outlined a  detailed set of proposals to give President George W. Bush 
the authority to  negotiate broad new trade agreements. 
 
 A dispute over whether trade pacts should contain protections for  
labor and the environment has prevented renewal of "fast track" trade 
legislation -  also known as "trade promotion authority" - since it 
expired in April 1994.   Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus 
has said he hoped his  proposals would lay the groundwork for a bill 
both Democrats and Republicans could  support. 
 
 According to a copy of his proposals obtained by Reuters, the Montana 
Democrat's plan would elevate the role of labor and the environment in 
future  trade talks by requiring U.S. negotiators to seek a commitment 
that countries  not weaken their laws in those two areas to boost 
exports or attract investment. 
 
 Baucus's plan also calls for a greater role for the International Labor 
Organization in governing world trade, including a pledge by countries 
in  future trade agreements to abide by the ILO's five core labor 
principles.  

 The United States should back up its commitment to the ILO by banning 
imports from Myanmar, which has been rebuked by the ILO for its labor 
practices, and by maintaining funding for the U.S. International Labor 
Affairs Bureau at not  less than $140 million per year, according to 
Baucus. 
 
 Bush has proposed cutting funding for the bureau, which coordinates  
U.S. activity with the ILO, by about half. 
 
 In the key area of enforcement, which has been a major sticking point  
in this year's trade debate, Baucus's plan would require the president 
to select from  several strategies to ensure countries live up to labor 
and environment  commitments. 
 
 Those could include sanctions or fines for noncompliance or incentives  
to increase adherence to labor and environmental goals, depending on the 
trade  pact, said Baucus, who was set to outline his proposals to 
reporters on  Wednesday. 
 
 Republicans have been opposed to the use of sanctions to enforce labor  
and environmental provisions, fearing they could create new obstacles to 
trade  and scare developing countries away from trade negotiations.  

 Democrats have argued labor and environmental provisions have as much  
place in trade agreements as other more traditional areas and must be 
backed up  with "meaningful" enforcement mechanisms. 
 
 CONGRESS MONITOR
 
 In another area, Baucus' proposals would create a Congressional Trade  
Office to monitor trade talks and ensure congressional objectives have 
been met in  any final agreement. 
 
 Under fast track, Congress gives up its constitutional right to amend  
trade agreements negotiated by the executive branch and agrees instead 
to vote yes  or no on the overall pacts within a specified period of 
time.  

 Supporters say without the legislation countries would refuse to  
negotiate seriously with the United States because they know Congress 
could change any  pact. 
 
 Bush wants the authority to forge a free trade zone covering 34  
nations from Canada to Chile by 2005 and to help launch a new round of 
world trade talks  later this year. 
 
 Baucus's plan would give the Bush administration fast track authority  
for just two years, but allow for a possible three-year extension. It 
would also  allow Congress to withdraw fast track if it determines the 
administration is  not pursuing its negotiating objectives. 
 
 Another element of Baucus's proposal would bar the administration from  
making any trade agreement that weakens U.S. anti-dumping and other 
"trade remedy  laws." 
 
 That could reduce the Bush administration's negotiating leverage in  
trade talks because a number of countries, such as Japan and Brazil, 
want changes  in that area. 




________________________DRUGS______________________



Muslim Information Centre of Burma:  Junta recruits porters to move 
methamphetamine in Karen State

[Abridged]

July, 25, 2001. 

      On June, 20, 2001, Junta authorities ordered four groups of 
villages in Karen State to provide them with porters or money, according 
to two villagers who came to Thai-Burma border. Light Infantry Battalion 
(LIB) No.547, LIB No. 548 and LIB No.549 led by Strategy commander Major 
Than Zaw Htoo and Democratic Buddhist Karen (DKBA) Capt. Moon Daing have 
been recruiting porters from 4 groups of villages since early this year. 
Each family, which was unable to provide porter, has to give the 
authorities Ks.2000 each time. Each village has to provide the 
authorities with 10 to 15 porters a day. The porters have to work 5 days 
each time

Porters were forced to use Yaba (amphetamine tablets) in Karen state  

Junta military authorities forced porters to use (Yaba) drug tablets in 
order to carry their more heavy loads in the front lines of  Karen State 
of Burma, according to 3 porters (names  withheld) who escaped on June, 
25, 2001. The military authorities were from Infantry Battalion (IB) 
No.88 under Light Infantry Division (LID) 77, IB No.8 under (LID) 44 and 
IB No. 203 under (LID) 22.  The military authorities were led by Major 
Soe Win of IB No.8;  who  recruited the porters from the following 
porter-recruiting camps in Mon State of Burma. The porter-recruiting 
camps are:-

1.      Mok Palin porter-recruiting camp,
2.      Taung Zun porter-recruiting camp,
3.      Yan Nyein porter-recruiting camp,
4.      Zin Gyaik porter-recruiting camp and
5.      Tha Ton Won Saung porter-recruiting camp. 




___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
				


Hoosier Times: Students hope to change homeland 


IU administers scholarship program for students from nation formerly 
known as Burma  

By John Meunier ,
Herald-Times Staff Writer
July 21, 2001
 Bloomington 

The military junta in Rangoon has been known to call it the Indiana 
University School for Terrorists. 

Since 1995, IU has administered a federal scholarship program to bring 
Burmese refugees to the United States, where they can get the education 
they will need to guide the Southeast Asian nation of about 50 million 
if it starts a transition toward democracy. 

In 1962, a military coup toppled the civilian government of Burma ? 
called Myanmar by the current regime. 

Pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988 were violently suppressed by the 
military. 
Since that time, the United Nations, U.S. government and human rights 
groups say, the military junta has killed and jailed citizens unjustly 
and denied any real political freedom. 

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 for 
her struggle for democratic reforms. 

The repression has created a flood of refugees.

Five students come to Bloomington each year from among the thousands 
living in India or Thailand after fleeing the military's 1988 crackdown. 


Their stories are often heartbreaking ? such as the woman who fled her 
home leaving an infant child behind, a child she hasn't seen and who 
would now be a teen-ager. 

Their stories lend some credence to the junta's claim.

One student hijacked an airplane from Burma to Thailand to get out of 
the country. 
Their stories all start in a fearful September in 1988.

It was the night of Sept. 22 when Ngun Cung Lian's uncle brought a 
message that would change his life. 

Orders had just come in to the office where Lian's uncle worked. Lian 
and nine other pro-democracy demonstrators were to be arrested the next 
day. 

It had taken four days for the military junta, which struck Sept. 18, to 
get word to the remote and tiny village of Matupi, near the Indian 
border, but word had finally come. 

Lian took leave of the house that night ? not telling his Baptist 
minister father or mother of his plans.  With almost nothing but the 
clothes on their backs, a group of 13 set out at 4 a.m. into the jungle. 
 They walked for seven days, avoiding the craggy roads where police 
might be. 

India did not welcome the band with open arms. Lian was jailed for a 
month, but not sent back. 
Lian's father was summoned to police headquarters shortly after his son 
fled. He was compelled to disown his son and still must report from time 
to time to authorities to pledge that he has had no contact with him. 

After a time crammed into a refugee camp, Lian signed up with the Chin 
National Front, an opposition group for the ethnic minority Chin people. 
 For the next several years, Lian fought the government ? at times on 
the front line. 

He said he never fired his gun except in self-defense. He rarely even 
saw the men with whom he was trading shots.  "My bullets may have hit 
someone in the Burmese army, maybe," he said. 
After a 1994 bout with malaria that nearly killed him, Lian asked for 
his leave from the front lines of the Chin National Front. 

He made his way to New Delhi and a few years later, to Indiana 
University.  The federal scholarship program started in 1990 provides 
two years of support for Burmese refugees who show promise to be 
potential leaders in a democratic Burma. 

Lian arrived in Bloomington in October 1996. His "American name" is 
Andrew.  After finishing coursework in English as a second language, he 
got a degree in international economics and cultural affairs at 
Valparaiso University. 

Nearly all of the 30 students who have come to IU on the scholarship 
program have gone on to attend an Indiana college or university.  Lian 
returned to IU where he is doing doctoral work at the IU School of Law.  
This weekend, he is taking part in a first ever conference for Burmese 
students from around the world who want to discuss the things they 
should be doing to prepare for a democratic Burma. 

Lian, 35, said he is hopeful that there will be real change within the 
next five years. It won't be democracy as Americans know it. That will 
take much longer ? maybe 50 years. 
But he thinks the time is close for the first steps.


"Enough is enough," Lian said. "Even military governments tire of 
fighting and keeping their power. ... Both sides are really tired. Maybe 
people can forgive and forget." 
When change comes, he will go home.

In a country that has closed down its universities, he plans to do what 
he can to rebuild the educational structure of the country.  He will 
leave to others aspirations of political office.

"I don't know how it will be when I go back to Burma," he said. "It 
might be that I'll be more aggressive, more Western in my thinking. I 
think though that I am still Asian."  To Americans, his deferential 
manner bears no marks of aggressive Western attitudes. 

However his time in Indiana may have changed his social habits, it has 
touched him in a much deeper way.  "I always feel that I owe thanks to 
the U.S. people and the U.S. tax payers," he said. "Unless they pay, I 
would not be here."  

Reporter John Meunier can be reached at 331-4363 or by e-mail at 
jmeunier@xxxxxxxxxxx




___________________________________________________




AFP : EU says sanctions against Myanmar regime to remain EU says 
sanctions against Myanmar regime to remain 

by Martin Abbugao 

HANOI, July 27 (AFP) - The European Union said Friday its sanctions 
against  the military regime in Myanmar would stay in place until 
"definite and  positive" progress towards restoring democracy was made. 

The junta's recent release of dozens of political prisoners was welcome 
but  the Myanmar government had to go much further down the road in its 
secret  talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, EU leaders said 
in Hanoi after  meeting Southeast Asian nations. 

Asked about a lifting of sanctions, External Affairs Commissioner Chris  
Patten said: "My own judgement is until there is significant progress on 
the  political front in Burma/Myanmar, the common position of the 
European Union  will stay the same." 

Belgian Foreign Minister Louis Michel, whose country is the current 
holder  of the EU presidency, said "more generally we are not in favour 
of sanctions  because the sanctions very often reach the people and not 
the authorities".  "But we are waiting now for definite and positive 
evolutions there. I think  the ball is in their camp," he told a news 
conference with Patten.  
The EU sanctions, including a visa ban on junta officials, will be 
reviewed  in the autumn after being renewed for six more months in 
April.  
Dozens of political prisoners have been freed from jail over the past 
few  weeks, in what have been hailed as signs of progress from 
nine-month-old talks  between Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar's ruling 
State Peace and Development  Council (SPDC). 

On Thursday the government released a couple closely related to Aung San 
 Suu Kyi, for the first time freeing political prisoners before their 
sentences  were completed. 

"I think the European Union has noticed that some progress was made in 
the  good direction of this level and on the field of progress for 
reconciliation,"  Michel said. 

"There is a lot of expectation in this situation. We hope now that  
Burma/Myanmar will put more definite steps. 

"Of course we noticed that they made free some detainees but we are 
looking  forward to have some... definite and important steps, 
significant steps. "  Patten said planned visits in September by 
Malaysia's Razali Ismail, a  special envoy of UN Secretary General Kofi 
Annan who has been brokering the  Myanmar talks, and a team from the 
International Labour Organisation were  encouraging signs. 

"I hope that the process is not only irreversible, but I hope as well 
that  it's a lot more rapid because while we've seen some hopeful signs, 
we want to  see a great deal more progress made," he said. 

"We don't seek from the outside to impose a solution but we want to see 
a  solution which involves all the people of Burma/Myanmar."  
Both the EU officials referred to the country by its old and new names,  
after earlier this week sticking to Burma in contradiction to the 
junta's  insistence on Myanmar. 

The sanctions have strained relations between the EU and the Association 
of  Southeast Asian Nations, which includes Myanmar. The visa ban on 
junta  officials could scupper an EU-ASEAN meeting planned to be held in 
Europe in  November. 

The EU has in turn criticised the "constructive engagement" policy of 
ASEAN  and Australia towards the regime, and Michel this week criticised 
a statement  on Myanmar issued in Hanoi by the ASEAN Regional Forum as 
"rather weak".  In an interview with AFP, Myanmar Foreign Minister Win 
Aung said the  prisoners' release showed that the talks with Aung San 
Suu Kyi remained on  track. 

But he refused to give a timeframe for multi-party elections or define 
the  type of government that might emerge from a breakthrough in the 
talks with the  Nobel laureate opposition leader. 



___________________________________________________



Burma Office Japan: On meeting of UN Special Envoy for Myanmar with 
Japanese labor officials


Hearing from the Meeting of Mr. Ismail Razali, Special Envoy of United 
Nations General Secretary to Burma and the leaders of RENGO (Labor 
Unions) of Japan 

              On Wednesday, May 5, 2001 in Tokyo, Japan, the official 
from MOFA informed RENGO for a visit of Special Envoy of Mr. Ismail 
Razali to RENGO. In the afternoon of Thursday (May6, 2001), he met 
General Secretary, Mr. Kiyoshi Sasamori of RENGO with MOFA (Japan) 
officials.  

              Mr. I. Razali told that he visited RENGO to listen to 
views on of Burma affairs by the Japanese organizations in Japan. 

Mr. K. Sasamori explained that " the International Confederation of Free 
Trade Unions (ICFTU), its Asia-Pacific Regional Organization 
(ICFTU-APRO) and the International Trade Secretariats (ITS) held the 
International ICFTU/ICFTU-APROS/ITS Conference on "Democracy for Burma 
and the ILO Resolution: Trade Unions in support" in Tokyo for two days 
from February 28 to March 1, 2001, and adopted the "Global Unions" Tokyo 
Declaration and Plan of Action on Burma." For that reason, RENGO decided 
to establish the Burma Office (Japan) in Tokyo for Burmese democratic 
organizations and Federation of Trade Unions-Burma (FTUB) for supporting 
of restoration of democracy and the movements of democratic unions in 
Burma. He also relayed the message from Burma Office (Japan) that 
suggests Mr. Razali to lure Burma's military regime to show off vividly 
their willing and honest process for real dialogue between opposition 
leader Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and their ruling military 
leaders of State Peace and Development Council. 

They discussed about one hour for Burmese affairs, especially the 
problems of dialogue, ODA and forced labors. 
 

Dialogue

              According to the saying of Mr. Razali that he has been to 
Burma eight times and he got a chance to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. 
It is Japanese government's pressure to military junta not to restrict 
Mr. Razali's visit. He also mentioned that without dialogue, it is 
difficult to resolve the stalemate. The peoples are now suffering from 
various deceases. Medicines of HIV and malaria deceases are scarce. In 
reality, there is no development in Burma after 1990. It has left 35 
years behind the other Asian nations. 
The process of dialogue between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and military junta 
is very important for Burma. There is no progressing for dialogue 
between the period of March and May. Now the military regime releases 
some political prisoners because of international pressure. For this 
surprised development, the military junta is disappointing. 

              Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's priority for dialogue is to release 
all political prisoners. She also said that the process of dialogue 
should be fast. The pressure from Japan to SPDC is important. Daw Suu 
also mentioned that the support of EU is also vital. Finally she also 
suggested that the international circles and the Japanese government 
should demand to release all political prisoners in Burma. 
               

ODA

              For the problem of ODA, Mr. Sasamori of RENGO and Mr. 
Razali referred the assistance of hydroelectric power plant, especially 
the Japanese ODA for repairing of hydroelectric dam in Karenni State. 
Mr. Sasamori of RENGO said that his mother institution is Tokyo 
Electrical Power Co. Ltd. He understands the essential of electricity. 
But the distribution system in Burma is too discriminated and too biased 
for military elites. It is not for the ordinary people. Therefore, his 
organization had already sent a letter to Japanese government to 
reconsider ODA for Burma. Mr. Sasamori also pointed out that the 
dialogue process should be transparent.     

              According to Mr. Razali that Daw Suu and U Aung Shwe are 
also agreed the shortage of energy in Burma. But Daw Suu clearly stated 
that timing for continuation of ODA for repairing of Baluchaung 
hydroelectric plant is not proper. If Japan assumes to give ODA, she 
will be unhappy for the wrong period. Mr. Sasamori also agrees with Daw 
Suu comments. Mr. Sasamori said that RENGO would suggest the policy of 
ODA to the Japanese government again. 
Mr. Razali told that Japan has a right to pressure for the restoration 
of democracy in Burma. Because Japan have been giving a lot of ODA to 
Burma. Therefore ODA should be used as the tool for political pressure. 
The SPDC is afraid of Japan's standing which is moving to the circle of 
EU and USA. Political issue is more essential. 
 

Forced Labor

              Mr. Sasamori of RENGO mentioned that the SPDC is still 
utilizing the system of forced labor in Burma. Mr. Razali told that SPDC 
has decided to accept the survey team for enforced labor in Burma 
because of the international pressure. The United Nations also urged to 
abolish the system of forced labor. If the system of enforced labor is 
still utilization in Burma, the international communities will give more 
pressure to SPDC. He is doing for his best as an optimist. He is willing 
to have the support from RENGO. 
 

Additional News

 RENGO leaders met with the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda on 
Monday (July9, 2001). Mr. Y. Fukuda promised to discuss Burma problem 
after July 29, House of  Councilors election. 
 


___________________________________________________




DVB: Exiled group urges government to release jailed MPs

Text of report by DVB on 25 July

Although the SPDC military government has claimed that all the  elected 
representatives [MPs] have been released from government guest houses 
and detention centres, the exiled elected  representatives from 
Parliamentarians Union has issued a statement stating  that 33 elected 
representatives still remain in SPDC jails. The following  excerpts of 
the statement give details of the jailed elected  representatives. 

Of the 33 jailed elected representatives, 30 are from the National 
League  for Democracy [NLD], two from the Mon National Democratic Front, 
and one  from the National Democratic Party for Human Rights with their 
sentences  ranging from three to 25 years. Seven elected representatives 
are being  held in Insein Jail, five in Tharawaddy Jail, five in 
Mandalay Jail, four  in Thayet Jail, three in Myingyan Jail, three in 
Moulmein Jail, two in  Myitkyina Jail, and one each in Toungoo, Bassein, 
Kale, and Pyapon Jails.  

A total of 485 representatives were elected in the 1990 multiparty 
democracy  general election with NLD capturing 392 seats. At present the 
SPDC  multiparty democracy general election commission has recognized 
only 149  elected representatives. Furthermore, 38 elected 
representatives have  passed away during the past 11 years with 123 
elected representatives  forced to relinquish their seats. Altogether 
there are 24 elected  representatives who went into exile for various 
reasons. The statement also  strongly urged the military government to 
unconditionally release all the  33 jailed elected representatives. 


___________EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA__________



NLD statement on 19th July (unofficial translation) 

National League for Democracy
No: (97/B), West Shwegonedine Road
Bahan Township, Rangoon

Discourse on the 54 anniversary of martyrs' day.

"Consequences of the 19th July"


Regicide was practiced in the Padethayit era in Union of Burma. The 
group of power grabbers in the palace believed in pulling strings and 
getting the performers to dance according to their wishes. After King 
Mendon (who organized the 5th Buddhist Synod)  King Thebaw ascended  the 
throne through this process of regicide.  Crown Prince Kanaungmintha and 
other princes were all brutally killed. 

Embracing the principle "kill and grab power" a group in the palace 
enthroned King Theban but he was weak and stupid. After seven years 
monarchial rule came to an end.   The country was under colonial rule in 
1885 when independence was lost. 

Fifty-four years ago today (19 July 2001) our national leader, architect 
of our independence, father of the tatmadaw Bogyoke Aung San and other 
heroes were assassinated. Galon U Saw, one time prime minister wanted 
political power.  It must be said that instead of using the democratic 
process, he resorted to a short-cut process by the use of force. 
By the death of Bogyoke Aung San and the heroes the entire country has 
suffered a great loss. It is necessary here to define the duties of each 
of the fallen heroes.

 - Bogyoke Aung San was the leader of the AFPFL government. 
- Thakin Mya was the Minister for Home Affairs.
- U Ba Cho was the Minister for Information.
- U Razak was the Minister for National Planning.
- U Ba Win was the Minister for Supply and Trade.
- Mahn Ba Khine was the Minister for Industry and Labor.
- Maingpun Sawbwa Sai San Tun was the Minister for the Frontier Areas. 
- U Ohn Maung (ICS) was the Secretary for the Department of Roads and   
Communications. 
- Ko Htwe was Mr Razak's bodyguard.


Let us examine the living conditions, prosperity and political 
circumstances of the country during six periods when political power was 
gained through the democratic process and when political power was 
obtained by force of arms. 

1.  AFPFL government period ( 1948 - 1958)

1948 to 1958 the AFPFL ruled. It was a government elected by the people. 
 Because of differences in political ideologies there was civil war.  
Two thirds of the Union of Burma was under the control of multi colored 
insurgents. The biggest groups were the communists whose creed was to 
gain power by force of arms and the KNDO (now KNU) whose main objective 
was to obtain its own territory for its own people. 

In accordance with the Candy Agreement, the strength of the Burmese 
Tatmadaw was limited to 5000 soldiers and 200 officers.  This was 
insufficient for the protection of the country. Consequently the AFPFL 
government recruited students, youths, adults, civil servants, members 
of the police and military forces and formed volunteer organizations 
such as the Pyusawhtis giving them arms to suppress the rebels. On one 
hand it had to follow the democratic process and on the other hand it 
had to resort to force of arms to extinguish the fires of rebellions 
that was raging around the country. 

Despite all this, the education, health and economy of the country did 
not deteriorate badly. Every citizen was comfortably well off, they had 
enough to eat, medicines were available and living standard was 
noticeably higher.  This was because democracy was alive and well and 
countries of the world recognized and respected it. 

The essence of democracy is freedom of expression, freedom of 
association, freedom to work, freedom to worship, and an independent 
judiciary and the Union of Burma enjoyed all these freedoms. 

On the 18 April 1955, U Nu as Prime minister  signed the Peaceful 
Co-existence Bandung Agreement with Chou En Lei (Prime Minister of 
China), Jeharwala Nehru (Prime Minister of India),  Nasser (Prime 
Minister of Egypt), Dr. Sukarno, (Prime Minister of Indonesia).  Because 
of Burma's correct political stance, U Thant, Burma's permanent 
representative to the UN was appointed the Secretary General of the 
United Nations General Assembly on the 3rd November 1961.  He served two 
terms in that office.  He worked relentlessly to negotiate between the 
different groups to prevent a third world war, and to maintain peace in 
the world.  

Economists maintain that though Burma suffered from conflicting 
political ideologies internally during the AFPFL era, it was an advanced 
country in the South East Asia. 

2.  Caretaker Government period  (1958-60)

This Caretaker Government was born out of a wrong perception by the Nu 
Tin (U NU + U Tun) and the Tatmadaw. That was when it was a very 
critical time for Prime Minister U Nu's future. The country's political 
fortunes depended upon his decision. With great misgiving he decided to 
hand over the government to General Ne Win, the army head to replace him 
and create political conditions so that a new free and fair election 
could be held. 

On the afternoon of the 26 September U Nu declared that his government 
was handing over state power to Chief of Staff and in accordance with 
the constitution he would be declared Prime Minister on the 28th 
October. Also, that the caretaker government would restore the rule of 
law and conduct free and fair elections within 6 months of its 
inceptions.   

In doing so, U Nu failed to solve political issues by political means. 
State power given to him by the people he handed over to the military 
chief of staff. 

The Caretaker government could not fulfil its obligations within the 
period of 6 months so the period had to be extended by a further 6 
months and a temporary amendment to Section 116 of the Constitution had 
to be made. 

3. The First Government period (1960 - 62)

The AFPFL that was founded by Bogyoke Aung San split into two not on 
principle but based on personalities. (The "Clean" and the "Stable"). U 
Nu's Pyi Daung Su party (PaHtaSa) won the elections and state power was 
handed back to them on the 4th April 1960. U Nu became the Prime 
Minister for the fourth time. 

Again in this PaHtaSa party there were rival factions calling themselves 
 "U", "Bo" and "Thakin". Just as there is freedom to disagree, there is 
freedom to agree in the democratic system.  These political issues have 
to be solved through a political process. 

On the 2nd March 1962, the Army Chief of Staff giving federalism as an 
excuse, took over state power and arrested all the members of the 
government. After that democracy and human rights ended in Burma. 

4) Revolutionary Council period (1962- 1974)

The Revolutionary Council was military rule.  There was no such a thing 
as democracy and human rights was zero. The Tatmadaw in seizing 
political power demonstrated a complete disregard for the 1947 
constitution drawn up by national leaders headed by Bogyoke Aung San. 

The Revolutionary Council created its own Burmese Socialist Program 
Party (BSPP) and after years of procrastination in 1974 wrote a new 
constitution, which the people were forced to vote for. Then elections 
were held under the BSPP one party system and a government was formed. 
Proclaiming that state power would be transferred to the people, the 
Revolution Council Chairman General Ne Win handed over power to the 
Chairman of the State Council U Ne Win.  What difference was there? 

5) State Council or BSPP period (1974- 1988)

The State Council BSPP one party system left no room for democracy and 
human rights in the Union of Burma. The heavy burden that people 
suffered was made even heavier.  For 26 long years the people suffered 
bitterly. 

This BSPP party appropriated state funds and was constituted by civil 
servants in the guise of a political party. In democratic countries, 
political parties are not only forbidden from appropriating state funds, 
they are forbidden from using any state properties whatsoever. 
6) State Law and Order Restoration Council and State Peace And 
Development Council period - 1988 to date. Because of the uprising for 
democracy and human rights, Dr. Maung Maung who became the President and 
the Chairman of the State Council handed state power to the Military and 
the BSPP government was abolished. 

The Military formed the State Law and Order Council on 18 September 1988 
and proclaimed that it would  (a) maintain law and order,

(b) provide smooth and secure transportation,

(c) improve conditions of food, clothing and shelter for the people and 
(d) hold multi-party elections.

But we now have exorbitant commodity prices; the result of the elections 
has not been honored; the Pyithu Hluttaw has not been called. 

The State Peace and Development Council to which power has been 
transferred have not improved matters. Very noticeably, political, 
economic and social conditions have deteriorated and worsened. 

Just compare the social, political and economic conditions in the 
periods when a democratically elected government ruled the country and 
when it was under a government, which obtained power by force.  When was 
it worse?  When was it better? The truth cannot be hidden. 
Among the poorest countries of the world, Burma stands last. 

To obtain Burma's freedom, Bogyoke Aung San and those martyred national 
leaders who sacrificed and worked relentlessly became victims of 
assassins who believed in the use of force to gain power. Moreover, the 
country today is suffering immense hardships in all aspects of life. 
Martyrs' Day has come about as the consequence of the principle of 
killing people for power and using weapons to control.  This day should 
not be forgotten nor treated indifferently.  Doing so will amount to 
destroying the memory of Bogyoke Aung San and the heroes of our 
independence.  

Had these leaders not lost their lives, the democratic system will be 
alive and well.  Political solutions could be found for the issues and 
problems relating to the nationalities. 

Along with Bogyoke Aung San, Thakin Mya, U Ba Cho, U Razak and other 
leaders would have been able to preserve democracy and the rule of law 
in the country. 

Therefore, let us commemorate this martyrs day and not let the memory of 
the sacrifices they made be dimmed.  Also let us be conscious of the 
injurious consequences of relying on force and arms.  For the good of 
the Union of Burma let us join hands and work together for democracy. 

Rangoon,  19 July 2001. 




___________________________________________________




NLD: U Lwin's speech at Martyr's day (translation) 

National League for Democracy
97/b West Shwegondine,
Bahan Township, Yangon.

Opening address by the Chairman 
on the occasion of the 
54th Martyrs Day Ceremony. 
(19 July 2001)



Mingala to all, 

1.  Today marks the 54th anniversary of martyrs' day. On the 19th July 
1947 our government leaders Bogyoke Aung San, Thakin Mya, U Ba Cho, U 
Razak, U Ba Win, Mahn Ba Khine, Maingpon Sawbwagyi Sai San Tun, U Ohn 
Maung (Secretary) and bodyguard Ko Htwe were gunned down by power-mad 
men and believers of the rule of might. It was an event that has not 
been forgotten to date. The people are still sorrowing, bleeding and 
weeping over similar events till this day. 

Since we have all experienced the consequences of the 19th July event 
there is no need to elaborate on it. Most of the country will recall how 
these fallen leaders worked enthusiastically and persistently for the 
good of all and with no thought for themselves. At times when we are 
surrounded with insurmountable problems we might just long for Bogyoke 
and dream about what he would be saying to us to give us hope and 
encouragement. We will be probably hearing his voice in the speeches he 
made. It is a shame that we have lost these leaders who worked 
tirelessly, striving and giving priority to work that would be 
beneficial to most people at the risk of losing their own lives.  This 
longing for them is no surprise. 

2.  Because of the integrity of such leaders, the country was able to 
hold its head high not only in Asia but in the entire world. Because of 
Burma's good reputation, U Thant our permanent representative at the UN 
was chosen for the position of General Secretary at a time when the 
great powers were in conflict.  

Between March 1945 to 19th July 1947 the AFPFL headed by U Aung San was 
the strongest organised party in the history of Burma  

On the 8th waning day of Tazaungmon (BE 1247) the Burmese kingdom was 
lost because the people broke ranks, and from then on our glory waned. 
On the 27th March 1945 all the Burmese nationalities united and 
overthrew the Japanese Fascists. From that day on we gained prestige 
within and without the country. 

We were able to build up the political organization known as the Anti 
Fascist Peoples Freedom League (AFPFL). 

>From the 19th July 1947, this big organization slowly diminished because 
of evil doctrines based on dependency on weapons and the force of arms. 
The prestige and integrity that could have been part of our history 
diminished and descended.  Very sadly, the AFPFL disintegrated. "When 
the cattle herd breaks up the tiger attacks" is the Burmese saying. 

3.  On the 2nd March 1962, when the army seized power, the splintered 
AFPFL (Stable and Clean) lost its place on the political stage. Though 
the Burma Socialist Program Party (BSPP) government snuffed out the 7th 
July demonstrations, other demonstrations followed.  Finally the 
socialist government fell after the 8.8.88 demonstrations. Again the 
army seized power. 
It is an extraordinary phenomenon that in this second military take over 
period, legally constituted political parties still exist.  More 
extraordinary is the fact that the National League for Democracy headed 
by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won 80 percent of the seats in a valid election 
and are operating as the opposition to the military government.   

On one occasion when Singapore Prime Minister Go Chok Taung visited 
Burma to study the situation prior to Burma's entry in ASEAN he 
unequivocally remarked that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a political power. 

4. How much is the political reputation of the NLD increasing? We can 
say that it is increasing. It is now very important to control 
ourselves. Our organization needs to be disciplined, strong and solid. 
More important than displaying signboards is the ability to work 
together with integrity and honesty within the association itself. If we 
honor our martyred leaders we will examine our weaknesses and correct 
our shortcomings quickly. Humbly and simply I say that we still have 
time.  The past thirteen years of grief and sorrow will be recorded and 
is history now. The thirteen years of turbulence and storms have been 
weathered with patience and now our hearts desire for dialogue has been 
achieved.  Had we broken ranks as happened on the 8th waning day of 
Tazaungmon 1247 BE we would have been like the cows that were attacked 
by tigers in the period prior to the 2nd March 1962. Before long we 
should be able to build a genuine democratic Union of Burma. 

Thank you all for attending and all of those who helped to make this 
commemoration of the 54th anniversary of martyr's day a success. 

19 July 2001.





______________________OTHER______________________



EarthRights International  Internship Openings: Fall 2001 (Washington, 
DC Office)


 http://www.earthrights.org/about/intern.html 
EarthRights International(ERI) is seeking applicants to serve as full- 
or part-time Research Associates and Program Associates during September 
- December 2001 in ERI's U.S. Office in Washington, DC. 

Research Associates

Research Associates will perform a combination of legal research, 
writing, and organizing, and will be involved first-hand in the 
organization and implementation of ERI's unique Resource Center.  
Previous and current projects include legal research and writing on 
litigation in which ERI's attorneys are co-counsel, including the 
groundbreaking Doe v.Unocal; research on topical human rights and 
environmental issues; assisting in conducting advocacy campaigns, such 
as the International Right To Know campaign; work on a draft 
constitution for Burma; and research on the U.N. Draft Declaration on 
the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Research Associates also assisted in 
writing for Total Denial Continues, published in May 2000. 

Research Associate Qualifications

We are looking for law students who are highly motivated, organized, 
mature, and self-directed. Applicants should be second- or third-year 
students with excellent writing skills and a background in human rights 
and/or environmental issues. Experience working on litigation, policy 
issues, advanced research projects or building coalitions is helpful. 

Program Associates

Program Associates will assume program responsibilities such as 
providing research and writing assistance to project directors and 
coordinators, and writing short articles and bulletins for the internet 
and longer reports. In addition, they will assist in general office 
management, such as maintaining the organization's files and databases 
and answering postal and e-mail correspondence. In addition, they will 
Previous and current projects include research on topical human rights 
and environmental issues; assisting in conducting advocacy campaigns, 
such as the International Right To Know campaign; and assisting in the 
development of ERI's web site. 
Program Associate Qualifications
We are looking for exceptional undergraduate students who are highly 
motivated, organized, mature, and self-directed.  Applicants should have 
excellent writing skills, and a background in human rights and/or 
environmental issues is preferred.  Experience working on policy issues 
and advanced research projects or building coalitions is helpful. 

Application Requirements

As ERI is unable to provide a salary or stipend, we are particularly 
interested in students who will bring their own funding. We are, 
however, able to arrange for credit with your law school, college or 
university. Associates are responsible for their travel costs, living 
costs, local transportation, and other personal expenses. 
Students interested in the position of Research Associate or Program 
Associate should submit a cover letter, resume, writing sample, and 
transcript. E-mail is preferred.  Please send a copy to 
infousa@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx  ERI prefers to conduct interviews of 
applicants in person, but if this is not feasible, a telephone interview 
will be arranged. 

Application deadline: SEPTEMBER 15, 2001.

About EarthRights International
EarthRights International is a 501(c)(3) non profit organization that 
works to protect human rights and the environment by combining the power 
of law and the power of people.  ERI investigates and exposes human 
rights and environmental abuses, and works to increase transparency and 
accountability of governments, transnational corporations (TNCs) and 
International Financial Institutions (IFIs) as they undertake investment 
and development activities. 

Through its Resource Center in Washington, D.C., ERI is currently 
co-counsel in three lawsuits against oil companies for human rights 
abuses and environmental harms in Burma and Nigeria, and in one against 
the chemical company Union Carbide, for human rights and environmental 
harms resulting from the 1984 Bhopal disaster.  The Resource Center also 
coordinates campaigns that build coalitions between human rights and 
environmental groups. 
Contact Information
Internship Program
EarthRights International
2012 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Ste 500
Washington, D.C. 20036
Tel/Fax: +1 202 466 5188/ +1 202 466 5189
E-mail: infousa@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
URL: www.earthrights.org







________________


The BurmaNet News is an Internet newspaper providing comprehensive 
coverage of news and opinion on Burma  (Myanmar) from around the world.  
If you see something on Burma, you can bring it to our attention by 
emailing it to strider@xxxxxxx

To automatically subscribe to Burma's only free daily newspaper in 
English, send an email to:
burmanet-subscribe@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx

To subscribe to The BurmaNet News in Burmese, send an email to:

burmanetburmese-subscribe@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx


You can also contact BurmaNet by fax:

(US) +1(413)604-9008

(Japan) +81 (3) 4512-8143


________________


Burma News Summaries available by email or the web

There are three Burma news digest services available via either email or 
the web.

Burma News Update
Frequency: Biweekly
Availability: By fax or the web.
Viewable online at 
http://www.burmaproject.org/burmanewsupdate/index.html
Cost: Free
Published by: Open Society Institute, Burma Project

The Burma Courier 
Frequency: Weekly 
Availability: E-mail, fax or post.  To subscribe or unsubscribe by email 
celsus@xxxxxxxxxxx
Viewable on line at: http://www.egroups.com/group/BurmaCourier
Cost: Free
Note: News sources are cited at the beginning of an article. 
Interpretive comments and background
details are often added.

Burma Today
Frequency: Weekly
Availability: E-mail
Viewable online at http://www.worldviewrights.org/pdburma/today.html
To subscribe, write to pdburma@xxxxxxxxx
Cost: Free
Published by: PD Burma (The International Network of Political Leaders 
Promoting Democracy in Burma)




________________

==^================================================================
EASY UNSUBSCRIBE click here: http://igc.topica.com/u/?b1dbSX.b1CGhI
Or send an email To: burmanet-unsubscribe@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx
This email was sent to: reg.burma@xxxxxxxxxx

T O P I C A -- Register now to manage your mail!
http://www.topica.com/partner/tag02/register
==^================================================================