BurmaNet News: September 4, 2001

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______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
           September 4, 2001   Issue # 1877
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________


INSIDE BURMA _______
*Agence France Presse: Aung San Suu Kyi property suit defence expected 
to begin this month 
*Associated Press: Myanmar denies HIV/AIDS is rampant across country 
*Xinhua: WHO Regional Meeting Opens in Myanmar 
*BBC Burmese Service: Interview with two Ethnic Leaders (Translation) 

MONEY _______
*Xinhua: Roundup: Myanmar, India Possess Strong Supplementation in 
Economy
*Burma Courier: Power Study next Step in Letpadaung Mine Project

DRUGS______
*Bangkok Post: Rangoon will pressure Wa if Thailand pays the bill 
*Reuters: Thailand offers Myanmar help in tackling drugs

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AFP: Myanmar intelligence chief begins Thailand visit amid tight 
security 
*The Nation: Khin Nyunt visit opens a new era 
*The Nation: Burmese Visit: Police on Standby for Trouble 
*Bangkok Post: Angry students to rally against Khin Nyunt 
*Burma Courier: Mitton "Source" Surprised by Quote on Sanctions

EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA________
*New York Times: Hints of Change in Myanmar
*AsiaWeek Webfiles: Myanmar, Suu Kyi and the Myanmar Generals The latest 
on their talks (Part 2) 
*Bangkok Post: Chavalit gets praise for his peace efforts 

					
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________



Agence France Presse: Aung San Suu Kyi property suit defence expected to 
begin this month 


September 3, 2001




DATELINE: YANGON, Sept 3 

BODY: 
Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's lawyers are expected to launch their 
defence against her brother's property suit in a September 17 court 
hearing, officials said Monday. 

In a brief session Monday, lawyers for US-based businessman Aung San Oo 
presented final amendments to their case in the Yangon Divisional Court. 
The next session in the much-delayed hearing was set for September 17. 

Aung San Oo is fighting for half-ownership of the lakeside residence 
where Aung San Suu Kyi has been held under loose house arrest 
restrictions by the junta since last September. 

The suit is a potential irritant as the democracy leader and the junta 
proceed with landmark talks that may be paving the way for political 
reforms in the military-run country. 

The legal action is believed to be driven by Aung San Oo's wife, 
motivated more by a family rift than by political concerns. 
  
         




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Associated Press: Myanmar denies HIV/AIDS is rampant across country 

September 3, 2001

AYE AYE WIN; Associated Press Writer 

YANGON, Myanmar 


Contrary to the "gloomy picture" presented in the West, Myanmar is not 
suffering from an HIV/AIDS epidemic, the health minister said Monday. 

Still, the government is committed to fighting the disease by "using all 
its available resources," the minister, Maj. Gen. Ket Sein, told a World 
Health Organization meeting. 

The minister did not give figures for HIV-infected people or people 
suffering from AIDS. But the United Nations has said that 530,000 of 
Myanmar's 48 million people are estimated to be HIV positive. "Contrary 
to the gloomy picture presented in some reports especially those of the 
Western media, HIV/AIDS is not rampant in Myanmar," Ket Sein said. 
Myanmar officials consistently deny that the AIDS problem is serious in 
the country. 

However, Chris Beyrer, an American researcher who directs an AIDS 
program at the Johns Hopkins University, told a U.N. conference in June 
that the military government of Myanmar was falsifying statistics to 
hide evidence that the disease has reached epidemic levels. 

He presented a study suggesting 687,000 adults in Myanmar were living 
with AIDS in 1999 - or nearly 3.5 percent of the population, a rate 
worse than any other nation in Asia except Cambodia where about 4 
percent are infected. 

Myanmar, also known as Burma, reported 802 AIDS deaths in 1999. But the 
United Nations estimated the death toll was 48,000. 

Ket Sein told the WHO's 54th Southeast Asia Regional Committee meeting 
that Myanmar has implemented a comprehensive prevention and control 
program for HIV/AIDS despite limited international assistance. A 
multi-sector National AIDS Committee chaired by the health minister was 
formed in 1989 to oversee the national AIDS program, he said. 

The three-day WHO meeting is being attended by nearly 100 delegates 
including representatives from Bangladesh, Bhutan, North Korea, India, 
Indonesia, Maldives, Mongolia, Sri Lanka and Thailand. 





___________________________________________________




Xinhua: WHO Regional Meeting Opens in Myanmar 

YANGON, September 3 



The 54th Regional Committee Meeting of the World Health Organization 
(WHO) South East Asia Region opened here Monday. 

The four-day meeting, hosted by Myanmar for the fourth time, is being 
attended by representatives from ten countries in the region 
--Bangladesh, Bhutan, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, India, 
Indonesia, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand as well as 
those from the U.N. agencies, inter-governments, national and 
international non-governmental organizations. 

Myanmar Minister of Health Major-General Ket Sein said in his opening 
address that there has been a change during the past three years in the 
WHO's ways of working with a corporate strategy. Strategic program 
budget has been adopted and special efforts made to encourage intensive 
and focused partnerships, making WHO inputs to be more effective and 
responsive to meet the challenges faced by member countries. 

The SEA region bears a very high burden of diseases, he noted, 
complaining that the level of resources available for health is grossly 
inadequate. 

He pointed out that only a few countries have access to the fruit of the 
technological revolution, stressing the need to bridge that divide by 
increasing access to resources. 

He warned that malaria, tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS continue to be major 
health problems in the region in addition to increasing non-communicable 
diseases. 

With regard to Myanmar, he said the country's health sector has received 
priority in allocation of government budget and is the fourth largest 
recipient after agriculture, construction and education sectors. 

WHO Regional Director Uton Muchtar Rafei emphasized that the foremost 
challenge is to ensure that policy and decision-makers have access to 
evidence-based information for improving the performance of the health 
care delivery system. 

He stressed steps will be taken to further develop regional and national 
capacity to critically analyze organize and disseminate appropriate 
health information to support decision-making. 

Myanmar last hosted the regional committee meeting in 1971. 



___________________________________________________



BBC Burmese Service: Interview with two Ethnic Leaders (Translation) 


Interviewer: U Kyaw Zan Tha, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) 
Burmese  Program

Interviewees: Dr. U Saw Mya Aung and U Khun Tun Oo

The BBC recently interviewed two prominent politicians, on separate  
occasions, and aired their views in the "Burmese Perspective" program on 
 the evening of Aug 29. The two ethnic party leaders interviewed were U 
Khun  Tun Oo and Dr. Saw Mya Aung.

U Khun Tun Oo, 58, is Chairperson of Shan Nationalities League for  
Democracy (SNLD), which gained 23 seats in the 1990 election. Dr. Saw 
Mya  Aung, 84, is Chairperson of Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), 
which won 11  seats.

Saw Mya Aung, was named the chairperson of future parliament at the 
meeting  of the CRPP (the Committee Representing the People's 
Parliament) on  September 17, 1998. He was detained in a military camp, 
or a so-called  'government guesthouse' for 3 years and was recently 
released. He said to  the BBC, "I've already made up my mind to continue 
to participate in the  democracy and human rights activities??...until 
my last days." 

He said in another radio interview, two months ago, that he participates 
in  these activities and he considers it to be a social welfare issue. 

We now distribute this aired program as it covers not only political 
views  but also the issue of political prisoners including U Aye Tha 
Aung of CRPP. 

U Aye Tha Aung became a secretary of the CRPP, which was founded by the  
political parties after the military authorities refused to accept the 
1990  elections. As a CRPP secretary, he represents the 4 ethnic 
political  parties: SNLD, ALD, Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF), and 
Zomi National  Congress (ZNC). After he was arrested on April 24, 2000, 
he was given three  consecutive 7-year prison terms for violating 
publication and emergency  laws. He was denied any legal defense.

Dr. Saw Mya Aung expressed his concern to the BBC for the welfare of U 
Aye  Tha Aung, as his health condition was deteriorating quickly. 


Translated by: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)


The words contained within the brackets are by the translator. 
BBC: What the important events in Burma are: the military government 
(State  Peace and Development Council - SPDC) has started to release 
some of the  political prisoners; the UN special envoy, Razali Ismail, 
visits Rangoon  regularly; the talks between the military government and 
General Secretary  of National League for Democracy. These events 
happened separately but  relatively.  On this issue, we have already 
presented Burmese watchers and  exile activists. This week, we are going 
to present the opinion of two  political leaders inside Burma. They are 
U Khun Tun Oo, chairperson of Shan  Nationalities League for Democracy 
(SNLD) and Dr. U Saw Mya Aung,  Chairperson of Arakan League for 
Democracy (ALD). Not only Burmese watchers  and exile activists, but 
also the leaders inside Burma, welcome the talks  between the government 
and dissidents after Razali's trips, and also the  release of the 
political prisoners. First, Dr. U Saw Mya Aung said that  current 
political condition seems to have become flexible. 

U Saw Mya Aung (SMA): I heard this morning that two leaders from NLD 
were  released. We can only assume that the (political condition) has 
become  flexible. What will happen next is not easy to guess.

BBC: Like wise, SNLD chairperson U Khun Tun Oo said optimistically. 
U Khun Tun Oo (KTO): Most see that the political condition has become 
flexible. 

BBC: Concerned with current talk between the junta and Daw Aung San Suu  
Kyi, some ethnic organizations say the talks should be tripartite. They  
feel uncomfortable because the talk is only two-way. U Khun Tun Oo and U 
 Saw Mya Aung are the leaders of the parties, which won seats in the  
election, finishing behind the NLD. What is your opinion on the talk? 

KTO: To speak frankly, two-way talk is good before there is tripartite 
talk  because of the current situation. In our country, the crisis is in 
 economics, social issues, education, health care and every issue. We 
ethnic  people can emphasize only our own issues. However, I consider 
that if we  think about the country and the people, two-way talk is 
suitable for now.  This is not only my opinion, we talked about (this) 
when I met with Naing  Tun Thein1, U Cin Shing Thang2, U Aye Tha Aung3, 
and Daw Suu4. That's why,  if possible, we want tripartite dialog, but 
if not for now, two-way dialog.  Tripartite is also necessary because 
the ethnic issue should be presented  and solved by the ethnic people. I 
believe that two-way talking is the most  suitable to be finished with 
the current problem quickly.

(1- Chairperson of Mon National Democratic Front, an ethnic party which 
won  5 seats in the 1990 election)

(2- Chairperson of Zomi National Congress, an ethnic party which won 2  
seats in the 1990 election)

(3- the secretary of the CRPP)

(4- Aung San Suu Kyi)

BBC: Do you believe Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is representing NLD in the 
 current talks, is representing, discussing and caring about the ethnic 
issue? 
KTO: I assume that she is.

BBC: Dr. U Saw Mya Aung says the ethnic people have already discussed 
with  NLD about what they need.

SMA: The ethnic people's opinion has already been mentioned before. We 
have  discussed this issue thoroughly with not only the four ethnic 
parties5, but  also the 25 parties from UNLD6 and later Daw Aung Suu Kyi 
of NLD on how we  are all going to live equally. What we need has 
already been mentioned  before. We, ethnic people, need federation. The 
parliament will decide to  have a federation of eight states.

(5- there are four ethnic parties in CRPP)

(6- United Nationalities League for Democracy)

BBC: If so, do you expect that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will represent the  
ethnic people while she is currently talking to the SPDC?

SMA: We assume that she will discuss general issues including the ethnic 
 people. This is because we have talked about the federation of eight 
states  many times before. Now, she is the one and only person who has 
contact  (with SPDC) to talk. She understands everything. Let her do her 
job. We  believe that she will not do anything wrong (by us).

BBC: SNLD chairperson, U Khun Tun Oo, also believes in Daw Aung San Suu  
Kyi. However, he seems to prefer tripartite dialog to the current talk  
between the military government and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi because the 
ethnic  people understand more about the ethnic issue than others. 

KTO: Now, there is no discussion among the three parties but only 
between  two parties. It's good if Daw Suu (Aung San Suu Kyi) talks 
about the ethnic  issue. I do hope she will talk. However, as I said 
before, only ethnic  people know about the problems they have been 
suffering for years. Daw Suu  alone or SPDC alone cannot solve the 
problem. To be acceptable, ethnic  people have to present and discuss 
the issues with other ethnic people. The  UN (United Nations) has 
already put forward guidelines for tripartite  dialog, as this is a very 
large problem. Therefore, two-way talk is  important before the 
tripartite dialog. When there are reconciliation  conditions, we want 
talks to be tripartite. I hope it will happen. 

BBC: Now Mr. Razali Ismail is in Rangoon. You may have met him the 
previous  time. How about this time? What are you going to say to him? 

KTO: We have met before. On Wednesday the 29th (of August) at 5:00 p.m. 
in  the evening, the ethnic groups Chin, Karen, Shan, Mon and Arakanese 
have  planned to meet him. We are going to request that he suggest a 
two-way  dialog which will later become tripartite dialog. We are going 
to ask him  to help in setting it up.

BBC: Dear listeners, Mr. Razali Ismail has already met with the ethnic  
leaders on Wednesday evening as U Khun Tun Oo mentioned. ALD chairperson 
U  Saw Mya Aung said he would report to Mr. Razali Ismail for the 
freedom of  the political leaders including U Aye Tha Aung who was an 
important person  in CRPP.

SMA: U Aye Tha Aung who was a key member of the 10 - person committee  
(CRPP) was imprisoned for 21 years. He has been very close to death in 
the  last few months and has been moved (from Insein Prison) to an 
intensive  care unit, in Rangoon General Hospital for treatment. We are 
very worried  about him. As for my party, we are going to inform him of 
the conditions of  U Tha Ban, one of our members, and U Aye Tha Aung, 
who is dying, in order  to get their release. NLD sent a letter of 
request to Senior General Than  Shwe7 (to release the political 
prisoners).

(7- the chairperson of the SPDC)

BBC: Did U Aye Tha Aung's health condition deteriorate because he simply 
 got sick or was there some other mistreatment to him? Comment if 
possible. 

SMA: As a medical doctor, I met him before he was imprisoned. There were 
no  signs that he would get ill. According to his family, he was offered 
some  businesses during the first two months of his arrest. When it did 
not work,  he was forced to sleep on the concrete floor, and his health 
condition  began to deteriorate. He was put in the prison hospital. 
Finally, he was  sent to Rangoon General Hospital when (the medical 
staff in prison) could  not care for him as he was unable to breath and 
felt pain on - - - - and  different kind of illnesses. His family was 
able to contact him after they  checked the Insein prison and General 
Hospital using many ways. His family  informed us (about his health 
condition).

BBC: After you mention U Aye Tha Aung's health condition, let me know 
about  yours. Because of your age, many people were worried for you when 
you were  under detention (for 3 years). Do you think you can carry on 
the duty as  the chairperson of the ALD?

SMA: Now, I am 84. I still try to be healthy. I eat and sleep in the 
same  way as before and my health condition is normal. So, I have 
already made up  my mind to carry on the social work while I am still 
alive. To be able to  do this, I maintain my health and do different 
kinds of exercises. I feel a  little bit ill and some pain, and I cannot 
hear but I do not give up at  all. I have already made up my mind to 
continue until I die. 

BBC: That was U Saw Mya Aung. Dear listeners, Burmese people not only 
went  out on to the streets in demonstration but also voted, as they 
wanted to  show that they want democracy. That was over a decade ago. 
There have been  many people who have worked and waited and passed away 
for many reasons  because they want their community to be free in the 
world. By now, I guess,  it's good for the people who are waiting 
hopefully (for the future) if the  responsible persons solve the 
problems with discussion.  Let me conclude here. 





______________________MONEY________________________



Xinhua: Roundup: Myanmar, India Possess Strong Supplementation in 
Economy


By Duan Tin

YANGON, September 3 (Xinhua) -- A few days ago, Myanmar and India signed 
a contract here for India to build a dyeing and printing factory for the 
state-run Myanmar Textile Industries on a plot of 6.68 hectares. This 
reflected from one aspect that the Myanmar-India bilateral economic and 
trade cooperative ties are continuously strengthening. In recent years, 
especially since Myanmar's joining of the Association of Southeast Asian 
Nations in July 1997, the economic and trade ties between Myanmar and 
India have scored rapid development. On March 29, 1998, Myanmar and 
India signed a contract on India 's extending of a credit line of 10 
million U.S. dollars to Myanmar for setting up industrial plants and for 
supply of railway rolling stocks from India. On April 25 the same year, 
the two countries signed again a memorandum of understanding on 
cooperation in agriculture and allied sectors. In February 1999, India 
injected 4.5 million dollars into Myanmar's manufacturing sector. 

On November 17, 2000, the two countries signed another contract on 
India's provision of more credit line of 15 million dollars to Myanmar 
for sourcing industrial and electrical equipment from India. A fact that 
deserves mention is that India spent one billion rupees (about 22 
million dollars), building for Myanmar a 160- kilometer-long highway 
(Tamu-Kalewa) in the country's northwestern border area. The highway 
forms an important transport link between the two countries' border 
areas, closely connecting Myanmar and India far up to central Myanmar 
and the commercial and cultural center of Mandalay, which is also 
Myanmar's second largest city. 

This highway was formally handed over to the Myanmar side on February 13 
this year for putting into service. It will promote the socio-economic 
development of the northwestern border of Myanmar and will also enhance 
the two countries' bilateral economic and trade exchange. With regard to 
their bilateral trade, Indian authorities declared that India stands as 
Myanmar's largest export market at present, taking 80 percent of the 
country's exports of beans and pulses and timber. Meanwhile, in 
1999-2000 fiscal year, Myanmar's exports to India amounted to 128 
million dollars, while its imports from India represented 68.6 million 
dollars, increasing by 10.6 times of that in 1990-91. Up to now, Myanmar 
and India have opened one border trade point each, that is Tamu-Manipur, 
on their respective sides along the 1, 400-kilometer common border. 

The two countries have also agreed in principle to open another border 
trade point Rhi-Champhai in the future. Since Myanmar and India 
established diplomatic relations on January 4, 1948, the two countries 
have successively signed a number of agreements including a treaty of 
friendship and other accords on boundary, trade, air transport, drug 
control cooperation, border trade, scientific and technical and cultural 
cooperation. Myanmar and India both belong to developing countries and 
are members of the BIMST-EC, a regional economic grouping which 
comprises five countries along the Bay of Bengal -- Bangladesh, India, 
Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand. Myanmar and India possess relatively 
strong supplementation in economy and in the new century, the two 
countries' economic and trade ties are bound to achieve greater 
development. 





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Burma Courier: Power Study next Step in Letpadaung Mine Project

Courier News Service:  August 29, 2001

VANCOUVER - Ivanhoe Mines says that negotiations continue to move ahead 
on the financing and development of the Letpadaung copper deposit close 
to the S & K mine where the company is engaged in a joint venture with 
Burma's military government. 
In its second quarter report for 2001 released on Wednesday, Ivanhoe 
said that "major Japanese trading companies" have completed 
investigations on the Letpadaung site.  Earlier in the year, Ivanhoe 
said that the JV had received expressions of interest from companies in 
China and Korea on the financing of the US$ 400 million development 
costs for the Letpadaung deposit, but these have apparently evaporated. 
Ivanhoe says that a study of power alternatives for the project will 
have to be completed before final negotiations begin.   Power companies 
in Australia and Malaysia are believed to be interested in the project. 

Copper cathode production at the S & K mine was up slightly during the 
first half of the year to 13,676 tonnes, but with world copper prices 
declining by 18% since the beginning of January the JV managed to sell 
its production for an average of only about 73 cents a pound. 

The joint venture company, known as Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper, needs to 
make at least 75 cents a pound to pay its bills and the installments on 
its long-term debt to the Japanese syndicate which financed the 
restoration of the S & K mine.  Copper prices are expected to remain 
under pressure. 

Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper is currently seeking a new general manager. 
Australian mining engineer Paul Chare resigned earlier this month to 
take up a similar position with a gold mining company in Sardinia. 

Ivanhoe Mines says that it will continue to push ahead with drilling on 
its promising gold find in the Moditaung area southeast of Mandalay when 
the monsoon season ends.  The company has budgeted expenditures of half 
a million dollars for further exploration of the Moditaung strike during 
the second half of the year. 




________________________DRUGS______________________




Bangkok Post: Rangoon will pressure Wa if Thailand pays the bill 


September 3, 2001 

Rangoon will help encourage the United Wa State Army to quit the drug 
trade in exchange for Thailand's help in developing the Wa's 
administrative zone along the border, Gen Thammarak Issarangkul na 
Ayudhya, PM's office minister, said yesterday. 

Gen Thammarak, who is in charge of the government's drug suppression 
drive, said he had raised the proposal informally during last week's 
meeting in Beijing of top anti-drug officials from China, Burma, Laos 
and Thailand. 

Burma's Home Affairs Minister Col Tin Hlaing had agreed to help mediate 
with the UWSA, Gen Thammarak said on his arrival back from China. "We 
are quite optimistic that this idea will get a positive response that 
will lead to further collaboration along the border area," he said. 

The former armed forces intelligence chief said it was only a handful of 
Wa people, not all of them, who were directly involved in the production 
of methamphetamine and heroin. 

"My frank discussion of the drug problem with Col Tin Hlaing helped us 
toward an understanding that is crucial for our further co-operation," 
said Gen Thammarak. 

The Beijing meeting had been significant since it publicly showed the 
whole world that countries in the region were serious about rooting out 
drug trafficking. 

The four countries had agreed to step up cross-border co-operation on 
drug suppression, and made a commitment to share information and 
collaborate in tracking down and arresting drug traffickers. This would 
include assigning drug officials to border checkpoints. 

Thailand and China had already exchanged drug liaison officers, who were 
assigned to their respective embassies, he said. 

It was unnecessary for Thailand, Burma and Laos to have the same 
arrangement. It would be much more effective to post drug officials at 
border checkpoints. 

Gen Thammarak said the venue for the first four-nation summit on drugs 
had not been settled, but it was likely to be Thailand. 

"Not only the drug issue will be raised during the summit, it will 
likely extend to a discussion of trans-national crime," he said. 



__________________________________________________





Reuters: Thailand offers Myanmar help in tackling drugs




 By Nopporn Wong-Anan 

 BANGKOK, Sept 3 (Reuters) - Thailand told one of Myanmar's top generals 
on Monday it would help Yangon with job creation schemes and offer trade 
incentives to try to stem the tide of illegal drugs and migrant workers 
flooding across the border. 

 Myanmar military intelligence chief 

Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, the third most senior member of the 
ruling junta, kicked off a three-day visit to Bangkok on Monday with a 
meeting with Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. 

 Bangkok blames the United Wa State Army (UWSA), an ethnic minority army 
allied with the Myanmar government, for producing most of the 
methamphetamine pills that have created a worsening drug problem in 
Thailand. 

 But Thaksin said that in response to a pledge by the Wa to eradicate 
drug production and grow fruit instead, Thailand would include the 
substituted products in a Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) 
scheme. 

 ``The Wa gesture is positive and we will give them GSP on those crops 
and help them with marketing,'' Thaksin told reporters. 

 The two countries have been making efforts to patch up ties after 
relations deteriorated sharply early in the year. 

 Relations have long been uneasy because of Thailand's claims that drugs 
from Myanmar were flooding across the border. 

 A series of skirmishes earlier in the year along the 2,400 km 
(1,490-mile) Thai-Myanmar border took ties to a new low. 

 But ties were improved by Thaksin's visit to Yangon in June. 

 ``Myanmar has proved to be very sincere in fulfilling its pledges given 
to Prime Minister Thaksin during his June visit, especially continuous 
seizures of methamphetamines,'' Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart 
Sathirathai told reporters.
 
 JOB CREATION SCHEMES 

 Thailand also offered help with job creation schemes in Myanmar and 
said it would provide assistance for illegal workers repatriated from 
Thailand. More than a million Myanmar citizens are believed to be 
illegally working in Thailand. 

 Surakiart said the Thai government would help Myanmar train its people 
to produce local handicrafts and market the products. 

 ``Displaced people will gradually return to their homeland when it is 
safe enough ... and Thailand will help create jobs and income for 
them,'' Surakiart said. 

 The Thai government last month passed a law to legalise between one 
million and three million migrant workers, mainly from Myanmar, Laos and 
Cambodia, to work freely in Thailand with better protection from the 
government. 

 But those who failed certain criteria will be deported. 

 Khin Nyunt is the most senior member of Myanmar's military government 
to visit Thailand since State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) 
Chairman Senior-General Than Shwe in March 1999. 

 Khin Nyunt will be given an audience with Thailand's King Bhumibol 
Adulyadej on Tuesday in southern Thailand, an honour usually given to 
heads of state and very important national figures. 

 Activists opposed to Myanmar's military government staged a protest in 
front of Government House on Monday, urging Bangkok to break off formal 
ties with Yangon until it has a democratically elected government. 

 (With additional reporting by Trirat Puttajanyawong) 




___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
				



AFP: Myanmar intelligence chief begins Thailand visit amid tight 
security 

BANGKOK, Sept 3 (AFP) - Myanmar's powerful military intelligence chief, 
Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, arrived in Thailand amid tight security 
Monday after dissident groups vowed to protest his three-day official 
visit. 

 Thai authorities have laid on "maximum" security precautions for the 
junta number-three, intent on preventing violent demonstrations from 
overshadowing the talks which cement a return to friendly ties after a 
six-month row over the border drugs trade. 
 Some 200 police clad in bullet-proof jackets and bearing automatic 
weapons guarded Government House where Khin Nyunt met with Prime 
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, with another 20 officers forming an inner 
cordon around the pair. 

 A military helicopter will shadow the motorcade taking Khin Nyunt on 
the three-hour drive to King Bhumibol Adulyadej's seaside residence on 
Wednesday where he has been granted a rare royal audience. 
 Thai intelligence sources refused to reveal how many other men had been 
deployed to guard the influential Myanmar leader but confirmed it was 
more than for any head of state. 

 An alliance of pro-democracy, labour and student organisations led by 
the Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma promised over the 
weekend to stage demonstrations during Khin Nyunt's visit. 

 But dissident groups said they were warned off by Thai authorities who 
put them under 24-hour surveillance, intent on avoiding a repeat of 
incidents like the violent rebel sieges on Myanmar's embassy and a 
provincial hospital. 

 "We don't have any plan to protest physically because Thai military 
intelligence told us to stay low-profile during his visit and not lose 
face for Thailand," said Maung Maung Aye from Myanmar's 
government-in-exile, the National Coalition Government of the Union of 
Burma (NCGUB). 

 But Maung Maung Aye said he was not happy that the visit was going 
ahead, because it weakened Myanmar's pro-democracy movement by giving 
credibility to the regime. 

 A source from the All Burma Students Democratic Front said about a 
dozen exiled activists with newly acquired citizenship of Western 
nations had flown into Bangkok this week but made a last-minute decision 
against protesting. 

 "They want to demonstrate but they won't because it will negatively 
affect exiles living in Thailand," the group said. 

 The only protest so far was staged by a small group of Thai students 
who waved banners and chanted slogans during the talks at Government 
House. 

 High on the agenda of the meeting was the issue of the rampant 
narcotics trade along the border between the two countries, which 
sparked a half-day skirmish between their national armies in March. 

 The fighting, set off by rival ethnic militias operating in the region, 
led to a damaging diplomatic wrangle between the neighbours that was 
only patched up in June when Thaksin made his first official visit to 
Yangon. 

 Khin Nyunt told the premier Monday that the Wa ethnic militia who are 
accused of controlling much of the drugs trade had promised to wipe out 
narcotics in the region by 2005. 

 "They have agreed to substitute drug crops in favour of fruit like 
lychee and longans," Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai told 
reporters. 

 Thailand also said it stood ready to assist reconcilation efforts in 
Myanmar where the junta has been holding talks with democracy leader 
Aung San Suu Kyi for the last 11 months. 

 "The prime minister said we support the reconciliation process and are 
ready to help if we can assist in any way," Surakiart said. 






___________________________________________________




The Nation: Khin Nyunt visit opens a new era 

Sep 3, 2001 

Drug suppression, fishery development and mutual border patrols will be 
discussed during the visit of Burma's No 3 leader 

Many observers regard the visit by Burma's Intelligence Chief Lt General 
Khin Nyunt to Bangkok today as reflecting a new page in their bilateral 
relationship, one that will see both countries adopting a more relaxed 
approach and greater willingness to compromise when dealing with current 
and future joint problems.

Both countries' expectations for the visit are quite high as a positive 
outcome will be both clear evidence and a demonstration of their 
improving ties.

The visit of Khin Nyunt, scheduled for September 3 to 6, is a reciprocal 
one after Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra led an official entourage to 
Rangoon in May.

His visit was a break from his predecessor, Chuan Leekpai, who refused 
to go to Burma after a series of violent events caused by Burmese 
dissidents on Thai soil.

Thailand's tough stance then could be seen through the US-backed 
flexible engagement policy of Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan. That 
policy - criticised for being against Asean's principle of 
non-intervention - allowed a country to criticise another country if 
that country's internal affairs affected others.

During the Chuan period, the exchange of visits of the leaders was 
suspended due to out-of-tune relations. The suspension was excepted for 
Burma's Foreign Minister Win Aung, who came to Thailand quite often for 
bilateral and regional meetings.

Therefore, Burma regards Thaksin's attitude as displaying greater 
compromise and being more relaxed than his predecessor's. Although 
Thaksin blamed Burma and Burma's United Wa State Army (UWSA) for being a 
major source of drugs, particularly amphetamines, during a national 
workshop in Chiang Rai province, his later decision to go to Burma 
effectively diverted that country's displeasure over his blunt remarks.

A high-ranking security source said recently that Thaksin's visit to 
Burma had effectively helped relax the long-tense ties with Burma. 

It seems, he said, that Thailand under the Thaksin government will adopt 
a more relaxed stance towards Burma as compared to the Chuan period.

"Thailand's attitude of compromise towards Burma seems to be working 
this time. With the better ties, we hope that both countries can move on 
now to enhance bilateral cooperation," he said.

Burma took a reciprocal step towards Thailand's softened stance by 
assigning Khin Nyunt, who is also the State Peace and Development 
Council (SPDC) secretary-general, to visit Bangkok.

This visit of Khin Nyunt is the first time he is representing his 
country in Thailand in 11 years. He joined the entourage of SPDC 
chairman, General Than Shwe, on a tour of a royal project in Chiang Rai 
province in 1999.

His visit is expected to hammer out most of the unsettled conflicts 
between the two countries. 

Chatchai Suthiklom, deputy secretary-general of the Office of Narcotic 
Control Board, said that narcotics cooperation would top the agenda on 
Khin Nyunt's visit. He added that Thai-Burma cooperation on this issue 
could greatly enhance attempts to eliminate drug trafficking in the 
region.

"We need cooperation from all sides to effectively suppress drug 
trafficking," Chatchai said.


Khin Nyunt is expected to bring Burma's decision on a Thai proposal to 
have a tripartite meeting of Thailand, Burma and UWSA, which is 
producing amphetamines on a large scale in this region. 

Also to be discussed are the pending fishery problems that took place 
after Burma cancelled its contracts with Thai fishing firms. Burma has 
been outraged for long time with the Thai side's violation of the 
fishing contracts. 

The last incident that led to the decision to cancel contracts was the 
brutal killing of Burmese crewmen on a Thai vessel.

During Khin Nyunt's visit, both sides will decide on a new model of 
fishery cooperation that will ensure Burma of the sincerity of 
Thailand's private sector in respecting fishing contracts.

Another talking point on the agenda will be a Thai proposal to have a 
joint patrol along the common border in an attempt to minimise the 
cross-border crimes by people of both countries. The joint patrol is 
also aimed at preventing armed Karen from travelling back and forth 
between Thailand and Burma.

Another senior security source said that Thailand was well aware that 
security and protection for Khin Nyunt would have to be tight and 
well-prepared.

This was because of the active movement of Burmese dissidents who could 
try to instigate some violence during his visit.

However, he said he did not expect any incidents during the visit as 
Burmese dissidents know very well that any disorder would have a 
negative impact on their stay on Thai soil. 




___________________________________________________




The Nation: Burmese Visit: Police on Standby for Trouble 


September 3, 2001, Monday 


Intelligence chief in Bangkok today; checkpoints set up all over capital 


Ratchaburi police have deployed more patrols and tightened security in 
and around a detention camp for Burmese students prior to an official 
visit by Burma's Intelligence Chief, Lt General Khin Nyunt, which begins 
today. 

Checkpoints have been set up on several roads, including those leading 
to Bangkok, as a security measure to prevent Burmese in the camp from 
sneaking into the capital to cause trouble during the visit. 

Most of the Burmese living in the camps are former students who fled to 
Thai soil to avoid the military junta's severe suppression. They, 
together with other Burmese dissidents, have used Thailand as a base for 
their campaigns against the Burmese government. Meanwhile, Ratchaburi 
Governor Komet Daengthongdee has ordered special security protection and 
measures in the province in case Burmese try to instigate chaos during 
the visit. 

"Special security arrangements have been made for major provincial 
government agencies such as the city hall, the court buildings, 
hospitals and schools," he said. 

The environment around the camp yesterday remained calm. Unlike the 
normal situation, there were no Burmese available to speak to 
journalists. 

Ratchaburi province was the scene of dramatic chaos last year when a 
group of Burmese dissidents seized a provincial hospital, taking hostage 
patients and medical personnel. 

The drama ended when commandos raided the hospital and killed all the 
dissidents. 

Security for Khin Nyunt in Bangkok has also been tightened and one 
officer says that western-trained police officers have been assigned to 
the job. 

Pol Lt General Tritot Ronrit-tichai, a police Special Branch chief, said 
that police had already warned Burmese dissidents not to cause any 
disruption during the visit. 

A group of Burmese dissidents - the so-called MDUF - said that Khin 
Nyunt's visit would be good for Thai-Burmese relations, which have been 
strained for several years. 

The visit would also help resolve the increasing problems of drug 
trafficking in the region and in both countries, said the MDUF's 
president U Zawhan. 

He expected that talking points would include anti-drugs co-operation, 
but not the suppression of Burmese dissidents along the border. 

Meanwhile, an active Burmese movement, the Karen National Union, said 
the ethnic militias along the Thai border would not sabotage the visit. 

"Minority groups will not create any disorder or sabotage that would 
make problems for the Thai government during the visit to Thailand by 
General Khin Nyunt," said KNU secretary-general Pado Mansha. 

"Sabotage is not the way to solve the problem," he added. "It must be by 
negotiation only. 

In a related development, the Students Federation of Thailand and 
non-government agencies conducting democracy campaigns yesterday issued 
a statement protesting the visit of the Burmese general and calling for 
Thailand to withhold any business dialogue unless Burma's political 
process has public participation. 

They also called for transparency and public participation in any 
bilateral contract that would have an impact on the people of Burma. 

Addressing the Burmese government, the groups called for immediate 
dialogue with the country's opposition party and ethnic groups, as well 
as the release of political prisoners for the sake of national 
reconciliation. 

In resolving the influx of Burmese immigrants onto Thai soil, the Thai 
government should push for Burma to improve its political and social 
situation, particularly democratisation, the statement said. 

     



___________________________________________________



Bangkok Post: Angry students to rally against Khin Nyunt 



September 3, 2001 


The Students' Federation of Thailand and other democracy groups will 
stage a rally in front of Government House to protest against the 
official visit of Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt today. 

The first secretary of Burma's State Peace and Development Council will 
be here until Wednesday and plans to hold separate talks with Prime 
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai and 
Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. 

The visit has drawn harsh criticism from pro-democracy groups, who 
released a statement yesterday opposing the trip. Metha Maskhao, 
president of the student group, said the military strongman should not 
be welcomed to a democratic country like Thailand, which endured a long 
fight against dictatorship. 

Mr Metha baulked at suggestions the visit was aimed at strengthening 
ties and solving drug problems, since Burma did not seem interested in 
either. 

There were many other unsettled problems, he said, such as human rights 
violations against Burmese refugees, illegal migrant workers, ethnic 
nationalities and the brutal suppression of members of the democratic 
movement in Burma. 

"During the past year, the relationship between Burma and Thailand has 
been built on the benefits of certain groups of people rather than the 
well-being of the two countries. Such relationships should be condemned 
as being insincere in genuinely helping both countries," Mr Metha said. 

The government's actions could destroy Thailand's positive image among 
the international community, which is closely watching the political 
situation in Burma. 

Suriyasai Katasila of the Campaign for Popular Democracy said he was not 
sure if the government still respected the democratic system. 

He said all dialogue between the two nations should be based on the 
principle of human rights and conducted out in the open to make sure the 
interests of the Thai people are considered. 

Mr Suriyasai also called on the government to remain firm in its policy 
to declare war on drugs. 

"This is the time the government can prove its sincerity since the 
Burmese military regime has been internationally recognised for its 
major involvement with narcotic rings." 

He said Thailand should take the lead in Asia and adjust its 
relationships with Burma from one of "constructive engagement" to 
"flexible engagement". 

Moe Zaw Aung, of Burma's Democratic Party for a New Society, said he was 
surprised the government was willing to talk with the Burmese military 
leader. 

The group urged the government to halt all business deals with Burma 
until the country attains democracy and a legitimate government. 

It said talks must touch on human rights and insisted the government 
review its policy of deporting Burmese refugees while political 
conflicts still go unsolved in Burma. 

Mr Metha said the rally would be staged at Government House, where 
Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt is expected to meet Mr Thaksin. Moe Zaw Aung said 
Burmese students decided not to join the protest for safety reasons, 
although they really wanted to. 

  
       








___________________________________________________





Burma Courier: Mitton "Source" Surprised by Quote on Sanctions

Courier News Service:  August 30, 2001

BANGKOK - One of the sources cited in a "know-it-all" article by Roger 
Mitton on the political winds of change in Burma in this week's edition 
of Asiaweek magazine knows nothing at all about views attributed to the 
organization. 

In his piece, entitled "Yes there is going to be a settlement in 
Myanmar", Mitton goes out of his way to line up a bevy of notables who 
support his optimistic thesis that a new political arrangement is just 
around the corner for the military state and that nearly everybody is 
trimming their sails and changing their tack to get in line with the new 
political realities that are about to emerge from talks between the 
ruling generals and Aung San Suu Kyi. 

Among those cited in the article as "discreetly" changing its stance on 
Myanmar is the Brussels-based International Crisis Group, headed by 
former Australian foreign minister Gareth Evans, said to have been 
"instrumental" in bringing about a political settlement in Cambodia.  
According to Mitton, the ICG "is now taking a strong pro-engagement line 
and is critical of the sanctions policies of the West". 
But Robert Templer, Asia program director of ICG, told the Burma Courier 
in an emailed response to queries that the Asiaweek correspondent was 
not correct in using the ICG name to support his "change" thesis.  
"We've not published anything on sanctions in Burma yet so we haven't 
taken any positio ns on this matter.  Mr. Mitton is mistaken," Templer 
wrote. 

Last December, the ICG published a major study on Burma, entitled "How 
strong is the military regime?"   The report pictured the military 
government as "very strong and comfortable in its resistance to internal 
and external pressures for change".  It also said that despite a 
stranglehold on power, the military regime "does have vulnerabilities, 
the most important of which may lie within the armed forces - precisely 
that part of the Burmese governing order about which the outside world 
knows least". 

While recognizing the importance of the challenge to the legitimacy of 
the regime presented by Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, the ICG 
study noted that "the NLD's points of leverage inside the country for 
weakening the SPDC's grip on power are few, and it is difficult to be 
optimistic about it achieving change in the near term". 
Templer said that follow-up reports to last December's study were in the 
works and could be published as early as September. 
In the meantime, the world has been advised to stay tuned to Roger 
Mitton and Asiaweek.  He's promised a second installment of his famous 
"Yes" article where he will tell exactly why everybody is jumping on the 
"change" bandwagon.  "I'll tell you what the talks are all about and 
when we can expect an accord to be signed.  And remember, when it is 
announced, when the rest of the world's press report that it is a 
surprise -- you will be able to say, Hey, no, it's not a surprise at 
all. I read about it in detail in Asiaweek long ago." 

For the sake of the many millions under the crushing heel of poverty and 
misrule in Burma, if not for Roger Mitton, we hope it won't it won't be 
all that long.  But we have our doubts. 



        


___________EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA__________




New York Times: Hints of Change in Myanmar

August 3, 2001



Recent weeks have brought signs that the repressive military junta that 
has ruled Myanmar since 1988 may be reconsidering its stranglehold on 
the country's democratic forces, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel 
Peace Prize winner. Washington and other governments should encourage 
this process, but must maintain economic sanctions against the junta 
until the generals agree to end their tyrannical rule. 
 Last week, a United Nations special envoy, Razali Ismail, visited 
Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, for four days of meetings with Mrs. 
Aung San Suu Kyi and military leaders. Regrettably, the junta's leader, 
Gen. Than Shwe, declined to meet with Mr. Razali. But the opposition and 
the military have been talking since last fall, and last week two senior 
leaders of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy were 
released from house arrest. Nearly 200 N.L.D. members have been freed 
since the dialogue with the military began. But more than 1,500 people 
remain jailed for political reasons, including 29 N.L.D. members of the 
parliament elected in 1990 but never convened. 

 The military is being pushed toward dialogue by the feeble state of 
Myanmar's economy. International aid and foreign investment have been 
drastically curtailed since the 1988 coup. The economic pressure has 
triggered a debate within the junta, and some members now argue for 
compromise with the N.L.D. and the country's non-Burmese ethnic 
minorities. To be meaningful, such a compromise would have to include 
liberating Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest and releasing all 
imprisoned N.L.D. members. The party must be allowed to function freely, 
with new democratic elections scheduled and the junta pledging to abide 
by the results. There must also be an end to forced labor, which remains 
widespread in Myanmar. 
 Unfortunately, Japan seems unwilling to wait for such steps. It 
recently announced a resumption of development aid and is now weighing a 
grant of more than $20 million to modernize a power plant that serves 
military as well as civilian needs. The prospect of resumed foreign aid 
can be a useful incentive for further steps by the junta. That aid 
should not be granted prematurely. 




___________________________________________________



AsiaWeek Webfiles: Myanmar, Suu Kyi and the Myanmar Generals The latest 
on their talks (Part 2) 

By ROGER MITTON 

Monday, September 3, 2001

Web posted at 07:10 p.m. Hong Kong time, 07:10 a.m. GMT

In the first part of this missive, I wrote about the background to the 
talks taking place in Myanmar between pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu 
Kyi and representatives of the military who rule the country. I focused 
on the factual aspects of the talks -- when they started, who is meeting 
whom, and the flurry of outside visitors who have been checking on 
progress. As I promised at the end of that article, I'd now like to move 
on to discuss issues related to the reasons behind the talks, the 
substance of what is being discussed and what the outcome is likely to 
be. 

In this area, of course, one is entering the realm of intelligent 
speculation, because, due to the secrecy that has been surrounding the 
talks, no one on the outside is really sure what is going on inside Suu 
Kyi's Yangon home at 54 University Avenue. Everyone concerned, from 
junta leaders to members of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy 
(NLD), from associates of both those groups to diplomats and foreign 
dignitaries, all have been astonishingly tight-lipped. Despite that, 
some information has filtered out to the cognoscenti in Yangon. Let's 
look at what it is and assess it coldly and dispassionately. 

When Suu Kyi and many of her colleagues, including her fellow party 
leaders Aung Shwe and Tin Oo, were placed under house detention last 
September, the mood was grim. Her party was attacked ruthlessly and 
nastily every day in the military-controlled domestic press. Hundreds of 
NLD members had been detained. Many of the party's offices had been 
closed down, and even the Yangon headquarters was under threat. Yet soon 
after this low point, a dialogue began. No one that I have met, on 
either side of the political divide, has been able to convincingly 
explain why discussions began then. It may be, as some say, that the 
military had the NLD on the ropes and felt it could force the party to 
settle. Alternatively, the military, reeling from a variety of economic 
blows, may have felt it had no choice but to accede to talks with "the 
lady." 

We simply don't know. The best explanation I have heard is that it was a 
combination of these things, together with a robustly expressed desire 
by Myanmar's fellow ASEAN leaders that some dialogue had to get going -- 
and that this desire was embraced by Senior General Than Shwe, who would 
like to go down in history as the man who finally brought closure to his 
beleaguered nation's political stalemate. Whatever the reason, there was 
a profound and stunning about-face last September. Officials connected 
to the talks recall how leaders as high as intelligence chief Lt.-Gen. 
Khin Nyunt and army boss Gen. Maung Aye remained steadfast in their 
opposition to compromising with the NLD -- and then suddenly began to 
say that it would be a good idea to engage Suu Kyi. One Yangon-based 
official told me: "Only one person could have brought about that change 
-- Than Shwe." 

He selected Maj.-Gen. Kyaw Win to conduct the talks with Suu Kyi. It was 
a canny choice. Kyaw Win is among the brightest and most pragmatic of 
the elite officers in the Office of Strategic Studies (OSS), where he is 
Khin Nyunt's No. 2. He has also fought in the field with distinction -- 
which would endear him to Maung Aye. So he straddles the military 
factions. On top of that, he is one of Than Shwe's two most favored 
officers, so he carries clout. Interestingly, Than Shwe's other acolyte 
is Brig.-Gen. Zaw Tun, who was sacked from his deputy minister's post 
last year for speaking out too boldly for reform. In hindsight, it is 
clear now that Zaw Tun's words were an indication of the way his boss 
was thinking. It is also intriguing to note that despite being purged, 
Zaw Tun remains out and about in Yangon and is often seen on the golf 
course. Said one diplomat: "As soon as there's a settlement, watch for 
Zaw Tun to come back in." 
Well, enough on the genesis of the talks. How do Kyaw Win and Suu Kyi 
actually conduct them? 

What happens is that Col. Than Tun, another OSS officer, and the man who 
has been acting as Suu Kyi's liaison officer for the past decade, pays 
regular calls on her. Essentially, he relays the 'pre-rendezvous' 
messages between Kyaw Win and Suu Kyi that lead to their subsequent 
meetings. Than Tun will tell Suu Kyi that Kyaw Win would like to talk to 
her about this or that point; or she will tell him that she'd like to 
talk to Kyaw Win about something. If, after Than Tun has relayed the 
message, the other side agrees to meet, then they do so to discuss those 
particular points. And as each point is dealt with, they will move on. 
Naturally, before 'signing off' any point, Kyaw Win will run it by Than 
Shwe and the other top leaders; just as Suu Kyi will inform her party 
central executive committee member U Lwin, who visits her each week, and 
he will run it by the CEC to make sure they approve (they always do). 
Not unnaturally, the initial topics have been of a confidence-building 
nature. After all, the two sides have been at odds for so long that 
there is a monumental hurdle of mutual distrust to overcome. But they 
are getting there. Of course, initially, both set down tough starting 
positions. Just as old-style trade unionists, bargaining with the 
bosses, would insist at the start that they wanted $100 a week more for 
their workers, when in reality they were aiming for maybe $40; so the 
NLD and the regime laid down conditions they knew would be unacceptable 
in totality. 

So it was that Suu Kyi began by saying that there could be no return to 
the status quo ante. In other words, she would not accept being released 
from house arrest only to go back to the same restrictions she and her 
party had endured before. She laid down four conditions that had to be 
met before the talks could progress further: 

1. All political prisoners must be released.

2. Those released must be free to travel wherever they like in Myanmar. 

3. All the NLD offices must be allowed to reopen and function as normal. 


4. And the NLD must be allowed to hold meetings, at which the general 
public must be allowed to attend. 

These are, in fact, perfectly reasonable requests. But in real politik 
terms, they are unreasonable. They would not, for instance, be tolerated 
even now in places like Malaysia and Singapore, let alone China, Brunei, 
Pakistan, Iran or Vietnam. Suu Kyi knew she would not get the regime to 
immediately agree to accept all these conditions -- and they did not, 
and have not. Yet that did not cause her to cut off the talks. She 
bargained and settled for less as an interim measure, while keeping the 
talks going on other fronts. Thus, a good proportion of the political 
prisoners have been released (and they will continue to be released). 
Many of the party's offices have already been reopened, but they are 
mostly in the greater Yangon area. The NLD has not started holding 
meetings because it knows that such an action would be viewed as 
provocative.

So, while the party headquarters buzzes with activity, the almost daily 
denunciations of the regime have long ceased. And although Suu Kyi is 
adamant that she and other party leaders must be free to travel the 
country and not be restricted to Yangon, she has not cut off the 
dialogue because the generals will not agree to this right now. In fact, 
she has compromised -- and her top lieutenants, Aung Shwe and Tin Oo, 
who were released on Aug. 26, agreed not to leave Yangon for the moment. 


Suu Kyi herself remains under house arrest, but this is partly of her 
own choosing. If she is released, she will have to face party members -- 
and the media -- on a regular basis, face to face, and they will quiz 
her in detail about what is going on in the talks. So, too, will 
representatives of the ethnic minorities who are upset at not being 
included in the dialogue. It would be very hard for her, face to face 
with these people, to keep saying they will have to wait to know more. 
Far easier, then, not to have to face them for now. The regime is, in 
fact, willing to release her provided she stays in Yangon -- so that 
gives her the excuse to stay at home until they say she can go anywhere 
she likes. That suits the generals fine, they prefer her at home. So 
both sides are happy with this quirky situation -- at least, for now; 
but it cannot, of course, last for long without both sides losing face. 

That is why a provisional accord will need to be announced before the 
end of this year. It has to come soon, and it will probably come around 
the one-year anniversary of when the talks began. By then, after having 
achieved a good portion of the confidence-building measures -- 
approaching the 40% that a trade union negotiator might demand -- the 
need for a statement explaining that and pointing the way forward to a 
broader political settlement will be needed. 

What is the statement likely to include? Well, as I revealed in an 
article on May 31 in Asiaweek, any eventual accord is likely to cover 
these six points:

1. A new Council of Ministers will be appointed. It will act as a 
transitional government before new elections are held within three to 
five years. It will comprise military men and civilians. The military 
will insist on retaining the sensitive posts of home affairs, border 
affairs, telecommunications, finance and foreign affairs, plus defense 
and military affairs, of course. The civilians will not necessarily be 
NLD members, but will be nominated by the party from among the 
professions. 

2. Suu Kyi will not be a member of the new council, but may join the 
future elected bicameral government -- perhaps as its leader. Although 
the regime does not really like her, and certainly does not cherish the 
prospect of having her as head of state, they are begrudgingly coming to 
rather like her typical Burmese stubbornness and her courage. They see 
these qualities being applied against those who would break up the union 
(notably some of the more intransigent minorities) and against any 
outside aggression. She, like them, is a nationalist. They are finally 
learning to do business together. 

3. During the transition period, the two sides, plus representatives of 
the ethnic minorities, will finalize a new constitution. The input from 
the minorities will be minimal; they need to accept that this is going 
to be a deal cut by the Burman majority. The NLD is going to have to 
accept that the new constitution will be more or less the one already 
drafted out by the military-controlled constitution-drafting committee. 
And the regime is going to have to accept that it will include 
provisions for amendment within a reasonable period of time (no longer 
than 10 years, for sure). 

4. The constitution will guarantee the military up to 25% of seats in 
parliament. After being in control for the past half century, the 
generals are not going to step back completely -- and they should not, 
until the stability of the resulting transitional government is assured. 
No one wants a repeat of what we have seen in Indonesia and the Balkans. 


5. Ethnic minorities will be given very limited autonomy. And they will 
accept this, because there will be no alternative. In any case, only the 
major ethnic groups have any basis for demanding autonomy -- notably the 
Shan, and perhaps the Karen, Mon, Chin and Kayah. But even some of these 
are in a vulnerable situation. The Arakan Freedom League, for example, 
which continues to demand independence, had better wise up or it will be 
expunged, not by the generals, but by a nationalist NLD-government. 

6. Generals will be given an amnesty for any abuses committed after 
1988. This is non-negotiable and has already been agreed to in principle 
by Suu Kyi and the rest of her party leaders. No one wants a witch-hunt; 
there will be enough for the new government to get on with without 
bothering with settling scores with military men -- who, in any case, 
genuinely believed they were acting for the overall good of the nation. 

To achieve this end, two immense compromises have to be "sold" by each 
side to their supporters. For its part, the regime leaders have to agree 
to cede power to civilians. And the NLD has to agree that the 1990 
election result is history. It happened back then and the outcome can no 
longer be applied; this is now, we must face reality and move forward. 
When these two courageous steps are taken, then peace will come to 
Myanmar -- along with democracy and prosperity. It cannot come soon 
enough. 




___________________________________________________



Bangkok Post: Chavalit gets praise for his peace efforts 


September 3, 2001 



The Defence Ministry is hailing Gen Chavalit Yongchaiyudh's use of 
personal diplomacy to strengthen ties with neighbouring countries as a 
most notable achievement. 

Gen Sanan Kachorn-klam, secretary to the minister's advisory team, said 
the defence minister's diplomacy helped restore trust and order along 
the Burmese border. Tensions escalated rapidly in February when Burmese 
forces crossed into Mae Fah Luang district, Chiang Rai province. 
Thailand responded by deploying thousands of troops, reinforced with 
armoured vehicles. 

"Bringing peace and maintaining a good relationship with our neighbours, 
especially Burma, should be regarded as the defence minister's greatest 
achievement since this helped restore the trust and confidence which was 
crucial for further co-operation," Gen Sanan said. Today's visit by 
Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, first secretary of Burma's military junta, was 
evidence of the improved relationship. 

Gen Chavalit had made it part of his defence diplomacy to visit Burma 
Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and China to dispel distrust and firm links with 
military leaders. 
  










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details are often added.

Burma Today
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Published by: PD Burma (The International Network of Political Leaders 
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