Statelessness: general studies and reports

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Title: Suggested reading on statelessness - UNHCR and other UN and international documents
Description: Search results for Statelessness. A rich seam of reports, Excom conclusions, guidelines, commentaries, descriptions and case studies etc. on statelessness.
Source/publisher: UNHCR
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-24
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Title: Myanmar Authorities Must Ensure Full Legal Recognition of the Right to Citizenship of All Rohingya People, Deputy High Commissioner tells Human Rights Council - Council Concludes Interactive Dialogue with the High Commissioner on his Annual Report
Description: "The Human Rights Council this morning held a panel discussion on human rights violations against Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar, hearing the Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights say that the Myanmar authorities must ensure full legal recognition of the right to citizenship of all Rohingya people and issuance to them of appropriate civil documentation. Nada Al-Nashif, United Nations Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, said Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar had endured decades of persecution and systematic discrimination. Today, more than one million were languishing in refugee camps in Bangladesh. An estimated 600,000 remained in Myanmar, where they continued to be deprived of their basic rights. The military coup of February 2021 and violent repression in many parts of Myanmar had inflicted more suffering on minority communities, including Rohingya Muslims. Ms. Al-Nashif said that to achieve an inclusive future, the authorities in Myanmar needed to ensure a fully democratic, representative and accountable political system, repeal all discriminatory legislation, undertake dialogue aimed at national reconciliation, and implement measures that ensured the respect and protection of the human rights and dignity of each person without discrimination. A fundamental step was the full legal recognition of the right to citizenship of all Rohingya people and issuance to them of appropriate civil documentation. Yasmin Ullah, Chair of the Board at Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, said there were currently over 1.3 million Rohingya refugees worldwide lacking protection, legal status, and a way out of this plight. There needed to be recognition of Rohingya ethnic status. Citizenship alone granted Rohingya no protection. A truth commission would be a guide to how structural and institutional reform could take place to ensure no repetition of atrocities, violations of rights or discriminatory policy and practices could take place without accountability in Myanmar again. There should not be any repatriation without such a framework in place. Chris Lewa, Founder of the Arakan Project, said a permanent solution for the Rohingya to live peacefully in Myanmar would guarantee a sustainable return to their homeland. Despite numerous United Nations resolutions, no progress had been made. Following the coup in February 2021, the generals responsible for mass atrocities against the Rohingya were now de facto authorities. In this context, insistence on expediting Rohingya repatriation was disturbing, as conditions for a safe, voluntary return were not in place. Repatriation to Myanmar needed to be voluntary and should not be promoted until root causes were addressed and conditions for a safe return were in place. Kyaw Win, Executive Director of Burma Human Rights Network, said since August 2017, the Myanmar military had held a campaign of killings, mass rape and arson against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State, killing thousands and forcing over 730,000 to flee to Bangladesh. The citizenship system was another clear violation of the human rights of Muslims in Burma. The Network called on the United Nations Security Council to end its inaction and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court or establish a separate criminal tribunal to investigate and prosecute the full spectrum of atrocity crimes in Burma. Mohshin Habib, Adjunct Professor at Laurentian University and Policy and Strategy Adviser at ASA Philippines Foundation, said Rohingya people had faced recurring military crackdowns and fled Myanmar in significant numbers in 1978, 1981, 1992, 2012, 2015, 2016 and 2017. These recurring crackdowns had devastated Rohingya lives and made them the world's most persecuted minority. During the August 2017 crackdown, Tatmadaw burned 300 Rohingya villages, vandalised 36,000 businesses and snatched valuables from 26,000 families. As a result, at least 800,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar and took refuge in Bangladesh, joining those who fled earlier. The three practical measures to repatriation were security, economic and education, and social capital theses. In the ensuing discussion, many speakers deplored discrimination, marginalisation and persecution of the Rohingya community, which had caused the forced exodus of the community. Speakers expressed deep concern about the human rights situation of the Rohingya. Thousands had been raped or killed and forced to flee their homes. The appalling, widespread violations of human rights, which could equate to crimes against humanity and war crimes, needed to cease, and perpetrators needed to be held accountable. There needed to be reform of the 1982 Citizenship Law in line with international standards. Other speakers said dialogue needed to be held between the Rohingya and the militia. The principle of non-interference in domestic affairs needed to be upheld. It was counterproductive to politicise the issue of internally displaced persons and to interfere in the domestic issues of Myanmar, including through International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice actions. Speaking in the discussion on Myanmar were Norway on behalf of a group of countries, Pakistan on behalf of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, Luxembourg on behalf of a group of countries, European Union, Kuwait, Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Türkiye, Bangladesh, Gambia, Costa Rica, United Kingdom, Venezuela, Senegal, Iran, South Africa, Russian Federation, Mauritania and Egypt. Also speaking were the Islamic Human Rights Commission, Human Rights Watch, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, International Bar Association, Lidskoprávní organizace Práva a svobody obcanučů Turkmenistánu z.s., iuventum e.V., INHR, and Association Ma'onah for Human Rights and Immigration. At the beginning of the meeting, the Council concluded the interactive dialogue with the High Commissioner for Human Rights on his annual report which began yesterday. A summary can be found here. Volker Türk, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, in concluding remarks, thanked all delegations and non-governmental organizations for contributing to the debate, which had been constructive. There were two anniversaries this year, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Vienna Declaration, which were opportunities to reflect on universality and indivisibility. Mr. Türk took note with appreciation all States that had reported cooperation with components of the human rights ecosystem and his Office. To achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, there could not be exclusion or stigmatisation of minority groups, including the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community. The world needed to take a clear stance against racism, xenophobia and all other forms of discrimination. In the discussion, some speakers said the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights presented a valuable opportunity to take stock of opportunities and challenges and commit to improving and enhancing national frameworks in line with international human rights obligations. Some speakers were deeply concerned by the regression of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex rights in many countries. A number of speakers noted that climate change would continue to pose great threats to the human rights of both present and future generations. During the debate, speakers denounced human rights violations committed in many countries, regions and territories. Speaking in the interactive dialogue with the High Commissioner were Ghana, Cambodia, Burundi, Barbados, Trinidad and Tobago, Nicaragua, Ireland, New Zealand, Tunisia, Namibia, Honduras, Uganda, Hungary and Eritrea. Also speaking were Right Livelihood Award Foundation, World Federation of Ukrainian Women's Organizations, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Every Casualty Worldwide, International Commission of Jurists, East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, Palestinian Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy, and Il Cenacolo. The webcast of the Human Rights Council meetings can be found here. All meeting summaries can be found here. Documents and reports related to the Human Rights Council’s fifty-third regular session can be found here. The Council will next meet this afternoon at 3 p.m. to hear the presentation of the report of the Secretary-General on the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the oral updates of the High Commissioner and his Office on Nicaragua and on Sri Lanka, followed by an interactive dialogue with the Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Interactive Dialogue on the Annual Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights presented his global update on his annual report on Monday, 19 June, and the interactive dialogue started on Tuesday, 20 June. Discussion In the discussion, some speakers, among other things, said the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights presented a valuable opportunity to take stock of opportunities and challenges and commit to improving and enhancing national frameworks in line with international human rights obligations. This was the time to collectively re-commit to respecting, protecting and fulfilling the human rights of all. States needed to work to ensure that the vision of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was realised for all persons, everywhere, in all their diversity. Cooperation between Member States and international human rights bodies played a crucial role in technical assistance and capacity building. Cooperation was a two-way process; it was imperative that human rights bodies worked together and engaged in constructive and genuine dialogue. Some speakers said that the Council had a crucial role in addressing shortcomings in the protection and promotion of human rights, which could only be achieved by engaging in open dialogue, working together constructively while respecting each other, and avoiding overpoliticisation. One speaker said there was a need to respond in diverse cultural contexts and called for the respect for the sovereign rights of countries as there should be no foreign interference in domestic affairs. Some speakers expressed deep concern at human rights violations around the world, despite the efforts of the Council and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to address them. A number of speakers were deeply concerned by the regression of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex rights in many countries, expressing concern at legislation which restricted the rights of these people. States needed to promote and protect the rights of all people, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. All States should take steps to address sexual and gender-based violence and remove barriers to sexual and reproductive health and rights. A number of speakers noted that climate change would continue to pose great threats to the human rights of both present and future generations. The Office was commended for providing technical assistance, including by helping countries with the development of policies on climate change mobility. The High Commissioner and his team were encouraged to pursue further efforts aimed at ensuring that States incorporated a human rights-based approach to frameworks which sought to address the negative impacts of climate change. Some speakers said the Council needed to take all possible measures to protect the rights of women, girls, and persons of diverse gender identities and sexual orientations, especially those from marginalised communities, in the face of increasing pushback against agreed language on gender and sexual and reproductive rights. Such roll-back was putting hard-won gains at risk, and along with it, the protection of the lives and rights of millions of people around the world. During the discussion, many speakers denounced human rights violations committed in many countries, regions and territories, noting situations of armed conflict; overpoliticisation; restrictions on the rights of linguistic and indigenous minorities; anti-homosexuality legislation; impediment of civil and political rights; the removal of indigenous populations; the shrinking of civic space; torture; violations against women and girls; and attacks on human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists and activists. Speakers urged the Office of the High Commissioner to promote universal respect for both individual and collective rights. The High Commissioner should ensure that all current and future Office field presences consistently recorded and periodically reported publicly on all casualties of armed conflict and violence occurring within their remit. The human rights pillar remained chronically underfunded, while the need for a well-resourced and effective international human rights framework continued to increase. Concluding Remarks VOLKER TÜRK, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, thanked all delegations and non-governmental organizations for contributing to the debate, which had been constructive. There were two anniversaries this year, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Vienna Declaration, which were opportunities to reflect on universality and indivisibility. All States needed to treat human rights on an equal footing. It was the duty of States to promote and protect all human rights and fundamental freedoms. However, there were certain statements that cast doubt on that consensus. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights promoted all human rights stemming from the Charter of the United Nations. The Charter dealt with sovereignty issues. Human rights started at home. Issues needed to be examined from global, regional and national dimensions. Dialogue could not be empty formulas. There was a need for uncomfortable conversations for the sake of human rights. Cooperation and collaboration were imperative. Mr. Türk noted with appreciation all States that had reported cooperation with components of the human rights ecosystem and his Office. The High Commissioner had a duty to remove obstacles and promote the implementation of all human rights in all parts of the world. He expressed hope that all States would accept this role and cooperate with the mandate. He noted that the voluntary fund that dealt with Universal Periodic Review follow-up was in urgent need of support. Mr. Türk said his Office was in discussion with authorities of both countries to re-establish a presence in the Western Sahara territory. His Office continued to encourage the relaxation of unilateral coercive measures to support the most vulnerable segments of populations. Mr. Türk expressed his strong commitment to supporting small island States. Extra funding resources were required to provide sufficient support. Further, he said, the Office aimed to support and facilitate dialogue on the rights of indigenous communities. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights aimed to strengthen its mandate. There were key issues that it would focus on in future, including accountability, transitional justice, and rights in the digital sphere. The Office would soon hold an event to assess its own functions. In closing, Mr. Türk said that to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, there could not be exclusion or stigmatisation of minority groups, including the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community. The world needed to take a clear stance against racism, xenophobia and all other forms of discrimination. Panel Discussion on the Measures Necessary to Find Durable Solutions to the Rohingya Crisis and to End All Forms of Human Rights Violations and Abuses against Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar Opening Statement by the Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights NADA AL-NASHIF, United Nations Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, said Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar had endured decades of persecution and systematic discrimination. Today, more than one million were languishing in refugee camps in Bangladesh. An estimated 600,000 remained in Myanmar, where they continued to be deprived of their basic rights. The military coup of February 2021 and violent repression in many parts of Myanmar had inflicted more suffering on minority communities, including Rohingya Muslims. In addition, last month Cyclone Mocha – the most powerful storm to hit the region in a decade – raged through the country. The military had put in place a system of physical and administrative restrictions on the conduct of humanitarian operations. People were reportedly living in forests and improvised shelters without any access to life-saving food, medicine and services. At the end of last year, the Security Council adopted its first resolution on Myanmar, in which it underscored the need to create conditions necessary for the voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally displaced persons. Sadly, those conditions did not currently exist on the ground. To achieve an inclusive future, the authorities in Myanmar needed to ensure a fully democratic, representative and accountable political system, repeal all discriminatory legislation, undertake dialogue aimed at national reconciliation, and implement measures that ensured the respect and protection of the human rights and dignity of each person without discrimination. A fundamental step was the full legal recognition of the right to citizenship of all Rohingya people and issuance to them of appropriate civil documentation. Many Rohingya continued to flee to safer countries, often taking immense risks, including dangerous sea crossings. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, more than 3,500 Rohingya attempted deadly sea crossings in 2022, a 360 per cent increase compared to 2021. At least 348 Rohingya died while making these sea crossings in 2022. Ms. Al-Nashif expressed solidarity with and support to Bangladesh for providing refuge to more than one million Rohingya refugees, and commended countries in the region, such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, for providing protection and humanitarian assistance to Rohingya who arrived by boat. Since March this year, due to shortfalls in funding, the World Food Programme had had to sharply reduce food rations in the camps twice, which had further compounded the refugees’ hardship. In the face of the impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar military for past and present violations and abuses against the Rohingya, Ms. Al-Nashif expressed full support for the ongoing accountability efforts at the international level. The complaint brought by the Gambia against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice was but one step in this direction. She expressed hope that the Human Rights Council would redouble its support in the direction of accountability initiatives. Statements by the Panellists YASMIN ULLAH, Chair of the Board at Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, said she was a member of the Rohingya community who had to flee from violence and systemic oppression in Myanmar as a young child along with her family in 1995. Rohingyas had been driven out for decades under oppressive arbitrary policy and practices by Burmese authorities. There were currently over 1.3 million Rohingya refugees worldwide lacking protection, legal status, and a way out of this plight. Only a domestic change in Myanmar would lead to long term peace and success. However, the international community’s support in breaking through the barriers of silence on the atrocities committed against the Rohingya and ensuring that the community were never forgotten was vital. Ms. Ullah said she was working on solutions that would enable people from her community to have food to eat, education, medical treatment and tangible protections. There needed to be recognition of Rohingya ethnic status. Citizenship alone granted Rohingya no protection. Rohingya had been systematically erased and excluded from social, economic, and political participation as a collective ethnic group. Rohingya were being traded from refugee camps to concentration camps in their homeland. Rohingya needed to be acknowledged as an indigenous ethnic nationality of Myanmar throughout history and now. Myanmar needed a Truth and Reconciliation Commission as part of the transitional justice process. Since democratic transition in Myanmar occurred under circumstances of compromise and impunity, what had happened to Rohingya had recurred all over the country. Myanmar needed to be reformed at every level in all institutions. The 2017 genocidal campaign and the 2021 attempted coup were glaring evidence of what happened when there was no transitional justice plan during a transition period. Denial of truths and refusal to create institutional reforms had led Myanmar into further violations of fundamental rights. A truth commission would be a guide to how structural and institutional reform could take place to ensure that no repetition of atrocities, violations of rights or discriminatory policy and practices could take place without accountability in Myanmar again. There should not be any repatriation without such a framework in place. CHRIS LEWA, Founder of the Arakan Project, said a permanent solution for the Rohingya to live peacefully in Myanmar would guarantee a sustainable return to their homeland. Despite numerous United Nations resolutions, no progress had been made. Following the coup in February 2021, the generals responsible for mass atrocities against the Rohingya were now de facto authorities. In this context, insistence on expediting Rohingya repatriation was disturbing, as conditions for a safe, voluntary return were not in place. Citizenship and other root causes had not been addressed, and since the coup, the junta had arrested and sentenced more than 3,500 Rohingya for unauthorised travel. Durable solutions for internally displaced persons in Myanmar needed be a precondition before any repatriation started from Bangladesh. The bilateral pilot repatriation plan for about 1,100 Rohingya involved resettlement to 15 relocation sites, however, some families cleared for return were left without option to go back to their village of origin. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees had said that conditions were not conducive for a return in safety and dignity. There had been some positive developments in Myanmar. In 2021, the National Unity Government recognised the Rohingya’s entitlement to Myanmar’s citizenship, and appointed a Rohingya adviser, which was a breakthrough. The Arakan Army altered their rhetoric and formed Rohingya Village Committees, with mixed results. In August, Bangladesh granted permission for skills development activities. However, it was worrying that funding shortfalls had forced the World Food Programme to reduce monthly food rations in June. Even before these food cuts, 12 per cent of children were severely malnourished. It was recommended that the international community prioritise the Rohingya amid global challenges, and support international accountability. Repatriation to Myanmar needed to be voluntary and should not be promoted until root causes were addressed and conditions for a safe return were in place. Returnees should not be confined to ‘relocation’ sites. Efforts should also focus on improving conditions for Rohingya refugees in host countries. Alternative durable solutions such as resettlement to third countries and complementary pathways should be vigorously pursued. KYAW WIN, Executive Director of Burma Human Rights Network , said the Network had been documenting human rights violations in Burma. Since August 2017, the Myanmar military had held a campaign of killings, mass rape and arson against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine state, killing thousands and forcing over 730,000 to flee to Bangladesh. The situation had been neglected internationally and was getting worse and worse every day. The junta’s restrictions of movement of the Rohingya were clear violations of International Court of Justice provisional measures aimed at preventing genocidal acts against the Rohingya. The citizenship system was another clear violation of the human rights of Muslims in Burma. It limited Muslims’ ability to obtain citizenship and access basic State services. Hate speech was currently a dangerous phenomenon in Burma. The Network had documented over 600 incidents of hate speech against Muslims over the past year. Mosques and other religious sites had been destroyed. The 1982 citizenship law made every Muslim in Burma a foreigner. This law breached human rights more than any other law in the State. The international community had failed to acknowledge the illegality of this law. As long as the military enjoyed complete impunity for their actions, unyielding oppression of the Rohingya and other minorities would continue unabated. The time to close this impunity gap was now. The Network called on the United Nations Security Council to end its inaction and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court or establish a separate criminal tribunal to investigate and prosecute the full spectrum of atrocity crimes in Burma. States needed to impose targeted economic sanctions against the Myanmar military, and pursue international legal action against the junta. States and international companies needed to stop the supply and transfer of arms to the Myanmar military. Finally, Myanmar’s neighbouring States, including India, Thailand, Indonesia and Bangladesh, needed to devise a comprehensive regional response to the refugee crisis; provide protection, support, and humanitarian and legal aid to all refugees fleeing Myanmar; and authorise emergency cross-border aid to internally displaced people in Myanmar. MOHSHIN HABIB, Adjunct Professor at Laurentian University and Policy and Strategy Adviser at ASA Philippines Foundation, said Rohingya people had faced recurring military crackdowns and fled Myanmar in significant numbers in 1978, 1981, 1992, 2012, 2015, 2016 and 2017. These recurring crackdowns had devastated Rohingya lives and made them the world's most persecuted minority. During the August 2017 crackdown, Tatmadaw burned 300 Rohingya villages, vandalised 36,000 businesses and snatched valuables from 26,000 families. Research estimated that 25,000 people were murdered, 18,000 raped, 43,000 received gunshot wounds, and 116,000 were beaten, all inflicted by security forces under the control of the Myanmar authorities. As a result, at least 800,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar and took refuge in Bangladesh, joining those who fled earlier. The International State Crime Initiatives claimed that a leaked document adopted by the Myanmar regime in 1988 revealed the State Peace and Development Council adopted an 11-point “Rohingya extermination plan”, of which the first eight elements had been effectively instituted. The recent coup had made it impossible for a successful repatriation attempt. Meanwhile, the Bangladesh campsites had become the most densely populated area globally, causing environmental degradation and posing significant economic, health and reputational consequences for Bangladesh. There was also evidence of human and drug trafficking syndicates operating on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, posing significant security risks and a broader regional geopolitical crisis risk. Although mindful of the United Nations Special Rapporteur’s 8 June 2023 recommendation to “immediately suspend” pilot repatriation of Rohingyas due to “serious risk” for their life and freedom, the durable solution still appeared to be eventually repatriating Rohingyas to Myanmar. The three practical measures to repatriation were security, economic and education, and social capital theses. Financial reparation would provide a primary financial means for Rohingyas required to repatriate, resettle and rehabilitate to restore their original state of economic life in Myanmar; 9.5 billion United States dollars were assessed as fair compensation as of June 2023. Discussion In the ensuing discussion, many speakers, among other things, deplored discrimination, marginalisation and persecution of the Rohingya community, which had caused the forced exodus of the community. Speakers expressed deep concern about the human rights situation of the Rohingya. Thousands had been raped or killed and forced to flee their homes. The appalling, widespread violations of human rights, which could equate to crimes against humanity and war crimes, needed to cease, and perpetrators needed to be held accountable. The rule of law needed to be upheld. Discriminatory ideologies, denial of citizenship and restrictions on movement were part of the root causes of the crisis. Diplomatic pressure needed to be asserted on the militia to cease the violence and persecution that they were committing in Myanmar. Genocide needed to never occur again. There needed to be reform of the 1982 citizenship law in line with international standards. Some speakers called for the implementation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Five Point Consensus solution to the crisis. Member States and civil society needed to unite in their response to the dire situation of the Rohingya. Some speakers said that the junta was violating international decisions regarding Myanmar every day with impunity. Accountability and transitional justice measures needed to be introduced to prevent impunity and ensure accountability for abuses. The military regime had cracked down on the civil space in Myanmar, persecuting journalists and human rights defenders critical of the regime. The rights of journalists and human rights defenders needed to be protected. There were increasing numbers of refugees and asylum seekers fleeing Myanmar. Some speakers said that many Rohingya refugees were turned back by neighbouring countries, including Bangladesh. Those speakers called on all States to respect the principles of non-refoulement. Some speakers said there needed to be an immediate return of Rohingya from neighbouring countries under conditions ensuring the rights of returning Rohingya. Other speakers said that returns needed to be carried out on a safe, voluntary basis. Cuts to food rations for refugees provided by the World Food Programme were alarming. Such cuts had had a devasting effect. Speakers encouraged the international community to provide increased humanitarian support to reduce the burden on Bangladesh and to support it to provide shelter for the Rohingya. Some speakers expressed serious concern that the junta continued to block humanitarian access to Rohingya communities. Speakers called on the Myanmar militia to ensure full, unimpeded humanitarian access to Rohingya refugee camps. Movement restrictions also hindered the Rohingya’s ability to obtain such basic needs. Concrete steps were needed to aid Rohingya to obtain basic food, services and employment. Some speakers recalled that Cyclone Mocha had devastated the Rohingya refugee population, and called for increased support in response to the disaster. A number of speakers said the pilot repatriation project agreed between Bangladesh and Myanmar would help to address the crisis and ensure the voluntary return of the Rohingya to Myanmar. Other speakers said that the project would only deepen the crisis by allowing the military to commit further violations of the rights of the repatriated Rohingya. Some speakers said dialogue needed to be held between the Rohingya and the militia. Imposing outside solutions would not solve the crisis. Dialogue needed to be carried out based on existing bilateral agreements. The principle of non-interference in domestic affairs needed to be upheld. It was counterproductive to politicise the issue of internally displaced persons and to interfere in the domestic issues of Myanmar, including through International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice actions. Questions were asked on actions needed to ensure that this moment did not become a missed opportunity; on measures to improve the situation of Rohingya in Myanmar and in Bangladesh, especially in camps for refugees and internally displaced persons; on steps that developed countries could take to provide additional support to the Rohingya; on steps to support the safe repatriation of the Rohingya and other Muslims; on measures to ensure accountability for human rights violations and address their root causes, and to put an end to impunity; and on how the international community could ensure the participation and amplify the voices of the Rohingya in developing measures to address the crisis. Concluding Remarks NADA AL-NASHIF, Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, said there needed to be a focus on immediate support to Rohingya still in Myanmar, and any transition from the camps in Rakhine needed to be done in coordination with the camps themselves. They also needed to ensure that more humanitarian funds were invested in Bangladesh. There was a need to change the citizenship law and create durable conditions for the return of Rohingya, as well as increase resettlement pathways for the most vulnerable groups. Accountability options needed to be pursued. YASMIN ULLAH, Chair of the Board at Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, said it was important to ensure that displaced Rohingya be cared for in a dignified fashion, understanding they were also humans. It was important that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Five Point Consensus was expanded. Multiple conversations had been held with Indonesian institutions, and there was a commitment to ensure the Five Point Consensus expanded to include cross-border aid, and improve upon the existing women, peace and security framework. There were multiple ways to ensure Rohingya were centred in all these discussions. The Council needed to centre Rohingya in all conversations on Myanmar, and they should not be excluded. There could not just be lip service, there needed to be concrete plans and actions. The dictatorship and living under the junta regime for decades was a political and ideological issue. Transitional justice needed to be at the centre of all future plannings. Civil society groups were the foundation of Myanmar society. There should not be repatriation of Rohingya to go right back to the hands of the perpetrators. CHRIS LEWA, Founder of the Arakan Project, said building trust was necessary. The Rohingya advisor had no official position within the Cabinet of Myanmar; this was something which could be changed. There was significant follow-up which could be done to push the National Unity Government to take action on their words, including dialogue on how to amend the citizenship law. The Arakan army had a nationalist agenda and they needed to be open to undertaking reforms. There had been progress; the army had provided assistance to villages in the wake of Cyclone Mocha. It was still concerning to hear governments in the room discussing the repatriation project, as this should not happen. If Rohingya wanted to return, with informed consent, they should be able to do so. It was important that Rohingya were involved in meaningful dialogue, and that they were heard. There needed to be a focus on providing better conditions for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, Malaysia, and other countries. KYAW WIN, Executive Director of Burma Human Rights Network, said that since 1962, the military had been leading anti-Muslim policies that had led to the atrocities of today. After the 2021 revolution, people started to realise how the military had implemented those ideologies. In southern Burma, 70 per cent of the Muslim community did not have citizenship. This population could influx to neighbouring countries again, and there could be more mass atrocities. The international community needed to impose an immediate arms embargo against the military. The military was killing civilians in clear breach of international law. Impunity needed to end. Millions of refugees were struggling to survive. To end impunity, cases in the **International Court of Justice **and the International Criminal Court were important, and there were several other measures that could be taken in international fora. Members of the Rohingya community needed support to stand on their own two feet. Repatriations should not occur while conditions were unsafe for the Rohingya. The Rohingya had great potential but needed help. There were several villages in central Burma that had been burned to the ground. The people of Burma could not stop the military regime without the help of the international community. MOHSHIN HABIB, Adjunct Professor at Laurentian University and Policy and Strategy Adviser at ASA Philippines Foundation, said despite increasing polarisation in world politics, the international community continued to impose trade sanctions and embargos on Myanmar. However, these were not universal, and there were members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that were not imposing such sanctions. These States needed to do more to put pressure on the military regime and support the Rohingya. International Court of Justice actions and other external measures could also add more pressure on the militia and lead to positive outcomes. Domestically, the Myanmar military regime needed to improve its human rights record by acknowledging past abuses and genocide against the Rohingya. They needed to recognise the Rohingya as an ethnic minority. Domestic and international recognition of the Rohingya and their rights, including their right to citizenship, was needed..."
Source/publisher: UN Human Rights Council (Geneva)
Date of publication: 2023-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-21
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Title: UNHCR, DOJ, Columban College sign historic agreement on programme for Rohingya youth
Description: "UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, and the Department of Justice (DOJ) of the Philippines have signed an agreement with Columban College, Inc. (CCI) to allow young Rohingya to enroll at the educational institution as part of a landmark national programme to provide a durable solution for Rohingya refugees in the region. The agreement is a major step towards implementing the Complementary Pathways (CPath) programme of the Philippines. Set to be launched within the year, the programme will provide select Rohingya refugees displaced in Southeast Asia with a safe and regulated avenue of admission and stay in the Philippines through education, so that their protection needs and basic rights can be met. Through the programme, the Philippines intends to strengthen the skills and self-reliance capacities of beneficiaries and lead them closer to a durable solution to their displacement – just as with any other refugee hosted in the country. This Complementary Pathways programme is the first in the world to be created specifically for Rohingya refugees, and the first CPath programme pursued by the Philippines. The agreement was facilitated by the Refugees and Stateless Persons Protection Unit (RSPPU) of the DOJ. Commending the signing of the agreement, Emily Bojovic, Senior Protection Officer at UNHCR’s Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific, said: “As displacement numbers continue to rise globally, we are increasingly seeing the harms brought about by the lack of durable solutions for refugees. Complementary pathways such as this are absolutely vital to help refugees to regain their hopes for the future, to empower and enable them to contribute to the communities around them, and to support them by providing a lasting solution to their displacement.” As the first educational institution to sign an agreement on the CPath programme with UNHCR and the DOJ, CCI acknowledged the significant role played by education in developing humanity. CCI President Rev. Fr. Raymann Catindig said: “We perceive education, not only as a powerful tool by which economically and socially marginalized individuals can lift themselves out of poverty, but as an act of hope, one that calls for cooperation in turning a barren and a paralyzing indifference into another way of thinking that recognizes our interdependence.” The CPath programme is another milestone in the Philippines’ long tradition of extending humanitarian assistance to refugees. DOJ Chief State Counsel George Ortha II said that although the Philippines has limited resources, especially amid the pandemic, the country has always strived to uphold its humanitarian commitments. “Despite limitations and challenges, we extend our best efforts based on what we have in order to provide assistance to our most vulnerable brothers and sisters,” he said. “We are going to change lives.” UNHCR hopes the pilot CPath programme of the Philippines will inspire other countries and institutions to implement similar initiatives for the Rohingya and other refugees, in line with States’ international commitments, including the Global Compact on Refugees and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development..."
Source/publisher: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
Date of publication: 2022-04-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-02
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Title: Abandoned and Apartheid (A case study of Myanmar’s Rohingya Migrants)
Topic: rakan; Boat people; Rohingya; Myanmar; Persecuted Community, Refugee; Rakhine; Stateless People; UNHCR
Topic: rakan; Boat people; Rohingya; Myanmar; Persecuted Community, Refugee; Rakhine; Stateless People; UNHCR
Description: "State sponsored persecution and subsequent migration of Rohingya has emerged as a serious challenge to existing International system as the international community despite recognizing the fact that Rohingya are subjected to systemic persecution and genocide could only silently witness the burning villages and capsizing boats of Rohingya refugees effectively failing to respond to the crisis. Forced migration of Rohingya has therefore posed serious questions to the effectiveness of incumbent International security regime centered around UNSC; and international human rights regime particularly Genocide convention and International Refugee Convention of 1951. This essay presents to its readers a chronological record of the longstanding crisis surrounding Rohingya and response of the regional as well as international players at different stages of the conflict. Thus, An attempt has been made to understand the anatomy of Rohingya migration crisis with an aim to explore doable options to resolve this protracted humanitarian issue.."
Source/publisher: Iqra University via Academia.edu (USA)
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar's Rohingya Muslims - Whose Responsibility to Protect?
Description: "Myanmar is on a long and tedious road to democratic transition. As the country prepares for General Elections in 2015, the struggle to maintain hegemony and legitimacy is becoming even more intense for Thein Sein‘s Union Solidarity and Development party, given the public support enjoyed by the newly revived opposition party National League for Democracy led by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. This transition and struggle to maintain status quo is coming at a high price for Myanmar, particularly for those belonging to the ethnic minority groups. This paper is particularly concerned with the situation of one such minority group — the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. The Rohingya Muslims live in the Rakhine state bordering the Bay of Bengal in the west. Despite an estimated 1-2 million Rohingya Muslims living in the region, they are not recognized as ethnic minority group by the Myanmar government but are believed to be Bangladeshi migrants who have settled in the state illegally. This perspective has given birth to all the discriminatory policies and actions against them since beginning of the last century. In June 2012, sectarian violence broke out between the majority Arakanese Buddhists and the Rohingya Muslims, triggered by the rape of a 28-year old Buddhist woman by three Muslim men. The violence in October was on a larger scale and much more lethal. The ensuing violence since June has reportedly claimed hundreds of lives and caused thousands of Rohingyas to flee their homes. As of July 2013, an estimated 140,000 Rohingya Muslims have been displaced from their homes. An unaccounted number of people are dying almost daily in the open sea as they attempt to flee to neighboring countries on rickety boats, and many more are dying due to systematic blockade of aid, food, water or medicine supply in the Rohingya IDP camps. Several factors clearly indicate that the ongoing violence is much more than sectarian clash..."
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Source/publisher: European Peace University via Academia.edu (USA)
Date of publication: 2013-10-16
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-09
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Title: Paradox Of Rohingya Crisis: A Legacy Of History
Topic: Rohingya, refugee, history, human rights,Bangladesh, Myanmar
Topic: Rohingya, refugee, history, human rights,Bangladesh, Myanmar
Description: "Rohingyas are the inhabitants of historical Arakan (RakhineState) of Myanmar. Arakan shares nearly 171 mile-longcommon border with Bangladesh. Its toatal area is 14,914 sq mileswhich contains approximately 3 million population according to the census of 2014. Out of this, there are around one million Rohingyas in Arakan (Farzana, 2017, p. 2). It is a piece of land along the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal from the Naaf river on the border of Chittagong to cape Negaris. Topographically, it is separated from the mainland of Myanmar by Yoma range in one side and widely connected to the Bay of Bengal in the other side. That is why it is known as the ‗Gate Way to the Far East‘ (Yunus, 1994, p. 7). Because of its geographical location, it started to atract the seafarers from the very ancient period. It was one of the maritime activities centre in the South Asia. With this Arakan grew up with economic development and multi cultural environment. However, because of the geographical condition, Arakan remained as an independent entity from the very ancient period. According to archaeological evidences, the earliest human settlement in Myanmar dates back to 11,000 BC (Maw, 1995, pp. 213-220). In case of Arakan, antique relics have been found from Indo-Aryan groups who arrived from the Ganges Valley to Arakan as early as 3000 BC. And these people were basically from the ancient India. Hence, the culture of Arakan was influenced by India instead of mainland of Myanmar at least up to the 10th century because of its easy access to the Gangetic land and the Bay of Bengal instead of mountainous boundary on the other side..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Borno Prokash Ltd. via Academia.edu (USA)
Date of publication: 2019-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-09
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Title: The Rohingya conflict: Genesis, current situation and geopolitical aspects
Description: "The word “Rohingya” was used for the first time as "Rooinga" (= inhabitant of Arakan, today's province Rakhine) in 1799 in the "Journal Asiatic Researches" for a longestablished population in Rakhine (Ibrahim 2016, Gill 2015). Later they were called "Muslim Arakanese". Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diversified societies of the world. 135 "ethnic nationalities" with numerous subgroups are officially recognized in the Burma Citizenship Law from 1982, but the ethnic Rohingya were not included (Farzana 2017, 2018). In the first constitution of Myanmar in 1947, all people living at that time in “Frontier Areas” and who intended to stay permanently were considered citizens and accepted as “The People of Burma” (Farzana 2018). However, when General Ne Win came to power in 1962, the Rohingya were deemed as not compatible with other ethnic groups in Burma. Other Muslims, who do not belong to the Rohingya, have Myanmar nationality (Ibrahim 2016). The Muslims in Rakhine have not always identified themselves as an independent group. But a uniform concept with an identifying name had political advantages, since recognition as an ethnic group would increase the chances to gain the right to citizenship. The common experience generated by decades of discrimination contributed further to the identity formation of the Rohingya. The term "Rohingya" as an ethnic group spread only after the major refugee movements with the human rights debate through international organizations (Farzana 2017; Bochmann 2017)...ဓ
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Academia.edu (USA)
Date of publication: 2018-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.26 MB (7 pages)
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Title: The Southeast Asian " Boat People Crisis " of 2015: Human (In)Security, Precarity, and the Need for an Ethic of Cohabitation
Description: "This paper problematizes the situation of vulnerable migrants, in particular, that ofrefugees and asylum seekers in Southeast Asia as against policy pronouncements towards a people-centered ASEAN. As a case in point, the paper highlights the so-called Boat People Crisis of 2015 and argues that the events that lead to and resulted from it reveal a situation ofhyper-precarity, as well as a crisis of and for human security. Additionally, the paper offersJudith Butler’s notion of an ethic of cohabitation as a means of substantiating claims for a people-centered community. From Visions of a ‘People-Centered’ Community to PrecarityMany trace the emergence of visions for a ‘people-centered’ ASEAN community to the development of human security or otherwise less state-centric approaches to security in the region. As early as the 1960s, Indonesia’s concept of ketahanan nasional or national resilience, Malaysia under Mahathir, and Singapore’s notion of Total Defence, all embrace a concept of security that goes beyond the military dimension to incorporate political, economicand socio-cultural dimensions (Caballero-Anthony, 2004: 160). Nishikawa argues that suchformulations were still essentially state-centric because protecting territory and resourcesfrom internal and external threats continue to be the main concerns for Southeast Asiancountries as a result of its postcolonial experiences. Nonetheless, since the 2004 VientianneAction Programme (VAP), which outlines ASEAN’s program of actions towards the creationof an ASEAN Security Community (ASC), Nishikawa agrees that there has been a move awayfrom a traditional military definition of security towards a more a more people- centeredapproach (Nishikawa, 2009: 217)..."
Source/publisher: Southeast Asia Research Centre via Academia.edu (USA)
Date of publication: 2016-06-17
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-09
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Title: Stateless and hopeless
Sub-title: The Rohingya are a people under attack in their place of birth. India wants to deport them, a marked departure in its response towards asylum seekers.
Description: "Myanmar’s historically intriguing Rohingya question is one of the most misunderstood and ill-informed international crises of our time. So much ignorance is attached to the subject that the world is blind even to the precise headcount of Rohingyas. From the first ever census in 1872 to the latest in 2014 there is no record of the Rohingya numbers. W. W. Hunter, the census commissioner of 1872 noted that a total of 64,315 Muhammadans—not Rohingya—were living in Arakan (now Rakhine state). In 1931, the last combined census of British-held India and Burma, J. J. Bennison, superintendent of census operations for Burma, reported that the total Muslim population was 584,839. No census ever used the word Rohingya. Therefore, the numbers, from one million to three million Rohingya Muslims, as claimed by various agencies and media houses are imaginary or based on hearsay. Even the origin of the pervasive but unverified phrase “ethnic Rohingyas are among the most persecuted minority groups in the world” ascribed to the United Nations, is shrouded in mystery. There is no record available that has ever linked the statement to any of the UN organs, therefore making it a propagandist’s tool to influence world opinion. Enmity between followers of Theravada Buddhism and the Rohingya Muslims stems from the latter’s alleged treachery, betrayal and secessionist behaviour in Burma’s freedom struggle..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Academia.edu" (USA)
Date of publication: 2017-12-06
Date of entry/update: 2019-12-08
Copyright holder: html
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Rohingya: The History of a Muslim Identity in Myanmar
Topic: Arakan, Rakhine state, ethnonationalism, Rohingya, Burma, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Pakistan, state oppression, refugees
Topic: Arakan, Rakhine state, ethnonationalism, Rohingya, Burma, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Pakistan, state oppression, refugees
Description: "The name Rohingya denotes an ethnoreligious identity of Muslims in North Rakhine State, Myanmar (formerly Burma). The term became part of public discourse in the late 1950s and spread widely following reports on human rights violations against Muslims in North Rakhine State during the 1990s, and again after 2012. Claims for regional Muslim autonomy emerged during World War II and led to the rise of a Rohingya ethnonationalist movement that drew on the local Muslim imaginaire, as well as regional history and archaeology. To explore the historical roots of distinctive identity claims and highlight Buddhist-Muslim tensions, one must reach back to the role of Muslims in the precolonial Buddhist kingdom of Arakan and their demographic growth during the colonial period. Civic exclusion and state harassment under Burma’s authoritarian regimes (1962–2011) put a premature end to political hopes of ethnic recognition, and yet hastened a process of shared identity formation, both in the country and among the diaspora. Since the 1970s, refugees and migrants turned to Bangladesh, the Middle East, and Southeast Asian countries, forming a transnational body of Rohingya communities that reinvented their lives in various political and cultural contexts. A succession of Rohingya nationalist organizations—some of whom were armed—had negligible impact but kept the political struggle alive along the border with Bangladesh. Although Rohingya nationalists failed to gain recognition among ethnic and religious groups in Burma, they have attracted increasing international acknowledgment. For postdictatorial Myanmar (after 2011), the unresolved Rohingya issue became a huge international liability in 2017, when hundreds of thousands fled to Bangladesh following military operations widely interpreted as ethnic cleansing. In December 2017, the United Nations’ high commissioner for human rights acknowledged that elements of genocide may be occurring..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Academia.edu" (USA) via Oxford Research Encyclopedia (UK)
Date of publication: 2018-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Myanmar’s Hindu Refugees in Bangladesh Want to Go Home, But None Have so Far
Description: "Hindu Rohingya refugees who fled a 2017 military crackdown in Myanmar have appealed to State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi to let them leave refugee camps in Bangladesh and return to Rakhine state, according to a mobile phone video obtained by Radio Free Asia (RFA), a BenarNews sister service. Several hundred Hindus along with more than 740,000 Muslim Rohingyas fled to safety in southeastern Bangladesh after deadly attacks on border police outposts by Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) insurgents provoked a brutal military crackdown in Rakhine two years ago. Though the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh have agreed to repatriate refugees now living in sprawling displacement camps, none have returned under two previous attempts, failing to show up at the border for re-entry processing. The stateless Rohingya, who face systematic discrimination in Myanmar because they are viewed as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, have refused to return unless they are granted full citizenship, recognition as a national ethnic group, and basic rights, as well as guaranteed a safe environment. The Rohingya say they had Myanmar citizenship, but it was stripped away in 1982..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: " BenarNews"
Date of publication: 2019-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-13
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Title: Myanmar: End Campaign to Deny Rohingya Citizenship and Erase Identity - “လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု၏ လက်နက်ကိရိယာများ" နိုင်ငံသားစိစစ်မှုသက်သေခံကဒ်ပြားများနှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ ရိုဟင်ဂျာမွတ်ဆလင်များ၏ နိုင်ငံသားဖြစ်ခွင့်ကို ငြင်းပယ်ခြင်း
Sub-title: Fortify Rights’ latest 102-page report exposes new details on root of Rohingya crisis
Description: "The Government of Myanmar should end discriminatory measures that deny Rohingya equal access to citizenship, said Fortify Rights in a new report today. The report exposes a systematic campaign to erase the identity of Rohingya Muslims. “The Myanmar government is trying to destroy the Rohingya people through an administrative process that effectively strips them of basic rights,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer at Fortify Rights. “This process and its impacts lie at the root of the Rohingya crisis, and until it’s addressed, the crisis will continue.” The 102-page report, “Tools of Genocide”: National Verification Cards and the Denial of Citizenship of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, reveals how Myanmar authorities forced and coerced Rohingya to accept National Verification Cards (NVCs), which effectively identify Rohingya as “foreigners” and strip them of access to full citizenship rights. Myanmar authorities tortured Rohingya to accept NVCs and restricted the movement and livelihoods of Rohingya who refused NVCs. Due to a highly restrictive environment created by the government, international humanitarian agencies also effectively furthered the government’s NVC policies and erasure of Rohingya identity, according to the report. The violations documented in the report associated with the government’s NVC process and the denial of citizenship are within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court to consider in its investigation into atrocity crimes against Rohingya in Myanmar, Fortify Rights said.....“လူသားတို့၏ ကိုယ်ပိုင်သရုပ်လက္ခဏာဖြစ်တည်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး နိုင်ငံရေးလွှမ်းမိုးမှုများကို ဆထက်တိုးပြုလုပ်ခြင်း၊” အကာအကွယ်ပေးခံရသော အုပ်စုများအား ပစ်မှတ်ထား ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံသည့် “အစီအမံများ သို့မဟုတ် ဥပဒေများ” ချမှတ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်း အစရှိသည့်လုပ်ရပ်များသည် “ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများဖြစ်ပွားစေရန် အားပေးအားမြှောက်ပြုသည့် အနေအထားတစ်ခုကို ဖန်တီးသည့်” လုပ်ရပ်များဖြစ်ကြပြီး၊ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော လုပ်ရပ်အချို့နှင့်ပတ်သက်ပြီး လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှု ဟန့်တားရေးဆိုင်ရာ ကုလသမဂ္ဂရုံးမှ သတိပေးချက်ထုတ်ပြန်ထားပါသည်။ လူအုပ်စုတစ်စု၏အဖွဲ့ဝင်များအား သတ်ဖြတ်မှုကဲ့သို့သော သီးခြားတားမြစ်ထားသည့် လုပ်ရပ်များအပြင် လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုများအား ကျူးလွန်သော နိုင်ငံများသည် ၎င်းတို့ပစ်မှတ်ထားသည့် အုပ်စုတစ်စုအား တိုက်ခိုက်ဖျက်ဆီးရန်အတွက် အထောက်အပံ့ဖြစ်စေသော ဥပဒေနှင့်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုဆိုင်ရာ နည်းလမ်းများအား “အလုံးစုံ သို့မဟုတ် တစ်စိတ်တစ်ပိုင်းအနေဖြင့်” မကြာခဏ အသုံးပြုကြပါသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင်အစိုးရအဆက်ဆက်သည် ရိုဟင်ဂျာမွတ်ဆလင်များ၏ ဖြစ်တည်မှုနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများအား ဖျောက်ဖျက်ရန်အတွက် အစီအမံများနှင့် ဥပဒေများကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုအတွက် လုပ်ဆောင်နိုင်သော အနေအထားတစ်ခုကို ဖန်တီးလျှက်ရှိပါသည်။ ဤအစီအရင်ခံစာမှ မြန်မာအစိုးရသည် ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအား နိုင်ငံသားဖြစ်ခွင့်ကိုငြင်းပယ်ရန်အတွက် ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံသည့် အုပ်ချုပ်မှုဆိုင်ရာအစီအမံများပြုလုပ်နေကြောင်းကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်ထားသည်။ အစိုးရက ရိုဟင်ဂျာများအား “နိုင်ငံခြားသားများ”ဟု ခွဲခြားထားသည့် နိုင်ငံသားစိစစ်ရေးကဒ်များကို ရိုဟင်ဂျာများက လက်ခံလာစေရန် အင်အားသုံးခြင်း၊ အတင်းအကျပ်ခိုင်းစေခြင်းတို့ကို ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့ပြီး၊ မြန်မာအာဏာပိုင်များမှ..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
Date of publication: 2019-09-03
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 9.37 MB 8.85 MB
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Title: Now or Never ? Is Time Running Out For Rohingya to get Citizenship?
Description: "The denial of citizenship to the Rohingya people is one of the foundation stones which underpins prejudice and violence against the Rohingya. Their right of citizenship is one of the top demands of Rohingya, including a key condition for refugees before returning to Burma. A new briefing ?Rohingya Citizenship. Now or Never?? published today by Burma Campaign UK warns that political developments such as Burma?s 2020 election may mean that there is only a window of 12-18 months where there is a realistic chance of a change in the 1982 Citizenship Law and all Rohingya receiving citizenship. After this time, the election cycle and political changes in the country may mean there will never again be the opportunity that exists right now..."
Source/publisher: Burma Campaign UK
Date of publication: 2018-07-23
Date of entry/update: 2018-08-22
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Title: Rohingya Identity Is More Than Words on a Card - Myanmar Needs to Recognize Rights of Refugees in Bangladesh
Description: "While changing a few words on a refugee?s ID card may seem inconsequential, for the 700,000 Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh who fled ethnic cleansing in Myanmar a year ago, it is essential. In negotiating with Myanmar for the repatriation of the Rohingya, Bangladesh recently agreed to change the wording on their ID cards from ?Myanmar nationals” to ?displaced persons from Rakhine State.” This change signals that Myanmar doesn?t intend to honor the citizenship rights of the Rohingya, nor acknowledge the causes of their displacement ? security force operations that included murder, widespread rape, mass arson, and pillage. It also suggests Bangladesh?s willingness to dismiss the Rohingya?s rights as refugees as repatriation plans move forward. Although the vast majority of the Rohingya are officially stateless, many have long and deep roots in Myanmar. Despite living in miserable, dangerous conditions in grossly overcrowded camps in Bangladesh, the refugees I visited there were unwilling to criticize their hosts because, as they frequently said to me, ?Bangladesh is not my country.” I heard this phrase so often that I made it the title of our report on their plight. Their country, they said, was Myanmar, and to their homes and homeland they wanted to return, they said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
Date of publication: 2018-08-15
Date of entry/update: 2018-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Title: Why are so many people stateless? (video)
Description: "The UN says more than 10 million people around the world do not have a country they legally belong to...They are known as the stateless. People who have neither citizenship nor a nationality. Often it means they have no travel documents, find it difficult to get a job, and are denied access to medical care and other state services. Their plight is highlighted in a report by the UN. The most widely covered case in recent months has been Myanmar?s Rohingya community. It became officially the largest stateless minority in the world after Myanmar passed a law in 1982 that denied the Rohingya citizenship. Until August, there were about one million Rohingya in Myanmar, but more than half of them are now in Bangladesh after fleeing a military crackdown. But why, in 2017, are so many people in this position? And what can be done about it?
Creator/author: Presenter: Martine Dennis; Guests: Melanie Khanna - Chief of Statelessness Section at UNHCR; Amal de Chickera - The Institute on Statelessness, Inclusion; Wakar Uddin - Director-General, the Arakan Rohingya Union.."
Source/publisher: Aljazeera (Inside Story)
Date of publication: 2017-11-04
Date of entry/update: 2017-11-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: Lives on Hold - The Human Costs of Statelessness
Description: "Lives on Hold: The Human Costs of Statelessness is Refugees International?s new 50-page report that highlights the difficulties faced by an estimated 11 million individuals worldwide who have no citizenship or effective nationality. These stateless people are international orphans who have fallen through the cracks of the United Nations. They regularly cannot participate in the political process of any country and are guaranteed no legal protections. Because of their status, millions of stateless people have difficulty in obtaining jobs and owning property, receive inadequate access to healthcare and education, and suffer sexual and physical violence. The report documents the human costs of the problem in more than 70 countries with particular emphasis on groups in Bangladesh, Estonia and the United Arab Emirates, and provides recommendations to the international community on what must be done by the UN, individual states and donor governments like the United States."
Creator/author: M. Lynch
Source/publisher: Refugees International
Date of publication: 2005-02-00
Date of entry/update: 2005-02-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: Stateless and unregistered children
Description: Box 6.4 of the chapter on Statelessness and Citizenship from the 1997 "The State of the World's Refugees". "In most countries, babies are registered with the relevant authorities soon after they are born, enabling them to receive a birth certificate. Without such a certificate, it can be very difficult for a person to lay claim to a nationality or to exercise the rights associated with citizenship. Individuals who lack a birth certificate may, for example, find it impossible to leave or return to their own country, register as a voter or gain access to public health and education services..." Includes a para on the Rohingyas.
Source/publisher: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
Date of publication: 1998-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Title: Statelessness and Citizenship (Chapter 6 of the 1997 "State of the World's Refugees")
Description: Headings include: Nationality and Citizenship; New Dimensions of Statelessness; Human and Humanitarian Implications; The Link with Forced Displacement; National and International Responsibilities; Strengthening the Legal and Institutional Regime; The Role of UNHCR; Citizenship and Internaional Security. "The Universal Declaration of Human Rights unequivocally states that ?everyone has the right to a nationality” and that ?no-one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality.” But many thousands of people across the globe lack the security and protection which citizenship can provide. A substantial proportion of the world?s stateless people are also victims of forced displacement. In some instances, individuals and communities are deprived of their nationality by governmental decree and are subsequently expelled from the country which they consider to be their home. In other situations, stateless people are obliged to flee because of the persecution and discrimination which they experience. And having left the country where they have lived for most or all their lives, stateless people may subsequently find it impossible to return..." Contains references to the Rohingyas.
Source/publisher: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
Date of publication: 1998-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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