Pre-Independence - books, reports and articles
|Title:|| ||Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL)
|Description/subject:|| ||"The Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (Burmese: á€–á€€á€ºá€†á€…á€ºá€†á€”á€·á€ºá€€á€»á€„á€ºá€›á€±á€¸ á€•á€¼á€Šá€ºá€žá€°á€·á€œá€½á€á€ºá€œá€•á€ºá€›á€±á€¸ á€¡á€–á€½á€²á€·á€á€»á€¯á€•á€º, ... abbreviated AFPFL), or hpa hsa pa la (á€–á€†á€•á€œ) by its Burmese acronym, was the main political party in Burma from 1945 until 1962. It was founded by the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) led by Thakin Soe, the Burma National Army (BNA) led by Aung San, and the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP) (later evolved into the Socialist Party) led by U Nu, at a secret meeting in Pegu in August 1944 as the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) to resist the Japanese occupation. The AFO was renamed the AFPFL after the defeat of Japan in order to resist the British colonial administration and achieve independence..."...Contents:
1 Fight for freedom...
2 Independence and civil war...
3 Parliamentary rule and AFPFL split...
6 See also...
8 External links.|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||12 August 2012|
|Title:|| ||"A Leader of Men"
|Date of publication:|| ||September 2007|
|Description/subject:|| ||The Muslim schoolteacher who joined Burma's martyrs...
"Being a Muslim in a country where 87 percent of the population is Buddhist, and where the military government regularly practices ultra-nationalism and uses religion as a political tool, means joining the underprivileged at the bottom of the pile.
The fight for liberty is the fight for peace. And like peace, liberty is indivisible Ã¢Â€â€U Razak, June 1947
Muslims in Burma regularly suffer social and religious discrimination. Burmese Buddhists commonly call them, Kala, a derogatory term for South Asians and also used insultingly to describe westerners.
While some consider the term abusive and degrading, there's general acceptance that it takes on a sense of honor, respect and lovingkindness when it's used in the form Kalagyi (Big Kala), to describe independence hero Abdul Razak.
U Razak rose from the position of headmaster of Mandalay Central National High School to become minister of education and national planning in Burma's pre-independence government. His career was brought to a brutal end at the age of 49, when he was gunned down by assassins on July 19, 1947, together with independence leader Gen Aung San and seven other cabinet members and colleagues. The nine murdered leaders are commemorated annually on the country's Martyr's Day.
Mandalay, where U Razak taught, is a center of Burmese Buddhist faith and culture. Yet U Razak, of ethnic Indian-Burmese origin, was fully accepted by the community..."|
|Source/publisher:|| ||"The Irrawaddy" Vol 15, No. 9|
|Alternate URLs:|| ||http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php?art_id=8463|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||02 May 2008|
|Title:|| ||U Razak of Burma: A Teacher, a Leader, a Martyr
|Date of publication:|| ||July 2007|
|Description/subject:|| ||"As a primary school student, I read about Sayagyi (a great teacher or
a principal) U Razak and fellow martyrs in school textbooks and in
remembrance booklets of Martyrs' Day, (19th July, 1947), the day he was
assassinated along with U Aung San and seven other cabinet members
and colleagues. Later in my twenties and thirties, I read the few available
writings by U Razak, and articles written about him by his former students,
and talked with people who knew him well.
From this exposure, I learned about U Razak's deep love for Burma, his
courage to fight for our country's independence, his respect for diversity,
his desire for unity and his far-sighted wisdom. As a leader, his vision
carried beyond our country and highlighted the principles of humanity,
integrity, knowledge, courage, freedom and peace. The points U Razak,
as Burma's Minister for Education and National Planning, emphasized
in his 1947 speech at the First South East Asian Regional Conference
of International Student Service in Madras, India, are still valid if not
more pronounced in 2007. In times of intolerance and divisiveness, such
as today, his vision and gentle yet persistent approach sought to unite
diverse groups through education for the common goal of freedom
and development should be referenced and explored further as we seek
practical actions for long-lasting peace, security and prosperity..."
II. A Tribute to Sayagyi U Razak
By Dr. Nyi Nyi;
III. Freedom Movements As Peace Movements
By Honorable U Razak;
IV. The Burman Muslim Organization
By A. Razak, B.A.;
V. Translator's Note...
1. Sayagyi U Razak And Mandalay University
By M.A. Ma Ohn;
2. Our Selfless Sayagyi
By Colonel Khin Nyo;
3. Sayagyi Didn't Care For High Offices
By U Saw Hla;
4. Our Sayagyi U Razak;
By Thakin Chan Tun;
5. Affection Just As One Has For One's Mother
6. A Partial Profile Of Sayagyi U Razak
By Aung Kyi;
7. Just Like A Father
By Thuriya Than Maung;
8. Our Marvellous Sayagyi
By Maung Maung Mya;
9. In Fond Memory Of Sayagyi U Razak
By Colonel Wai Lin;
10. Sayagyi U Razak And I
By Theikpan Hmu Tin.|
|Source/publisher:|| ||Private publisher|
|Format/size:|| ||pdf (895K)|
|Alternate URLs:|| ||http://www.scribd.com/doc/19167977/Dr-Nyi-Nyi-U-Razak-of-Burma|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||18 July 2007|
|Title:|| ||Gandhian Links to the Struggle in Burma - a review of "Myanmar’s Nationalist Movement (1906-1948) and India,"
|Date of publication:|| ||April 2007|
|Description/subject:|| ||"Myanmar’s Nationalist Movement"
(1906-1948) and India, by Rajshekhar.
South Asia Publishers, New Delhi,
Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan 2006.
Gandhi and Indian Congress Party had influence over Burma’s nationalist movement.|
|Author/creator:|| ||Yeshua Moser Puangsuwan|
|Source/publisher:|| ||"The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 4|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||04 May 2008|
|Title:|| ||Aung San’s lan-zin, the Blue Print and the Japanese occupation of Burma.
|Date of publication:|| ||2007|
|Description/subject:|| ||Chapter 8 in Kei Nemoto (Ed). 2007 Reconsidering the Japanese military occupation in Burma (1942-45). Tokyo: ILCAA, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, pp 179-224. This includes an English-Burmese bibliograpy of Aung San’s communications (pp 213-224)...Opinions are divided on the impact the Japanese occupation on Burma and on Southeast Asia more widely. Harry Benda summed up the Japanese occupation as 'a distinct historical epoch in Southeast Asian history' (Benda 1972:148-49). He viewed it as introducing discontinuity from the past colonial order, and as facilitating important changes, including in particular the mobilization of youth and the disruption of traditional patterns of authority (Benda 1969:78). In his useful work, Yoon (1971a:293) summed up its significance specifically for Burma saying that Â‘the Japanese occupation directly affected and greatly accelerated the realization of Burmese independence’. Guyot (1974: iv, 43, 55, 222) viewed the Japanese occupation of Burma as marking Â‘an important threshold in Burma’s political evolution’, since it Â‘created the political elite’; in particular, it empowered a young generation of students, Burmanized the army, and helped rally and unify Burmans against British rule..."|
|Source/publisher:|| ||Gustaaf Houtman|
|Format/size:|| ||pdf (664K)|
|Date of entry/update:|| ||02 May 2008|
|Title:|| ||"The Concepts of Dobama ("Our Burma") and Thudo-bama ("Their Burma") in Burmese Nationalism, 1930-1948"
|Date of publication:|| ||2000|
|Description/subject:|| ||This article attempts to demonstrate the interdependent operation of the term dobama ("our Burma") and its opposite, thudo-bama ("their Burma"), in the minds of members of the Dobama-asiayoun ("Our Burma Party"). From the party's very beginning in 1930 to the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League's struggle against Japanese rule and subsequently for independence from the British from 1944 to 1947, Dobama party members, known as "thahkins", avoided being identified as thudo-bama, meaning "the Burmese of their (the British or Japanese) side" or "the Burmese people who collaborated with the colonial regime." Instead, they invariably identified themselves as dobama, or "our Burmese." The thahkins preferred to define themselves in negative rather than positive terms. In other words, they chose to identify themselves by describing what they were not rather than what they were, and by attacking their imagined enemies, the thudo-bama, rather than attempting a clear definition of dobama.|
|Author/creator:|| ||Kei Nemoto|
|Source/publisher:|| ||Journal of Burma Studies Vol. 5 (2000)|
|Format/size:|| ||pdf (1.21MB)|
|Alternate URLs:|| ||http://www.niu.edu/burma/publications/jbs/vol10/Abstract1_GreenOpt.pdf
|Date of entry/update:|| ||10 March 2009|