Mon kingdom [9th - 11th, 13th - 16, 18th]
Websites/Multiple Documents
Source/publisher:
Wikipedia
Date of entry/update:
2014-07-03
Grouping:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
General studies (covering various periods and themes), Pre-History, Pyu kingdoms [100BC- 840AD], Mon kingdom [9th - 11th, 13th - 16, 18th]
Language:
English
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Individual Documents
Description:
Abstract: "The
Mon
who
belong
to
the
Mon-Khmer
stock
of
Austro-‐Asiatic
sub-family
were
the
old
inhabitants
of
both
Myanmar
and
Thailand.
In
Myanmar,
they
migrated
from
the
north
along
the
rivers
of
Mekong,
Thanlwin
and
Ayeyarwaddy.
When
the
M
on
came
to
Myanmar,
they
were
known
as
Raman
which
name
was
later
simplified
as
Raman
and
shortened
to
Mon.
The
usage
of
?Ramañña?
is
also
found
in
Bago
Kalyani
inscription
of
1476
AD.
Thus
the
name
?Ramaññ?
did
not
emerge
only
in
15th
century
AD
but
existed
from
the
early
centuries.
It
was
also
found
that
the
all-inclusive
term
?Rama
ññadesa?
has
its
roots
in
the
three
Mon
regions
of
Pathein,
Muttama
and
Hanthawaddy.
Since
the
terms
Ramaññadesa
and
Suvaññabhumi
were
alternately
used
in
the
old
Indian
literature
and
oldest
chronicles
of
Srilanka,
Dipavamsa
and
Mahavamsa,
composed
in
4th
and
6th
century.
Traditionally,
Suvaññabhumi
(Thaton)
was
the
centre
from
which
the
Buddhism
spread
up
to
the
whole
country.
Different
concepts
of
the
old
city
site
of
the
Mon
settlements
were
reviewed
and
the
finding
of
the
artifacts
and
the
tradition
revealed
that
the
coastal
area
of
Lower
Myanmar
happened
to
be
of
the
settlements
of
Mon
inhabitant.".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015.
Khin May Aung
Source/publisher:
International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-26 July 2015
Date of publication:
2015-07-26
Date of entry/update:
2015-09-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Mon kingdom [9th - 11th, 13th - 16, 18th], Mon (cultural, political), International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) 23-26 July, 2015
Language:
English
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pdf
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153.62 KB
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Description:
"During the last 100 years artistic relationships between the Pyu and Mon of Burma and the Dvāravatī Mon of Thailand have been frequently hinted at yet until recently these ideas had not been explored further. In light of contemporary re-search, and in particular, relatively stable access to Burma, there is renewed interest in the cultures which inhabited the region extending from Upper Burma through Lower Burma and into central and south-west Thailand during the first millennium CE. Conventionally viewed as distinct cultural groups, on reappraising archaeological and historical re-search associated with the Pyu, Mon and Dvāravatī it is now suggested that these communities were more closely linked than traditionally thought."
Charlotte Galloway
Source/publisher:
College of Arts and Social Sciences, The Australian National University
Date of publication:
2010-00-00
Date of entry/update:
2014-10-24
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Washington University, Pyu kingdoms [100BC- 840AD], Mon kingdom [9th - 11th, 13th - 16, 18th], Pre-History
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
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535.04 KB
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Description:
The author asserts that Pyu, Mon and Bama (Myanmar) people were organized and established as Tampadipa (Thanpyatate)
Naingnan in the 10th century AD. Bagan was the centre of that state. Former kings who ruled before Anuradda
(Anawrahta) in Bagan were Sawyahan Min and Kyaung Phu Min. Anawrahta, who ruled Bagan from AD 1044 - 1077 was
a good leader and ably organized the state. Under his administration the country developed peacefully.....
Myanmar History - Early period ...
Tampadipa Naingnan (Pyu Period)
Ba Shin, Col.
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar before Anawrahta", 3rd ed., Innwa Publishing House, via University of Washington
Date of publication:
1998-00-00
Date of entry/update:
2014-10-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Washington University, Pyu kingdoms [100BC- 840AD], Mon kingdom [9th - 11th, 13th - 16, 18th]
Language:
Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ (Metadata: English and Burmese)
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pdf
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234.41 KB
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Description:
In 1766 King Sinphyushin fought Thailand (Ayuthaya) and captured their capital. One of the cannon brought back from
Thailand was recently excavated from Innwa (Ava) city and displayed in the Military Museum at 49th Myanmar Military
Day Exhibition. It was an unusual display because after the Third Anglo - Burmese War, General Prendergast sent most
cannon and captured guns to England, as presents to Queen Victoria and her court. For this reason many Myanmar
cannon remain in the United Kingdom.....Subject Terms: 1. Myanmar Army - Cannons...
2. Myanmar - History.....Keywords:
1. Cannons,
2. Ordnances,
3. Military Weapons.
KYAN, Daw
Source/publisher:
Kanaung Sethmu Sipwa Journal, Vol. 1, No. 5 via University of Washington
Date of publication:
1994-05-00
Date of entry/update:
2014-10-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Washington University, Mon kingdom [9th - 11th, 13th - 16, 18th], The Konbaung Dynasty and the Anglo-Burmese Wars [1753-1885]
Language:
Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ; (Metadata English, Burmese)
Format :
pdf
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79.94 KB
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Description:
The author read this paper at a Burma Historical Commission conference on 11 February 1978. It analyzes a rare Myanmar book on Myanmar: "A Concise Account of the Kingdom of Pegu, Its climate, produce, trade and
government..." It was written by William Hunter, an army surgeon in the service of the East India Company, and
published in 1785. The author evaluates Hunter?s views of the Myanmar Kingdom of Pegu, its climate, trade,
government, and the folklore of Myanmar.....
Subject Terms:
1. Myanmar - History - Hanthawaddy period, 1287 - 1539,
2. Bago (Pegu) - History,
3. Bago (Pegu) - Description and travel,
4. Myanmar - Climate,
5. Commerce - Myanmar,
6. Myanmar - Politics and government.
Yi Yi, Dr.
Source/publisher:
"Research in Burmese History", Vol. (5), Burma Historical Research Dept., via Washington University
Date of publication:
1985-00-00
Date of entry/update:
2014-10-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Mon kingdom [9th - 11th, 13th - 16, 18th], Washington University, Multiple periods of Burmese history
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
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654.25 KB
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Description:
"In the late fifteenth century two similar and interesting events took place. Two Southeast Asian kings, both claiming to be Buddhist world rulers, built replicas of the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodhgaya, India. The first king was Dhammacetti (1462-1492) of Pegu, who built the Shwegugyi Temple in Pegu in 1479. The other king was Tilokaraja (1441-1487), of Chiengmai, who began building the Wat Cet Yot in 1455 (although the building went on for over a decade). Both the Shwegugyi and the Wat Cet Yot are replicas of the Mahabodhi temple at Bodhgaya, India, in their general architectural design, their use of the seven stations in their layout, and their association with the bodhi tree.
The Mahabodhi temple is important to Buddhism, because it was built next to the bodhi tree under which the Buddha sat when he was enlightened. The seven stations at that temple refer to the seven different sites where the Buddha spent each of the seven weeks after enlightenment. This means that the Mahabodhi temple, the bodhi tree, and the seven stations there are directly tied to the foundation of the sasana and to the purity of the sasana. The construction of the two Mahabodhi replicas is even more interesting because only two other replicas of the Mahabodhi were built in Southeast Asia, one in Pagan built in 1215 by Nadaunmya (Htilominlo), and a minor one at Chiengrai, which cannot be dated or attributed.
It is difficult to find out, however, why two kings in neighboring areas built Mahabodhi replicas at about the same time and why such replicas were not built in Southeast Asia for the 250 years before this time or at anytime afterwards.6 The chronicles and inscriptions explain that Tiloka and Dhammacetti were performing meritorious acts by building the Mahabodhi replicas. The chronicles and inscriptions also claim that these two kings were trying to unify and purify the sangha in their lands. However, the chronicles and inscriptions do not say why Mahabodhi replicas were built by Dhammacetti and Tilokaraja around the same time and not by every king before and after who tried to gain merit or be a dhammaraja by purifying and uniting the sangha. I think it is important to find the underlying reasons for the similar event occurring in Chiengmai and Pegu in the late fifteenth century.
I will try, using the information that is available, and general information regarding the social, political, commercial, religious, agricultural, and demographic trends of that period, to provide the best possible answer to the questions (1) why the Mahabodhi replicas in Chiengmai and Pegu were built, (2) why they were built in these two places and not somewhere else, and (3) why they were built at this time.
My argument, which I will develop and explain more fully below, is that the most significant factor in the adoption of Mahabodhi replicas and the repurification of the sangha in late fifteenth century Chiengmai and Pegu was international trade. During the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, mainland Southeast Asia was politically (small and numerous states) and religiously (small and numerous sects) divided and not many kings had the resources or power to prove their claims of being dhammarajas by unifying or purifying the sangha or support the construction of temples on the same scale as Pagan. During the same period, however, trade grew as did agricultural
cultivation and the population). By the late fifteenth century, central kings gained money for religious patronage of the sangha and for political patronage of (and more prestige in the eyes of) local rulers and probably better control of their kingdoms outside of the capital. The links that Chiengmai and Pegu had with international trade also brought ideas for rulers and monks. The religious reform and the building of Mahabodhi replicas of the late fifteenth century in Pegu and in Chiengmai came from ideas, brought along trade routes (maritime and within Southeast Asia), strengthening the prestige of Sri Lanka as a center of pure Buddhism. Also, Buddhist monks travelling along Southeast Asian trade routes seem to have spread beliefs in the royal capitals (as trade centers) that religious reform should also include a replica of the Mahabodhi temple. The monks who took advantage of these ideas won the support of the central ruler over rival sects since they had a better claim to religious purity. The central kings had more resources and control than their predecessors over their kingdoms and could make the selection of a particular sect and the religious repurification more significant throughout the kingdom. Finally, to reinforce their image as dhammarajas who unified and purified the sangha, and as cakravartins or world Buddhist rulers, Dhammacetti and Tilokaraja tried to replace Pagan with their own capitals as the chief center of Buddhism (which meant that their capitals also had to have Mahabodhi replicas)."
ATSUKO NAONO
Source/publisher:
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
Date of publication:
1996-12-00
Date of entry/update:
2010-10-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf pdf pdf
Size:
1.16 MB 2.3 MB 4.26 MB
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Description:
"...The present study is broken into five sections as follows. First, it looks at conflicts over the middle
Irrawaddy (1389-1411) from various perspectives with different sets of historical data, including changes in
chronicle lists of settlements; the observations of a British colonial-era gazetteer, the narrative of Kal??s Great
Chronicle and the Rajadirat epic. Previous papers (Fernquest 2006a, 2006b) have discussed in detail the larger
context of these conflicts in the Ava-Pegu War (1383-1426).
Second, it then describes the historical geography of Lower Burma and the middle Irrawaddy River
basin and draws out the implications for military power. Historically, the north-to-south orientation of the
Irrawaddy River has broken the east-to-west orientation of settlements in Lower Burma. This fragmented
geography together with the limited farming potential and difficult terrain of the Irrawaddy Delta, contributed
to an underlying localism in Lower Burma?s geography. Viewed in this context, the middle Irrawaddy River
region is a pivotal thoroughfare providing access to the delta region, Lower Burma, and food supply located
along the river. Battles over this strategically important stretch of river are a crucial turning point in the Ava-
Pegu War with food supply and adjustments in military logistics playing a crucial role in the course of the
conflicts. Apparently, because of the difficult nature of Lower Burma?s geography, the Burmans never
established a military outpost any further south than Tharrawaddy on the Irrawaddy River, before the delta
even begins.
Third, ecological patterns conditioned the long-term conduct of warfare. The regular yearly cycle of
changing climate and agriculture conditioned the way wars were fought if manpower was to be optimally
conserved. The subsistence crisis was used as an extension or weapon of war. Long-term climate patterns
may have increased the potential for these subsistence crises.
Fourth, from the underlying constraints of environment and ecology in warfare the paper passes to
the dynamics of warfare. A cycle of expansionary warfare explains how military success fueled further military
success through the accumulation of geopolitical resources such as land, food supply, and manpower. A
marchland factor also was operative in which enemies on fewer fronts aided the expansionary warfare of a
state. Eventually, imperial overstretch and logistical overload resulted in a reverse process of state contraction
in which the resources accumulated during expansionary warfare were quickly lost. Scorched earth tactics in
which local food supplies were destroyed were part of the offensive strategy of expansionary warfare, whereas
flight to the hinterland was part of the defensive response.
Finally, in the conclusion the paper re-examines the agrarian nature of the Burmese state suggesting
that general cross-cultural models of premodern agrarian states lead to richer explanations than the regionspecific
mandala or ?galactic polity? models traditionally employed in Southeast Asian history. Cross-cultural
models allow for more realistic multi-causal explanations of historical events. They also allow for the posing
and testing of a wide variety of different hypotheses and the possibility that disparate, geographically
unrelated cultures, have shared historical experiences and processes. A Bayesian approach that brings in and
VOLUME 6 (2008)
7 5
integrates knowledge of other premodern agrarian states in the form of a priori probabilities is suggested as
one approach to crafting such a multi-threaded history of what-might-have-happened.
Taken together, the six sections of this paper demonstrate how various seemingly fictional elements
typically found in Southeast Asian historical chronicles, fictional elements often conceived of as a historical
deficit, rather provide rich details that should be conceived instead as a historical surfeit worthy of study in
and of itself..."
Jon Fernquest
Source/publisher:
SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research 6, 2008
Date of publication:
2008-12-00
Date of entry/update:
2009-01-27
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
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pdf
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1.43 MB
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Description:
"The reign of the Mon king Rajadhirat (r. 1383-1421) was
an exceptional period in Burma?s history. Rarely has one
person exerted so much influence over the events of an
era. Lower and Upper Burma were locked in endemic
warfare for almost forty years during his reign. Unlike
his father and predecessor, Rajadhirat was forced to
wage war to obtain power. Once in power, he had to
continue fighting to maintain power. During the critical
first seven years of his rule, Rajadhirat consolidated
power in a series of conflicts with other members of the
ruling elite..."
Jon Fernquest
Source/publisher:
SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research 4.1 (Spring 2006)
Date of publication:
2006-03-00
Date of entry/update:
2006-07-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
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pdf
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275.03 KB
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