Burma and the Geopolitics of Oil and Gas

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Description: About 212,000 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-22
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: Sino-Burma pipelines refers to planned oil and natural gas pipelines linking Burma?s deep-water port of Kyaukphyu (Sittwe) in the Bay of Bengal with Kunming in Yunnan province of China.
Source/publisher: Wikipedia
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-13
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Topic: Chevron, collapse, Coup, earners, Exports, financial, flows, foreign currency, forestry, Imports, inflows, junta, lifeline, Military, Mining, NLD, NUG, Oil and Gas, regime, revenue, rule, SAC, Sanctions, Shipping, support, textiles, Total, Tourism
Topic: Chevron, collapse, Coup, earners, Exports, financial, flows, foreign currency, forestry, Imports, inflows, junta, lifeline, Military, Mining, NLD, NUG, Oil and Gas, regime, revenue, rule, SAC, Sanctions, Shipping, support, textiles, Total, Tourism
Description: "Tougher action is urgently needed to cut off foreign currency flows to the Myanmar military regime, suggested local and foreign financial experts, who argued that severing its financial lifeline would hasten the collapse of military rule. “The largest inflows of foreign currency to the military are from the oil and gas and mining sectors. We need to totally shut off the flow of foreign currency that is keeping the junta alive,” a local economist who asked not to be named told The Irrawaddy. “The international community must pressure all the parties that sustain military rule in Myanmar. It is critical to act before it is too late,” he said. Last week, an anonymous group, Independent Economists for Myanmar (IEM), suggested that effective sanctions limiting the ability of the regime’s State Administrative Council (SAC) to collect revenue from natural gas, mining, forestry, shipping including port fees and airlines could change the military’s calculus. It estimated that such measures would cut off roughly US$2 billion per year in financing for the military. Earnings from natural gas, jade, metallic minerals, land rentals, telecommunications fees and businesses involved in trade such as port operators, transport and logistics companies, and Myanmar National Airlines provide the largest inflows of foreign currency to the military, totaling around $2.5 billion per year.....Cash in hand: IEM estimated that that military’s “access to foreign currency is significant but constrained,” saying it controls at least $4 billion, roughly two-thirds of Myanmar’s stock of foreign currency. However, it also controls about half of the inflows that remain following the collapse of several sectors that generated foreign currency, such as textiles and tourism. Additionally, around $1 billion of foreign assets are held at the US Federal Reserve and were frozen by the US government in early February. Foreign currency is important for the military since it not only pays for military equipment like tanks and guns, as well as supplies like fuel, but is also needed to service military-owned companies that rely on foreign inputs. Military-owned factories rely on foreign equipment to keep functioning, while military hospitals purchase medication from abroad. IEM said that prior to the coup, Myanmar had enough foreign reserves to maintain imports for three months. However, since then, exports have shrunk, import demand has crashed, and the military has confiscated much of the country’s foreign reserves. Myanmar imports roughly $28 billion worth of goods and services in an average year, including $3 billion in fuel, more than $500 million in medication, $1 billion in cooking oil, and $1.2 billion in meat and vegetables. Myanmar’s official exports have shrunk by more than 20 percent and imports by more than 35 percent since October 2020. Before the coup, the textile and footwear industries generated a quarter of all foreign currency inflows for the country, but almost all of their operations have dried up since the Feb. 1 military takeover. Moreover, none of the military-owned companies are known to hold significant foreign assets. The scarcity of foreign exchange is evident in the 20 percent depreciation of the kyat versus the US dollar between Feb. 1 and April 19, despite limits on kyat withdrawals and hoarding of cash, the economists said. Subsidiaries of Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL)—two military owned conglomerates—normally earn roughly $200 million annually from domestic sales. These include Dagon Beverages Company, Myawaddy Bank, Mytel, Aung Thitsa Oo Insurance and Bandoola Transportation Company. However, both MEHL and MEC are likely to suffer financially, with Myanmar Brewery, Myawaddy Bank and Mytel expected to see declines in revenue of 80 to 90 percent due to domestic consumer boycotts. The combined effect could be to reduce MEHL and MEC’s domestic revenue by between $100-150 million, the economists estimated. Many of the Myanmar state’s most valuable assets were sold off in the 1990s and 2000s, meaning the SAC regime cannot raise much capital from asset sales. Further, widespread instability and insecurity are depressing asset prices and the National Unity Government—a shadow government formed by elected lawmakers ousted by the coup—considers void any investment agreements signed between domestic or foreign companies and the SAC, IEM said. “In short, without new foreign currency inflows, the military will soon need to ration foreign currency. The SAC regime will need to choose between purchasing fuel, medication, equipment and food for itself and providing foreign exchange liquidity for the rest of the population,” it said. Even without forceful targeted sanctions in place, the military is already being forced to choose between its own priorities and providing financing to import the fuel and equipment needed to generate the electricity and food, fertilizers and medications people need to survive, IME said. The military has already starved public services and the private sector of foreign exchange, so further reductions in its access to foreign currency are likely to predominantly impact the military rather than civilians, the IME said. “Such actions, and preventing military businesses from accessing foreign inputs, could help pressure the military to compromise on its own needs,” the economists suggested.....Bankrolling crimes: Foreign currency inflows from natural resources—oil, gas, minerals, gems and forestry products—represent more than a third of Myanmar’s export earnings, according to official records. The oil and gas sector, in which many international energy giants have invested, has become a target of rights groups, which are demanding an end to foreign firms’ financing of the military’s crimes. Since the military takeover, at least 769 civilians have been killed and 4,734 people arrested by the regime. On Tuesday, Myanmar’s ambassador to the United Nations urged the US Congress to play a decisive leadership role in resolving the Myanmar crisis. Ambassador U Kyaw Moe Tun, a representative of elected lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD), urged the US to impose “targeted, coordinated and tougher sanctions” on the Myanmar military and its businesses such as Myawaddy and Innwa banks, the state-owned Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). “I wish to stress that Myanmar is not just witnessing another major setback to democracy, but also the crisis is threatening the regional peace and security,” U Kyaw Moe Tun said. Oil and gas revenues earned Myanmar $1.5 billion in annual income in fiscal 2019-20, with around 80 percent of that income derived from the offshore natural gas sector, according to official figures. Recently, US senators urged the Biden administration to impose sanctions on MOGE. Natural gas joint ventures involving companies such as France’s Total, the US’s Chevron, South Korea’s POSCO, Thailand’s PTT, Malaysia’s Petronas and China’s CNPC are currently the most significant sources of foreign exchange revenue for Myanmar. MOGE collects income through its joint ventures and revenue sharing agreements with international corporations. US giant Chevron has a longstanding partnership with MOGE. The two companies are joint investors in the Yadana offshore gas project, located off the southwest coast of Myanmar, which accounts for 42 percent of all oil and gas production from Myanmar’s offshore projects. Chevron paid around $50 million to Myanmar between 2014 and 2018, according to the Myanmar Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative report (MEITI). Total reported that it paid $257 million in taxes and other payments to Myanmar in 2019. Petronas’s Yetagun gas project paid $208 million to the government in 2018, while the Shwe project, run by South Korea’s POSCO, paid $194 million, according to MEITI. The Zawtika gas project, run by Thailand’s PTT, paid $41 million in 2018. International and local pro-democracy supporters have repeatedly pressured oil and gas companies to cut ties with the military or pay revenue into a trust or protected account either to be held until such time as Myanmar has a legitimate and democratically elected government or to be used for humanitarian purposes. Elected lawmakers from the NLD sent a final notice in March calling on foreign-owned oil and gas companies operating in Myanmar to suspend business ties with the military regime, warning that the money from sales of the oil and gas would be used to reinforce human rights violations in the country. However, both Total and Chevron remain reluctant to follow those demands. A New York Times report revealed that Chevron has intensively lobbied the US State Department and key congressional offices against sanctions, warning that they could disrupt its joint ventures in Myanmar. An investigation by France’s Le Monde newspaper published on Tuesday revealed that Total’s gas operation in Myanmar has been propping up the military junta by diverting funds from gas sales to offshore accounts instead of the government. According to documents accessed by the French newspaper and released after the military coup, the Yadana gas field, which supplies gas to local markets in Myanmar and Thailand, is diverting revenue to the MOGE, which is managed by army executives and retired officers. Human rights group Justice for Myanmar (JFM) said on Wednesday that Total’s CEO claimed his company is continuing to do business as usual in Myanmar for humanitarian reasons. However, their business conduct in Myanmar and deep ties to the military suggest otherwise, JFM said. “We demand Total to immediately suspend all payments to the military junta and place funds in a protected account until democracy is restored in Myanmar,” JFM said. Another foreign currency earner is the mining sector, which generates about $470 million a year. The gems sector accounts for $300 million. Legally, the state should collect approximately 10 percent in royalties and taxes on jade, but 60 to 80 percent of gemstones produced in Myanmar bypass the formal trading and export system. The forestry industry officially generated between $350 million and $1.65 billion per year in exports over the last decade. In a bid to deprive the military government of funds, the US Treasury Department in April imposed sanctions on a Myanmar state-owned gems enterprise, as well as Myanmar Timber Enterprise and Myanmar Pearl Enterprise. MEHL and MEC have also been sanctioned by the US and UK. “In terms of blocking revenue from timber and gems, the US alone is not enough. We need collective action from the international community,” a local economist said. The state also earns foreign currency through port fees, shipping and Myanmar National Airlines sales. However, each of these is controlled by an off-budget state-owned enterprise that retains 55 percent of profits and does not submit financial information to the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Industry. Net foreign earnings from these entities remain unknown.....Stepped-up sanctions: Another local financial expert who asked not to be named told The Irrawaddy that Myanmar’s largest trading partners in the region including Singapore, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and Thailand should consider imposing trade sanctions. “It is a very unlikely scenario. Most of them have historically close ties with the military. But if they can do it, it would be very effective in reducing foreign currency inflows,” he said. In March, the US imposed trade sanctions against Myanmar’s ministries of Defense and Home Affairs as well as MEC and MEHL. “I would say that the steps taken against the regime by the international community are still modest. Myanmar needs more effective sanctions targeted at blocking foreign currency flows to the regime,” the local financial expert said. “They should identify, target and freeze all foreign currency revenues and foreign exchange reserves held in accounts outside of Myanmar,” he said. The independent economists from IEM said the popular Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), in which civil servants and some private sector workers are refusing to work under the regime, is unlikely on its own to convince military leaders to negotiate or give up power. “Cutting the SAC regime off from foreign credit could also be key, but would require substantial international agreement,” the economists said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: Introduction: The Role of Energy in Sino-Myanmar Relations; Myanmar Plays the China Card; China Engages Myanmar in the ASEAN Way; Conclusion: Norms, Energy and Beyond: "Conclusion: Norms, Energy and Beyond This chapter has demonstrated two points. First, although ASEAN, China, India, and Japan form partnership with Myanmar for different reasons, interactions among the regional stakeholders with regard to Myanmar have reinforced the regional norm of non-intervention into other states? internal affairs. Both India and Japan, the two democratic countries in the region, have been socialized, though in varying degrees, into the norm when they engage Myanmar as well as ASEAN.67 The regional normative environment or structure in which all stakeholders find themselves defines or constitutes their Asian identities, national interests, and more importantly, what counts as rightful action. At the same time, regional actors create and reproduce the dominant norms when they interact with each other. This lends support to the constructivist argument that both agent and structure are mutually constitutive.68 This ideational approach prompts us to look beyond such material forces and concerns as the quest for energy resources as well as military prowess to explain China?s international behaviour. Both rationalchoice logic of consequences and constructivist logic of appropriateness are at work in China?s relations with Myanmar and ASEAN. But pundits grossly overstate the former at the expense of the latter. To redress this imbalance, this chapter asserts that China adopts a ?business as usual? approach to Myanmar largely because this approach is regarded as appropriate and legitimate by Myanmar and ASEAN and practised by India and Japan as well, and because China wants to strengthen the moral legitimacy of an international society based on the state-centric principles of national sovereignty and nonintervention. As a corollary, we argue that regional politics at play have debunked the common, simplistic belief that Myanmar is a client state of China and that China?s thirst for Myanmar?s energy resources is a major determinant of China?s policy towards the regime. A close examination of the oil and gas assets in Myanmar reveals that it is less likely to be able to become a significant player in international oil politics. Whereas Myanmar may offer limited material benefits to China, it and ASEAN at large are of significant normative value to the latter. Ostensibly China adopts a realpolitik approach to Myanmar; however, the approach also reflects China?s recognition of the presence and prominence of a regional normative structure and its firm support for it.".....11 pages of notes and bibliographic references
Creator/author: Pak K. Lee, Gerald Chan, Lai-Ha Chan
Source/publisher: Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya
2009-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2011-09-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
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Description: "while countries in the neighbouring regions - particularly India and Thailand, but also Australia and Japan - may have important roles to play, China wields far more leverage. For those who wish to influence Burma in a positive direction, it is therefore essential to consider ways that change could be stimulated with the active participation of China, whether through sanctions, constructive engagement and/or any form of dialogue." The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Nautilus Institute. Readers should note that Nautilus seeks a diversity of views and opinions on contentious topics in order to identify common ground..."
Creator/author: Åshild Kolås & Stein Tønnesson
Source/publisher: Austral Policy Forum 06-30A 24 August 2006
2006-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2011-09-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 137.15 KB
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Source/publisher: Shwe Gas Movement
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Troops on alert as row over oil and gas exploration in Bay of Bengal simmers. Bangladesh?s border guards have been placed on high alert after reports that Myanmar strengthened its security along the 270km land border between the countries. The move came as Myanmar?s government said on Sunday that oil and gas exploration operations in contested waters in the Bay of Bengal had been completed.
Source/publisher: Aljazeera
2008-11-09
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: Burma?s junta leader comes back happy from China after getting backing for his November election and a pledge from Beijing to snub ethnic militias inside Burma. ?May I propose a toast for the long-lasting Sino-Myanmar Pauk-phaw friendship?? So said Li Jinjun, China?s Ambassador to Myanmar, or Burma, speaking at an official reception in Rangoon five years ago. Meaning ?brother? in Burmese, the wording is as a hat-tip to the growing commercial and strategic ties between the two countries – links which Burmese opposition leaders and exiles have slammed for helping maintain an oppressive status quo in Burma, which is scheduled to hold elections on 7 November. The real meaning of Pauk-phaw was underlined last week with the visit of Burma?s junta leader Sen. Gen. Than Shwe to China, marking the 60th anniversary of bilateral relations between the two countries.
Creator/author: Simon Roughneen
Source/publisher: Oil Price
2010-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Burma?s ?Saffron Revolution,? like the Ukraine ?Orange Revolution? or the Georgia ?Rose Revolution? and the various Color Revolutions instigated in recent years against strategic states surrounding Russia, is a well-orchestrated exercise in Washington-run regime change, down to the details of ?hit-and-run? protests with ?swarming? mobs of Buddhists in saffron, internet blogs, mobile SMS links between protest groups, well-organized protest cells which disperse and reform. CNN made the blunder during a September broadcast of mentioning the active presence of the NED behind the protests in Myanmar. There are facts and then there are facts. First it?s a fact which few will argue that the present military dictatorship of the reclusive General Than Shwe is right up there when it comes to world-class tyrannies. It?s also a fact that Burma enjoys one of the world?s lowest standards of living. A dramatic collapse in purchasing power resulted from the ill-conceived 100% to 500% price hikes in gasoline and other fuels in August.
Creator/author: F. William Engdahl
Source/publisher: Global Research
2007-10-15
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Asian nations are stumbling over each other in a rush to capture the concession rights to huge gas and oil resources controlled by the Burmese junta... "Despite the efforts of some Western governments to isolate the Burmese regime economically, the stark reality is that more private companies and countries than ever are courting the Burmese generals to obtain a share of the country?s vast oil and gas resources. International energy companies from nine countries are now competing for exploration or production rights for gas and oil both offshore and o?nshore in Burma. A Thai company recently discovered a huge offshore gas field that may harbor as much as two trillion cubic feet of gas..."
Creator/author: William Boot
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 7
2007-07-00
Date of entry/update: 2008-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Burma?s gas wealth and geostrategic position in the eyes of increasing energy demands of its neighbours. Implications on international politics and Burma?s domestic situation...Table Of Contents: 1. Introduction; 2. Natural Gas As A Source Of Energy In Asia; 3. The Historic And Political Context In Burma; 4. Gas In Burma: 4.1. Foreign Direct Investment Under Military Control; 4.2. Reserves; 4.3. Domestic Production; 4.4. Domestic Consumption; 5. Thailand, The First Partner: Yadana, Yetagun And Human Rights; 6. China, A Political Partner: Gas, Oil and The Straits Of Malacca; 7. India, A New Partner: Repositioning Of The 1990s And A Bangladeshi Problem; 8. Conclusion... Introduction: "Burma, also called Myanmar, is an impoverished country ruled by one of the most brutal military regimes of the present. It is located in a region that is undergoing deep economic and social transformations. The Asian continent, where more than 58% of the world population live, can today be considered as one of the principal motors of the world economy.2 It is however often forgotten, that vast amounts of energy are needed for this economic development and performance. This represents a problem for the region, as, apart from coal, it has very few fossil energy resources to satisfy its growing energy consumption. 28.1% of the world oil consumption and 14.2% of the world natural gas consumption in 2006 took place in Asia. However, only 3.1% of the world?s petroleum reserves and 6.8% of the world?s natural gas reserves are located on this continent.3 The region is importing large quantities of oil mainly from the Middle East. As a response to this dependency, the different national actors are trying to diversify their provisions geographically but also to further develop the use of gas. One of the unavoidable options is to systematically look within the region for any undiscovered resources. By doing so, considerable gas resources have also been discovered off the coast in Burma, which, like all other resources in the region have become subject to tough competition between the different national actors. Therefore they have a geostrategic impact that needs to be closely examined. The purpose of this paper is to analyse what kind of impact the discovery of gas resources in Burma has had on its position on the level of international politics on the one hand, and on the internal position of the military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), on the other hand. I will also analyse the impact of geostrategic aspects with respect to the Straits of Malacca and to the position of Bangladesh. In this way, this paper aims to contribute to a general understanding of how the situation in this country has evolved since the uprisings in 1988..."
Creator/author: Frederic Barthassat
Source/publisher: Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva
2007-11-29
Date of entry/update: 2008-04-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 858.19 KB
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Description: Seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre arrangierten sich alle indischen Regierungen mit dem östlichen Nachbarn. Die größte Demokratie der Welt zeigte sich sehr zurückhaltend gegenüber der kürzlichen Protestbewegung in Burma. Energieinteressen, die burmesische Hilfe bei der Bekämpfung von Rebellen im indischen Nordosten und die angestrebte Neutralisierung des mächtigen chinesischen Einflusses führten zu einem sichtbaren Appeasement gegenüber der ebident die Menschenrechte verletzenden burmesischen Junta. Es mangelt an einer überzeugenden Initiative der indischen Regionalmacht, das Thema Burma offensiv anzugehen; chinesischer Einfluss in Burma; Geo-Politik Burmas; indische Wirtschaftsinteressen in Burma; indisch-burmesische Militärkooperationen; chinese Influence in Burma; geo-politics of Burma; indian economic interests in Burma; indian-burmese military cooperation
Creator/author: Klaus Julian Voll
Source/publisher: Asienhaus
2007-04-25
Date of entry/update: 2008-01-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: German, Deutsch
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Description: Es erhob sich in letzter Zeit der Ruf nach einem energischen Auftreten Indiens gegen das Militärregime in Burma immer lauter. Die Rufer übersahen allerdings, dass die indisch-burmesischen Beziehungen, wie auch die zum Rest Südostasiens, alles andere als eng und damit die Möglichkeiten der Einflussnahme ausgesprochen gering sind. Außenpolitik Indiens; Indisch-chinesische Beziehung; Südostasien; SEATO; India`s foreign policy; Indian-Burmese Relations; Indian-Chinese Relations; Southeast Asia; Uprising 2007
Creator/author: Amit Das Gupta
Source/publisher: Asienhaus
2008-01-11
Date of entry/update: 2008-01-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: German, Deutsch
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Description: Ein weltweiter Aktionstag gegen den französischen Ölkonzern TOTAL am 3. Februar 2006 wirft wieder einmal Licht auf die Frage nach der unternehmerischen Verantwortung bei Geschäften mit dem diktatorischen Regime. TOTAL wird vorgeworfen, mitverantwortlich für schwere Menschenrechtsverletzungen im Zusammenhang mit dem Bau einer Pipeline zwischen 1995 und 1998 zu sein. Außerdem mache sich der Konzern heute zum Komplizen für die Machenschaften des für seine Verbrechen gegen die Zivilbevölkerung bekannten Regimes ganz einfach durch Bereitstellung finanzieller Ressourcen aus den enormen Erlösen des Erdgasverkaufs. Dafür soll sich der Konzern in Frankreich und in Belgien vor Gericht verantworten. Burmas Öl- und Gaspolitik; Rolle der EU und Asiens;
Creator/author: Ulrike Bey
Source/publisher: Asienhaus
2006-03-15
Date of entry/update: 2008-01-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: German, Deutsch
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Description: Report to the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs..."India and China are both characterized by a tremendous increase in energy consumption, of which an increasing share derives from imports. Very rapid economic growth always makes it difficult to arrive at a sound balance between demand and supply, and this tends to generate waste, bottlenecks and insecurity. Although both countries are trying hard to provide appropriate energy, increase their energy efficiency, and diversify their sources of supply, they are becoming increasingly dependent on imported oil, and the Persian Gulf is set to remain their predominant source of oil in the coming decades. Instability in the Middle East thus poses a serious challenge to the security of China and India, just as it does for Japan, the US and many European countries. The question of maintaining a stable supply of fossil fuels poses several security challenges. One is to boost one?s own production, another to diversify one?s sources of import, and a third to secure the transportation of oil and gas on vulnerable sea routes; or over land through pipelines that depend on long-term strategic relationships with the producing countries. In China and India a heightened awareness of the geopolitical implications of energy supply and demand has given energy issues an increasing prominence both in their domestic and foreign policies. However, it is difficult to say if this leads to more tension in their foreign relations or if instead it pushes them towards increased international cooperation. Plans are certainly being made for future possible ‘resource wars?, but emphasis is presently being put on economic competition, and on seeking to maximise each country?s position on the international energy market. Then again, such increasing resource competition may contribute to raising the stakes of conflict in areas where national jurisdiction has not been resolved (East China Sea, South China Sea), and also in some of the energy exporting countries. Burma is one such country, in which the energy security dynamics of India and China are played out, and this is detailed in an appendix to the report. The report is based on available literature, online energy data, and communication with Indian and Chinese researchers. We have used country reports and statistics provided by the International Energy Agency (IEA), statistics, forecasts and analyses by the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), unpublished academic papers, books and articles by Indian and Chinese researchers, and reports by several European and American analysts. Based on our assessments of the energy security strategies and interests of the major players in the region, the report outlines three scenarios for the future of international relations in Asia. The first, called ? is the most positive and also, in our judgment, the most likely. The second scenario, ?, presents a possible embargo against China, and is perhaps the least likely, at least in the near future. The third scenario, ? presents the nightmare scenario of a full scale ? with global impact and serious consequences for India and China. The situation in Iraq, and especially the ongoing developments with relation to Iran?s nuclear programme, force us to say that this scenario is not just a fantasy fiction, but a real possibility, even in the short term. The final section of the report offers suggestions as to implications of the outlined scenarios for Norwegian foreign policy formulation. Four areas of cooperation that would improve energy security in China and India, as well as globally, are identified: 1) support for the promotion of energy efficiency, 2) assistance in the development of clean coal and gas technology for electricity production, 3) a campaign for engaging the world?s great powers in a major research effort to develop transportation technologies that do not depend on oil, 4) assistance in the nomination and promotion of Indian and Chinese candidature for IEA membership..."
Creator/author: Stein Tønnesson, Åshild Kolås
Source/publisher: International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO)
2006-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2007-11-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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