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Sub-title: Announcement regarding illegal issuance, sale and distribution of government securities
Description: "1. It has come to the attention of the Ministry that the illegal military council, a designated terrorist organisation, through its subordinate institutions, have been raising desperately needed funds in the form of public debt through quarterly sale of government securities in the domestic market in order to perpetuate their illegal and tenuous hold on power and to prosecute their murderous reign of terror against the people; and that the auction calendar for the second quarter of the fiscal year 2023/2024 is as follows: 2. Pursuant to the Law Amending the Public Debt Management Law (Third Amendment), the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Law No 4, 2021), all activities pertaining to the issuance, sale and distribution of government securities shall be conducted only with the express approval of the National Unity of Government. Any auctions of debt conducted without the approval of the National Unity Government shall result in no lawful liability on the State or the Government, and shall give rise to no valid claim against the State or the Government, as delineated under the following sections of the Law: Section 46: Any borrowing, debt or liability incurred by, or on behalf of, a Restricted Entity on or after 1 February 2021 shall not constitute a Government Debt, or Public Debt or Publicly Guaranteed Debt. All agreements, instruments or guarantees entered into by, or on behalf of, a Restricted Entity in connection with such borrowing, debt or liability shall have no binding legal effect on the State of the Government. Section 47: No claims shall be made against the State of the Government or any successor body in connection with any borrowing, debt, liabilities or debt servicing of a Restricted Entity. 3. It is hereby further reiterated that no legal claim shall be levied against the State or the Government in association with the debts accrued through government securities, raised by the illegal military council and its subordinate institutions, from or after 1 February 2021..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
2023-06-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: အစိုးရငွေချေးသက်သေခံလက်မှတ်များ တရားမဝင်ထုတ်ဝေရောင်းချ၍ ငွေချေးယူနေခြင်းနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်းသည့်ကြေညာချက်
Description: "၁။ အကြမ်းဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းအဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ကြေညာထားပြီးဖြစ်သည့် တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ယင်း၏ လက်အောက်ခံအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် ၎င်းတို့သက်ဆိုးရှည် စေရန်နှင့်ပြည်သူလူထုအား အကြမ်းဖက်သတ်ဖြတ်နိုင်ရန် အရေးပေါ်လိုအပ်နေသော ဘတ်ဂျက်လိုငွေ ဖြည့်ဆည်းနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အစိုးရငွေချေးသက်သေခံလက်မှတ်များကို ၃ လပတ်အလိုက် အချိန် ဇယား ရေးဆွဲပြီး ပြည်တွင်း၌ ထုတ်ဝေရောင်းချ၍ ငွေချေးယူလျက်ရှိကြောင်းနှင့် ၂၀၂၃-၂၀၂၄ ခု၊ ဘဏ္ဍာရေးနှစ် ဒုတိယသုံးလပတ်အတွက် အောက်ပါအတိုင်း ထုတ်ဝေရောင်းချ၍ ငွေချေးယူရန် စီစဉ်ဆောင်ရွက်နေကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်- ၂။ ပြည်သူ့ကြွေးမြီ စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုဥပဒေကို တတိယအကြိမ်ပြင်ဆင်သည့်ဥပဒေ (၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ပြည်ထောင်စုလွှတ်တော် ဥပဒေအမှတ် ၄) အရ အစိုးရငွေချေးသက်သေခံလက်မှတ်များ ထုတ်ဝေ ရောင်းချ၍ ငွေချေးယူခြင်းကို အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သဘောတူခွင့်ပြုချက်ဖြင့်သာ ဆောင်ရွက်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ ခွင့်ပြုချက်မရှိဘဲ ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတော် (သို့မဟုတ်) အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အပေါ် ဥပဒေအရ သက်ရောက်မှုရှိမည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံတော် (သို့မဟုတ်) အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အပေါ် တောင်းဆိုပိုင်ခွင့်ရှိမည် မဟုတ်ကြောင်းကို အောက်ပါ အတိုင်း အတိအလင်း ပြဋ္ဌာန်းပြီးဖြစ်သည်- ပုဒ်မ ၄၆။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ ကန့်သတ်ထားသော အဖွဲ့အစည်း တစ်ရပ်ရပ်၏ ငွေချေးယူခြင်း၊ ကြွေးမြီတင်ရှိခြင်း သို့မဟုတ် ပေးရန်တာဝန်ရှိခြင်းသည် အစိုးရကြွေးမြီ သို့မဟုတ် ပြည်သူ့ကြွေးမြီ သို့မဟုတ် နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အာမခံချက်ရှိသည့် ကြွေးမြီဟု မှတ်ယူခြင်းမပြုရ။ ထိုကဲ့သို့သော ငွေချေးခြင်း၊ ကြွေးမြီ သို့မဟုတ် ပေးရန်တာဝန် ရှိမှုတို့နှင့် စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ကန့်သတ်ထားသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ရပ်ရပ်မှ ချုပ်ဆိုထားသော သဘောတူညီချက်များ၊ စာချုပ်စာတမ်းများ သို့မဟုတ် အာမခံချက်များအားလုံးသည် နိုင်ငံတော် သို့မဟုတ် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အပေါ်တွင် ဥပဒေအရသက်ရောက်မှုမရှိစေရ။ ပုဒ်မ ၄၇။ ကန့်သတ်ထားသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခု၏ ချေးငွေ၊ ကြွေးမြီ၊ တာဝန်ဝတ္တရား များ သို့မဟုတ် ကြွေးမြီဝန်ဆောင်မှုနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ နိုင်ငံတော် သို့မဟုတ် အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အပေါ် တွင် တောင်းဆိုပိုင်ခွင့်မရှိစေရ။ ၃။ သို့ဖြစ်ပါ၍ တရားမဝင် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ၎င်း၏လက်အောက်ခံအဖွဲ့အစည်း များက ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့မှစ၍ ထုတ်ဝေရောင်းချပြီး ငွေချေးယူနေသည့် အစိုးရ ငွေချေးသက်သေခံလက်မှတ်များအားလုံးသည် အစိုးရကြွေးမြီ (သို့မဟုတ်) ပြည်သူ့ကြွေးမြီ (သို့မဟုတ်)နိုင်ငံတော်၏အာမခံချက်ရှိသည့်ကြွေးမြီများ မဟုတ်သည့်အတွက် နိုင်ငံတော် (သို့မဟုတ်) အစိုးရအဖွဲ့အပေါ် တောင်းဆိုပိုင်ခွင့်မရှိကြောင်း အသိပေးကြေညာလိုက်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Planning, Finance and Investment - NUG
2023-06-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "Woodside has decided to withdraw from its interests in Myanmar. Woodside has operated in Myanmar since 2013. conducting multiple exploration and dr i lling campaigns. It holds a 40% participating interest in the A -6 Joint Venture as joint operator and participating interests in exploration permits AD-1 and A D-8. Woodside had previously announced that it was placing all Myanmar business decisions under review following the State of Emergency ded ared in February 2021 and the deteriorating human rights situation in the country. In 2021 Woodside completed the relinquishment o f exploration permits covering offshore Blocks AD-2. AD-5 and A -4 and is in the process o f withdrawing from Blocks AD-8 . AD-7 and A-7. Woodside w ill now commence arrangements to formally e xit B locks AD- 1 and AD-8 , the A -6 Joint Venture and the A -6 production sharing contract (PSC) held w ith the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). The non-cash expense associated with the decision to w ithdraw from Blocks A -6 and AD-1 is expected to impact 2021 net profit a fter tax (NPAT) by approximately US$138 million. This is in addition to the US$71 million exploration and evaluation expense for B lock AD-7 disclosed in Woodside's Fourth Quarter Report on 20 January 2022. These costs w ill be excluded from underlying NPAT fo r the purposes of calculating the dividend. Woodside CEO Meg O'Neill said while W oodside had hoped to develop the A -6 gas resources w ith its joint venture participants and deliver much-needed energy to the Myanmar people, there was no longer a viable option fo r Woodside to continue its activities. "Woodside has been a responsible foreign investor in Myanmar since 2013 w ith our conduct guided by the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and other relevant international standards. "Given the ongoing situation in Myanmar we can no longer contemplate Woodside’s participation in the development o f the A-6 gas resources, nor other future activities in-country." she said..."
Source/publisher: Woodside Petroleum
2022-01-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-27
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Sub-title: Dictatorship must be resisted, but that’s not enough. Solving the country’s economic crisis could transform society
Description: "Myanmar is facing an economic and humanitarian disaster of epic proportions. There is an urgent need to protect the poorest and most vulnerable and provide assistance in a way that doesn’t entrench dictatorship. Equally important is to use this crisis to transform Myanmar’s incredibly unequal and singularly exploitative political economy. It’s the key to democratic change. It’s also the key to creating a fairer, as well as a freer and more prosperous, society. The army’s coup d’état in February has been followed by strikes and protests, and intense repression. The army has not been able to consolidate its coup and has instead unwittingly unleashed revolutionary movements determined to end the military’s role in politics once and for all. Years of turbulence lie ahead. Meanwhile, the economy has collapsed, with tens of millions of people descending fast into extreme poverty and the World Food Programme estimating that 3.4 million people will be unable to feed themselves properly within the next six months. The healthcare system has also collapsed, jeopardising the lives of many more, including the several hundred thousand people dependent on TB and HIV drugs and the 950,000 infants normally inoculated each year against measles, polio and other diseases. There is now next to no Covid-19 testing and no possibility of large-scale vaccination. The proximate cause of the unfolding catastrophe is the coup and its aftermath but understanding the history of Myanmar’s political economy is critical for thinking about what may come next. Myanmar’s economy under British rule was based on the immigration of Indian labourers and the export of primary commodities. After independence in 1948, politics was dominated by the left and efforts to overturn the colonial legacies. But in the late 1980s a new army junta ended the “Burmese way to socialism”, creating new markets, in particular around extractive industries tied to China’s industrial revolution next door. Taxation and social services were practically non-existent. Inequality skyrocketed and a mix of climate change and massive land confiscations drove millions to Thailand in search of work. In the uplands, alongside a patchwork of army battalions, militia and ethnic minority forces, were money-making networks far richer than even the men with guns, including a methamphetamine racket said by the UN to be worth billions. The political reforms of the past 10 years were not accompanied by any structural change to the economy. The army took a big step back from business, and liberalisation led to more foreign competition as well as growth in a few sectors such as tourism, property and telecoms. A small middle class emerged but most Myanmar people continued to live on the edge of violence and extreme poverty, including the most vulnerable: upland farmers, landless villagers, new urban slum-dwellers, people of South Asian descent and other minorities. The ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya in 2017 was unmatched in scale and brutality. But the Myanmar state has long failed many of its peoples. With the pandemic came an economic shock that sent an already fragile economy into a tailspin, the result of lockdowns and disruptions to foreign trade. The garment sector, the country’s one promising manufacturing industry, was brought to its knees. An international study last October found that income poverty (people making less than $1.90 (£1.36) a day) had risen from 16% to 63% of the population. There was almost no state support. Now in the aftermath of the coup, the economy is at a virtual standstill. A general strike coupled with the army’s internet blockages have shut down much of the financial system, disrupting business and payroll payments worth the equivalent of billions of US dollars a month. With confidence plummeting and the central bank unwilling or unable to provide needed liquidity, families are hoarding as much cash as possible. It’s difficult to imagine how ordinary people will survive these coming months, especially the rural poor, most of whom are landless and entirely dependent on casual work. However, the army regime is likely to survive any economic downturn because Myanmar’s system has never veered far from the one that grew up under past juntas and under the toughest possible western sanctions. The new businesses of the past decade, such as manufacturing, will wither, old ones, such as timber and mining, will gain renewed ground, and illicit ones in the uplands, from narcotics to money-laundering and wildlife trafficking will flourish in the protracted instability to come. Whatever happens, the international priority should be to ensure that Myanmar’s poor and vulnerable communities are able to receive the assistance needed to stay alive, with special attention paid to children’s inoculations. But this must be done with political skill, so as not to undermine chances for the radical political changes to government that the vast majority of people desperately want. Today’s revolutionary movements aim to cut revenues to the junta and are willing to pay a high economic cost. But a successful transition will come over years, not months, and it’s important to identify the economic landscape best suited for democratic change. Measures to weaken the junta that inadvertently strengthen the hand of transnational criminal networks may lead not to state collapse but a mutated political order, one that will take generations to unwind. Dictatorship must be resisted but democracy is not enough. Over recent months, a new generation of leaders have come to the fore and many have rejected the ethno-nationalism at the heart of Myanmar politics, seeking fresh alliances across racial, ethnic and religious divides. This is not only welcome but essential for any future success. But there should also be a focus on issues of inequality and underdevelopment, protecting the vulnerable now, while reimagining and mobilising around a fairer political economy of tomorrow..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2021-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: State Dominance in Myanmar, by Tin Maung Maung Than. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, P472... Burma?s economic development reflects the history of failed dictatorships... "The Political Economy of Industrialization,? the subtitle of Dr Tin Maung Maung Than?s recently released State Dominance in Myanmar, may be perplexing to those who perceive industrialization as modernization, impersonal bureaucratization and the welfare state formation of the West over the past two centuries. Is there such a thing as industrialization in Burma? Tin Maung Maung Than?s answer is an unequivocal ?Yes.? He defines industry, following the late American economist Simon Kuznets, as ?encompassing manufacturing and processing of agricultural, forest, marine and mineral products as well as electricity production.? The first few chapters will convince the reader that the tradition of planned economy in Burma is deeply rooted in ?the negative experience of laissez-faire economy? for the locals under colonial rule. It had also emerged from the leftist ideas and ?lingering notions? of the nationalist leaders, led by Gen Aung San..."
Creator/author: Ko Ko Thett
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 15, No. 4
2007-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2008-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: �hnlich der Entwicklung der politischen Verhältnisse lassen sich auch in der wirtschaftlichen Ordnung bemerkenswerte Parallelen zwischen der vor- und der postkolonialen �ra in Burma beobachten. Am auffälligsten ist dabei die Tradition einer dirigistischen Wirtschaftspolitik. Soziale Verhältnisse; History of Economy; Social conditions
Creator/author: René Hingst
Source/publisher: Heinrich-Boell-Stiftung
2007-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2007-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: German, Deutsch
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